Journal articles on the topic 'Ministers'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Ministers.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Ministers.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
BERLINSKI, SAMUEL, TORUN DEWAN, and KEITH DOWDING. "The Length of Ministerial Tenure in the United Kingdom, 1945–97." British Journal of Political Science 37, no. 2 (March 20, 2007): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123407000129.
Full textAbstract:
We analyse the determinants of ministerial hazard rates in Britain from 1945 to 1997. We focus on three sets of attributes (i) personal characteristics of the minister; (ii) political characteristics of the minister; and (iii) characteristics pertaining to the government in which the minister serves. We find that educational background increases ministers' capacity to survive, that female ministers have lower hazard rates and older ministers have higher hazard rates. Experienced ministers have higher hazard rates than newly appointed ministers. Ministerial rank increases a minister's capacity to survive, with full cabinet members having the lowest hazard rates in our sample.We use different strategies to control for the characteristics of the government the minister serves in. Our results are robust to any of these controls.
2
Krasnikova, Yu N. "Competence Expansion of the Minister’s First Comrade of the Appanage Department in the First Half of the 19<sup>th</sup> Century." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 22, no. 1 (January 15, 2023): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2023-22-1-64-77.
Full textAbstract:
When the position of Minister was established in the Russian Empire, a comrade was appointed as his assistant. Initially, the law did not stipulate the number of comrades or the specific scope of their duties. State institutions themselves created regulatory documents that set up the competence of the Minister's comrades. The general rules describing the functions of the comrade were adopted in 1811. Initially, the competence of the Minister's comrades was insignificant. Moreover, some ministers were not looking for assistants, the positions remained unoccupied. Due to the increase in the Ministers’ clerical correspondence and workload, the number of functions of the Minister’s Comrade increased in the second quarter of the 19th century. Several comrades served in the Appanage Department since its establishment. Each comrade had his own responsibilities. The Minister’s first comrade concentrated the great power in his hand. In 1828, new rules were adopted in the Appanage Department, which significantly expanded the competence of the Minister’s first comrade. The position was renamed Vice-President and moved up to a higher position in the Table of Ranks. The Vice-president of the Appanage Department acted as the head of the Department, especially in the moments of the Minister’s absence. The outstanding position of the Minister’s first comrade unlike the rest of the comrades was determined not only by the need to expand his responsibilities but also by the personal motives of Emperor Nicholas I as well.
3
DEWAN, TORUN, and DAVID P. MYATT. "Scandal, Protection, and Recovery in the Cabinet." American Political Science Review 101, no. 1 (February 2007): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070025.
Full textAbstract:
Empirical evidence suggests that a prime minister benefits from firing ministers who are involved in political scandals. We explore a model in which scandals are positively related to policy activism, so that a prime minister may wish to protect a minister from resignation calls. We find that protection can sometimes discourage activism: it enhances the value of a minister's career and hence encourages him to “sit tight” by moderating his activities. On the other hand, an exogenous increase in exposure to scandals may lead a minister to “live for today” by pursuing controversial policies. The prime minister's ability to protect ministers is limited by her short-term incentive to fire. She may, however, enhance her credibility by building a collective reputation with the cabinet; the heterogeneity of cabinet membership plays an important role.
4
Lewis, J. P. "Elite Attitudes on the Centralization of Power in Canadian Political Executives: A Survey of Former Canadian Provincial and Federal Cabinet Ministers, 2000–2010." Canadian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 4 (December 2013): 799–819. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423913000905.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract. In contemporary Canada, the idea of the powerful first minister is widely acknowledged. The recent debate has focused on Donald Savoie's thesis that the concentration of power to the centre has accelerated and ministers have effectively lost their influence on decision making in cabinet. This article identifies two research gaps. First, the study combines both the experiences of federal and provincial cabinet ministers to construct an understanding of Canadian cabinet decision making at both levels of government. Second, the research investigates the new generation of cabinet ministers; no study has yet consulted ministers of the 2000–2010 decade.Résumé. Dans le Canada contemporain, l'idée du premier ministre puissant est largement reconnue. Le débat récent s'est fixé sur la thèse de Donald Savoie que la concentration de pouvoir au centre a accéléré de le et les ministres ont perdu efficacement leur influence sur la prise de décision dans le cabinet. Cet article identifie deux écarts de recherche. Premièrement, l'étude combine les deux les expériences de ministres fédéraux et provinciaux pour construire une compréhension de prise de décision ministérielle Canadienne aux deux niveaux de gouvernement. Deuxième, la recherche examine la nouvelle génération de ministres – aucune étude a consulté pourtant des ministres de la 2000–2010 décennie.
5
Kerby, Matthew. "Combining the Hazards of Ministerial Appointment AND Ministerial Exit in the Canadian Federal Cabinet." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 3 (September 2011): 595–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000485.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract. The Canadian federal cabinet stands out among Westminster parliamentary democracies because of the large number of first-time ministers who are appointed to cabinet without any previous parliamentary or political experience. Several explanations have been put forward to account for this peculiarity but no attempt has been made to examine how Canadian prime ministers overcome the information deficit associated with appointing ministers with no experience. How can prime ministers be confident that they are making the right choice? This paper explores the subject by estimating the survival functions of ministerial turnover for potential, but not yet appointed, cabinet ministers were they to survive to a defined political benchmark; these survival rates are included in a logit model of Canadian ministerial appointment following four general elections (1957, 1979, 1984 and 2006) in which the prime minister was tasked with appointing a cabinet with ministerial neophytes.Résumé. Le Conseil des ministres fédéral du Canada se démarque dans l'ensemble des démocraties parlementaires britanniques en raison du grand nombre de ministres novices qui sont nommés au Conseil alors qu'ils ne possèdent aucune expérience parlementaire ou politique antérieure. Plusieurs explications de cette anomalie ont été proposées, mais aucune démarche d'analyse ne s'est encore penchée sur la manière dont les premiers ministres du Canada arrivent à surmonter le manque d'information associé à la nomination de ministres sans expérience. Comment les premiers ministres peuvent-ils être certains d'avoir fait le bon choix? Cette étude scrute le sujet en évaluant le coefficient de survie, en cas de remaniement ministériel, pour les ministres du Conseil potentiels, mais pas encore mandatés, advenant que ces derniers survivent à certains jalons politiques précis. Ces taux de survie font partie intégrante d'un modèle de répartition des nominations ministérielles qui sont survenues à la suite de quatre élections générales (1957, 1979, 1984 et 2006) où le premier ministre a dû constituer un Conseil des ministres composé de néophytes.
6
Bakvis, Herman. "Regional Ministers, National Policies and the Administrative State in Canada: The Regional Dimension in Cabinet Decision-Making, 1980–1984." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (September 1988): 539–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390005681x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractRegional ministers, it is said, have declined in importance over the past three decades. While granting the disappearance of figures whose influence spanned broad regions, this article argues that in the last cabinet of Pierre Trudeau (1980–1984) the regional minister system was to a degree revived and formalized within the context of cabinet decision-making. The impact of this system is examined with respect to regional development and employment creation programmes. To account for the renewed influence of regional ministers, attention is focussed on changes in the machinery of government and on the political and economic climate of the time. The case of one minister in particular, Lloyd Axworthy, suggests that a contemporary regional minister's success is dependent primarily on the ability to mobilize the resources of the administrative state.
7
Huber, John D. "The Vote of Confidence in Parliamentary Democracies." American Political Science Review 90, no. 2 (June 1996): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082884.
Full textAbstract:
I present a formal model of the confidence vote procedure, an institutional arrangement that permits a prime minister to attach the fate of a particular policy to a vote on government survival. The analysis indicates that confidence vote procedures make it possible for prime ministers to exercise significant control over the nature of policy outcomes, even when these procedures are not actually invoked. Neither cabinet ministers, through their authority over specific portfolios, nor members of parliament, through the use of no-confidence motions, can counteract the prime minister's policy control on the floor of parliament. The analysis also illuminates the circumstances under which prime ministers should invoke confidence vote procedures, focusing attention on the position-taking incentives of the parties that support the government, rather than on the level of policy conflict between the government and parliament.
8
Cranmer, Frank. "Methodist Ministers: Employees or Office-holders?" Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, no. 3 (August 15, 2013): 316–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13000446.
Full textAbstract:
The issue of whether or not a minister of religion is an employee or an office-holder came before the Supreme Court in an action for unfair constructive dismissal against the Methodist Church. The Court held by a majority of four to one that, on the basis of the Church's Deed of Union and Standing Orders, the terms of engagement of ministers were not contractual for the purposes of employment law and that a minister's duties were not consensual. The judgment moderates somewhat the impact of the earlier judgment of the House of Lords in Percy v Board of National Mission of the Church of Scotland – and makes the employment status of ministers even more sensitive to the facts of the individual case than it was before.1
9
Rapajić, Milan. "First minister (prime minister) of the Fifth French Republic: Between the significant constitutional position and the prevailing practice in the shadow of the head of state." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 55, no. 1 (2021): 223–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns55-32351.
Full textAbstract:
One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.
10
King, Anthony, and Nicholas Allen. "‘Off With Their Heads’: British Prime Ministers and the Power to Dismiss." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (February 22, 2010): 249–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340999007x.
Full textAbstract:
The British prime minister’s power to appoint and dismiss ministers is probably his most important single power. This article explores how prime ministers from Macmillan to Blair have used that power. The article considers the criteria that prime ministers use when choosing to appoint or dismiss individuals from office before examining the calculations and miscalculations that prime ministers have made in practice. Finally, the article analyses the way that prime ministers have exercised, in particular, their power to dismiss and finds that Thatcher was far more likely than others to sack cabinet colleagues on ideological or policy grounds. The article emphasizes that prime ministers’ relationships with especially powerful ministers – ‘big beasts of the jungle’ – are crucial to an understanding of British government at the top.
11
Roy, Subrata. "Stock Market Asymmetry and Investors’ Sensation on Prime Minister: Indian Evidence." Jindal Journal of Business Research 9, no. 2 (November 17, 2020): 148–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2278682120968970.
Full textAbstract:
This study empirically examines the growth of return, volatility shocks, market efficiency and investors’ sentiment on prime ministers during their administration as a prime minister. Thus, various volatility forecasting measures are applied. It is observed that BSE return does not follow a random walk and inefficient during their tenures as a prime minister. ARCH measure confirms about volatility clustering. According to the EGARCH measure leverage effect does not exist, but the presence of this effect based on TARCH during the tenure of few prime ministers. Finally, the investors are trustful to those prime ministers who are elected from the Indian National Congress according to the growth of return.
12
Thorbjørnsen, Svein Olaf, and Magne Supphellen. "Ethics from Pulpits of the Church of Norway: A Self-Report Survey of Social-Ethical Issues." Journal of Empirical Theology 31, no. 2 (November 21, 2018): 167–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341372.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract To what extent do Norwegian ministers deal with social-ethical issues in their sermons? While we examine the frequency of such topics in this article, we primarily explore the potential determinants of their priorities in discussing these issues: their individual backgrounds, their ethical and political orientations, the local parish characteristics and the ministers’ sources of inspiration in preparing sermons. The results shows that different ethical orientations appear to be largely unrelated to the frequency of addressing social-ethical issues. Experiences in nature are the most important source of inspiration. The school at which the minister was trained has a significant impact on frequency, while political orientation has a very weak influence. Different parish characteristics—affluence and level of social challenges—and the age and marital status of the clergy do have an impact on which issues are given priority. The minister’s gender and geographical location both have no effect.
13
Kitler, Waldemar. "Organizational preparation of central public administration bodies to manage the implementation of defense tasks. Part II. Organization of administrative offices of the supreme government administration bodies for the coordination of defense tasks." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 198, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 780–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.5860.
Full textAbstract:
The second part of the report on the research on the organizational preparation of administrative offices supporting the supreme government administration bodies in the implementation of defense tasks is devoted to the characteristics and assessment of the organization of organizational units of administrative offices supporting the Council of Ministers, the prime minister, and the ministers managing government administration departments. The extensive nature of tasks in this matter and, consequently, the responsibility for their implementation resting on the Council of Ministers, the prime minister and ministers, is the basis for assessing the current state of organization of the administrative governments serving these bodies. Already in the Constitution and in ordinary acts, the role of the Council of Ministers and the prime minister were appreciated, with less attention being paid to ministers and heads of government administration departments. After 2010, the legal conditions for ensuring a uniform organizational and substantively competent structure of administrative offices in terms of defense, and more broadly also national security, were even worse. Only after 2016, and especially starting from 2019, hopeful organizational changes took place in this matter. And all this in view of the apparent lack of appropriate regulations in the field of defense law. The research leads to the conclusion that a holistic approach to national security issues, including national defense, is necessary to recognize the criteria of necessary legal and organizational changes to achieve planning, organizational, coordination, and control capabilities of the supreme government administration bodies in the field of defense.
14
Cullerton, Katherine, Tom White, and Amanda Lee. "Doctors Rule: An Analysis of Health Ministers’ Diaries in Australia." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 13 (July 9, 2019): 2440. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16132440.
Full textAbstract:
Limited progress in nutrition policy action is often blamed on the close relationships the food industry has with health policy decision-makers. This analysis sought to examine this belief through the analysis of health ministers’ diaries. Entries were downloaded from health ministers’ diaries from two states in Australia from January 2013 to June 2018. Entries were coded according to which interest group met with the minister or whether general parliamentary business was undertaken. Coding was also undertaken for any meeting topics related to nutrition policy. Analysis of health ministers’ diaries found that the food industry has limited documented interaction with the two state health ministers in Australia. Instead, medical associations, private hospitals and health services, and sporting associations (rugby league associations) had the most interactions with health ministers. Poor representation was seen on nutrition issues, and there was an apparent lack of nutrition advocates interacting with the health ministers. There are opportunities for nutrition advocates to increase their level of interaction with state health ministers. This could include building alliances with medical associations, as they are in a powerful position, to advocate directly to health ministers. Health ministers’ diaries can provide valuable insights into who is meeting officially with ministers. However, there are also limitations with the dataset.
15
Dunleavy, Patrick, G. W. Jones, Jane Burnham, Robert Elgie, and Peter Fysh. "Leaders, Politics and Institutional Change: The Decline of Prime Ministerial Accountability to the House of Commons, 1868–1990." British Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (July 1993): 267–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006621.
Full textAbstract:
In the Westminster system the prime minister's active participation in parliamentary proceedings is a key mechanism for ensuring the accountability of the executive. We survey the evolution of the four main prime ministerial activities across the period 1868–1990. There has been a long-term decline in prime ministers' speeches in the Commons, a stepped decline in debating interventions and a significant decrease in question-answering from the late nineteenth century to the 1950s. But prime ministerial statement-making increased after 1940, ebbing away again in the 1980s. And the downward drift in question-answering was halted by procedural innovations since the 1960s, which standardized the frequency of prime ministers' appearances and lead to the dominance of ‘open’ questions. We trace the varied impacts of institutional changes and shorter-term political or personal influences. The direct accountability of the prime minister to Parliament has undoubtedly declined, a trend probably paralleled by decreasing indirect accountability. These findings raise fundamental questions about executive-legislature relations in the United Kingdom
16
Wright, Sheila. "Quakerism and its Implications for Quaker Women: the Women Itinerant Ministers of York Meeting, 1780-1840." Studies in Church History 27 (1990): 403–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400012201.
Full textAbstract:
In York Monthly Meeting, women ministers were to become dominant by the end of the eighteenth century, having been outnumbered by men since the beginning of the century. The Meeting for Ministers and Elders appears to have degenerated between 1726 and 1768 under the stewardship of Nathaniel Bell and Daniel Peacock. At the same time, female influence in the Meeting suffered a hiatus, the Meeting ceasing to send female representatives to the Quarterly Meeting in about 1718. This situation continued until 1783, when women once again began to feature strongly in the Meeting of Ministers and Elders; they were appointed to the positions of elder and minister and resumed sending representatives to Quarterly Meetings. From 1706 to 1775, York Meeting had 7 male ministers, of whom 4 were itinerant. There were 5 female ministers; 3 made more than one journey in the ministry. From 1775 to 1860 there were 11 male ministers, 2 being itinerant. There were 20 female ministers, of whom 11 made regular journeys in the ministry.
17
Meetarbhan, M. J. N. "Extra-Constitutional Parliamentary Private Secretaries in Mauritius." Journal of African Law 35, no. 1-2 (1991): 194–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008433.
Full textAbstract:
In a recent analysis of the constitutional position of Parliamentary Private Secretaries (P.P.S.s) in the United Kingdom Professor Norton concludes that they “occupy an important twilight zone between ministers and backbenchers. Though remaining among the latter, they assume certain characteristics of the former.” Mauritius, which like many Commonwealth countries has a constitutional regime largely inspired by the British model, has recently created an innovative role for P.P.S.s who operate at sub-ministerial level but are not unpaid helpers to ministers as in the U.K. It is the intention of this article to critically examine this role.The Mauritian Constitution originally provided for a Cabinet consisting of the Prime Minister and up to 14 ministers who were all members of the Legislative Assembly, except for the Attorney-General. Under section 66 of the Constitution, the Governor General acting in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister could appoint up to five Parliamentary Secretaries from among members of the Assembly “to assist Ministers in the performance of their duties”. Following the formation of a coalition government in 1969, the Constitution was amended so as to increase the number of Ministers to 20 and that of Parliamentary Secretaries to ten with Mauritius having a unicameral legislative assembly of 62 elected members and up to eight nominated members, the 1969 amendments enabled almost every other elected member to be appointed a Cabinet minister or Parliamentary Secretary.
18
Seldon, Anthony. "Prime ministers and near prime ministers." Contemporary Record 1, no. 3 (September 1987): 57–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13619468708580917.
Full text
19
Schmidt, Dennis. "Ministerial Tax Issues: On Wingo and a Prayer." ATA Journal of Legal Tax Research 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 78–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/jltr.2008.6.1.78.
Full textAbstract:
Special tax provisions apply to individuals who qualify as “ministers.” For example, they are allowed to exclude certain housing allowances from gross income and are exempt from federal tax withholdings. Most ministers are classified as employees, yet courts have also held some of them to be independent contractors. Minister-employees have a dual tax status. They are considered employees for income reporting, fringe benefit, and expense deducting purposes but are treated as self-employed persons for social security purposes. Because of their intricacies and material financial impact, special provisions that apply to ministers demand thorough legal analysis and careful tax planning. This article analyzes several key tax issues that confront ministers and provides a variety of tax planning ideas.
20
Dewi Sad Tanti, Dewi Sad Tanti. "Srikandi Heroin Discourse in Online News Framing Female Ministers of Indonesia." Jurnal Spektrum Komunikasi 10, no. 2 (June 27, 2022): 160–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.37826/spektrum.v10i2.323.
Full textAbstract:
This research is intended to mapping the depiction of the female minister as public officials in Indonesia. Through this research, it is expected to find out how the media package the character of female minister base on announced the composition of ministers in the cabinet. This research uses the framing framework developed by Robert N. Entman. This model is used to describe the selection process and highlight certain aspects of reality by the media. Framing Entman. Define Problems; How can Female Minister problems become an issue? How Economic Nation Impact form Female Minister? Or as a problem?, Diagnose Causes ; What is the reason for being called an female minister figure? What is considered the cause of a problem?, Make Moral judgement ; What moral values are presented to explain. What moral values are used to legitimize an female minister? and the last Treatment Recommendation , What solutions are offered to address female minister? What path is offered and main opinion to Female Minister? . Result of this research are Indonesia Online Media Online Media Frame 5 Female Ministers in Indonesia can be put together, the confirmation of women's success as leaders up to 2x is from the role of the family, the criteria for a leader to be trusted as a minister, trustworthy, competent and qualified in their field, in accordance with community support, supported by predecessor ministers , depicted like Heroine.
21
Alcantara, Christopher. "Ideas, Executive Federalism and Institutional Change: Explaining Territorial Inclusion in Canadian First Ministers' Conferences." Canadian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 1 (March 2013): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423913000152.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract.Official participation in Canadian First Ministers' Conferences has long been exclusive to federal and provincial first ministers. In March 1992, however, the membership of this intergovernmental arena was expanded permanently to include territorial premiers. Using the tools of historical institutionalism and drawing upon relevant literature and eleven elite interviews with former first ministers and senior civil servants, this paper seeks to explain why this instance of incremental institutional change occurred. It finds that significant friction between the institutional and ideational layers of the Canadian federation during a period of mega-constitutional reform allowed federal, provincial and territorial actors to draw upon ideas about democracy and the political and constitutional maturation of the territorial North to expand permanently the membership of First Ministers' Conferences.Résumé.Pendant longtemps, seuls les premiers ministres fédéral et provinciaux étaient admis officiellement à la conférence des premiers ministres du Canada. Toutefois, en mars 1992, ce sommet intergouvernemental était élargi en permanence de façon à accueillir les premiers ministres des territoires. À l'aide des outils de l'institutionnalisme historique, et en tirant parti de la documentation pertinente ainsi que de 11 entrevues menées auprès d'un groupe sélect d'ex-premiers ministres et de hauts fonctionnaires, cet article tente d'expliquer pourquoi nous avons assisté à un tel degré de changement constitutionnel. Nous en concluons que d'importantes frictions entre les niveaux institutionnel et idéationnel de la fédération canadienne au cours d'une période de réforme mégaconstitutionnelle ont permis aux acteurs fédéraux, provinciaux et territoriaux de s'inspirer d'idées portant sur la démocratie et sur le processus de maturation politique et constitutionnel du Nord territorial afin d'accroître en permanence le nombre de participants aux conférences des premiers ministres.
22
Burrett, Tina. "Explaining Japan’s Revolving Door Premiership: Applying the Leadership Capital Index." Politics and Governance 4, no. 2 (June 23, 2016): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v4i2.575.
Full textAbstract:
The tenure of Japanese prime ministers is famously short. Between 2006 and 2012 Japan changed prime minister once a year. What factors can explain Japan’s revolving-door premiership? To explore this puzzle, this article applies the <em>Leadership Capital Index</em> (LCI) developed by Bennister, ’t Hart and Worthy (2015) to case studies of the nine Japanese prime ministers holding office between 2000 and 2015. Leadership capital is the aggregate of leaders’ political resources: skills, relations and reputation. The LCI thus allows analysis of the interplay between individual capacities and contextual conditions in determining leaders’ ability to gain, maintain and deploy power. The LCI is applied to answer two questions. Firstly, what accounts for the short tenure of many Japanese premiers? In which of the LCI’s three leadership dimensions do Japanese leaders lack capital? Secondly, what forms of capital allow some prime ministers to retain office for longer than average (>2 years)? In particular, the article analyses the leadership of Junichiro Koizumi (2001–2006) Japan’s longest serving prime minister since the 1970s, and incumbent Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, who has held office for three years since December 2012. As well as utilising the LCI to comparatively analyse the tenure of Japan’s prime ministers, this article tests the applicability of the Index beyond Western parliamentary democracies.
23
Kamosiński, Sławomir. "Entrepreneurs and Entrepreneurship in the Exposé of the Prime Ministers: From Tadeusz Mazowiecki to Mateusz Morawiecki." Studia Historiae Oeconomicae 38, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 130–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sho-2020-0006.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The Prime Minister’s program speech, called the exposé, attracts particular attention. Its essence comes down to presenting the government’s program. In a few key words, the Prime Minister often summarizes the framework proposals of his government in terms of economic policy, social policy, education, health care, the army as well as individual social and professional groups. The words spoken by the Prime Minister, asking for confidence in the government that has just been formed set the direction for the entire Council of Ministers for subsequent years. In this regard, there is a need to examine the economic policy of every Prime Minister in office since 1989 considering entrepreneurs. What offer did the heads of government make to entrepreneurs, what kind of support could this group count on, how were the institutions supporting the economy and political institutions evaluated? The aim of this article is to find answers to the presented problems.
24
Claes, Willy. "Vice-Premiers en kernkabinetten : Een evaluatie van deze innovaties." Res Publica 42, no. 1 (March 31, 2000): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i1.18528.
Full textAbstract:
The function of Deputy Prime Minister is not specified in the Belgian Constitution, nevertheless it is imposed by force ofcustom. Since 1961, there have been in each government one or more Deputy Prime Ministers whether or not carrying the formal title. The Deputy Prime Minister was originally the number two in the government, behind the Prime Minister. Usually, he belongs to another party. Thanks to the competences attributed to him in the government, his position in his party and his natural authority and leadership, he tries, together with the prime minister, to manage the government in the right direction and to maintain the cohesion in the coalition. The Deputy Prime Minister is at the same time also in charge of a given ministry. The function of Deputy Prime Minister has become more important due to the increased influence of political parties within and upon the government. The Deputy Prime Minister acts now explicitly as spokesperson of his party within the government and defends the decisions of the government within his party. After the split of the national parties in a Flemish and a Walloon party and as consequence, the increase of parties in government, the number of Deputy Prime Ministers also increased. It became usual that each party in government had his own Deputy Prime Minister, even the party of the Prime Minister since the latter is considered to be politically neutral. Under the name of 'Cabinet for general affairs ', the 'kernkabinet' raised in1961 to handle all major problems and initiatives of the government. The 'kernkabinet' interpreted this rather vague description of its competences in a broad way. lts members were the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and some other senior ministers. Usually, an equilibrium on the basis of party- and language-affiliations was installed. In the second half of the 1970s, the role and the impact of the 'kernkabinet' increased gradually. The 'kernkabinet' had become a real decision-making institution, gathering several times a week. As a consequence, the role of the Council of Ministers on certain issues was degraded to merely ratify decisions taken by the 'kernkabinet'. Much critique was voiced on this evolution, especially upon the lack of transparency and efficiency.Although heavily criticized, the 'kernkabinet' has proved to be a very helpful instrument to take decisions on complex and delicate problems. In 1981, the 'kernkabinet' was formally abolished and in 1992, the Dehaene-government abolished all ministerial committees. Despite these abolitions, there was and still is nowadays the tendency to gather with the senior ministers to solve complex problems. De facto the kernkabinet holds strong.
25
Dvořák, Petr, and Michal Pink. "Nomination of Ministers According to the Areas of Electoral Support for Political Parties in Elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic." Politics in Central Europe 18, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 433–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2022-0019.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Following identification of the areas of electoral support for the ruling parties since 1996 and subsequent analysis of the selection of ministers by each party, it was found that centre-right parties nominated more ministers from their areas of electoral support, mainly from Prague and other large cities. On the other hand, left-wing parties nominated ministers from similar areas to centre-right parties, even if they did not draw their electoral support from there. The Public Affairs party, which was established in Prague, nominated all its ministers from Prague, despite the fact that for the party it was not an area of electoral support. It is evident that, for the completion of a minister’s mandate, it is not important whether he or she comes from an area of electoral support. Only TOP 09, the Greens and KDU-ČSL (1998 elections) used the nomination of ministers to maximise votes within electoral regions, which could be identified as areas of electoral support in the previous elections. On the other hand, with ODA and ANO 2011, ministers were used outside the territory of electoral support, which may be related to the improvement of the election result in regions where the party was not so successful.
26
HUBER, JOHN D., and CECILIA MARTINEZ-GALLARDO. "Replacing Cabinet Ministers: Patterns of Ministerial Stability in Parliamentary Democracies." American Political Science Review 102, no. 2 (May 2008): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000305540808012x.
Full textAbstract:
We examine the stability of individual ministers across parliamentary democracies. Our data show that this stability is only loosely related to the stability of cabinets, making it impossible to rely primarily on arguments about cabinet duration to explain patterns of individual stability. We argue that to explain patterns of individual stability, it is useful to focus on the problems that party leaders have in identifying which individuals have the qualities necessary to do their jobs well. The institutional powers of ministers, coalition attributes, and party-specific variables should affect the uncertainty that party leaders have about which individuals will be successful ministers, on one hand, and the ability of party leaders to replace unsuccessful ministers, on the other. Our empirical tests support these arguments. The analysis therefore has implications for expectations regarding the circumstances under which minister stability should positively or negatively influence the policymaking performance of government.
27
Luyirika, E., and F. Kiyange. "Engaging Health Ministers to Integrate Palliative Care Into National Health Systems in Africa." Journal of Global Oncology 4, Supplement 2 (October 1, 2018): 165s. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jgo.18.17200.
Full textAbstract:
Background and context: The African Palliative Care Association (APCA) is a pan-African entity aiming to strengthen health systems in Africa by integrating palliative care for life threatening illnesses. Africa has 54 states and 1.2 billion people with high burdens of cancer, HIV and other infectious and NDCs for which palliative care is needed. Most of them lack national palliative care policies, palliative care delivery system, access to controlled medicines and radiotherapy for treatment or palliation of cancer. Aim: The aim was for APCA to gather ministers of health from Africa to be informed about palliative care and have them support the setting up of sustainable palliative care models in their countries. Strategy/Tactics: The strategies involved contacting individual ministers by country and specifically sharing with them the evidence in terms of palliative care need, making them aware of national, regional and international frameworks that commit them to support palliative care integration into health systems, improving access to controlled medicines, radiotherapy and other palliative care interventions. These frameworks include their own national laws and policies, the 2012 African Common Position on access to controlled substances for pain control, the WHA resolutions related to palliative care and cancer and the international frameworks calling for balancing control and access to controlled medicines for medical and scientific use. APCA working with host ministers of health at the international triennial palliative care conference, organizes a preconference African ministers of health session on palliative care. Program/Policy process: The process involves engaging APCA partners to fund the ministers´ palliative care session. APCA then works with the minister of the host country to invite African ministers to a one-day session where selected ministers share their best practices and challenges. International agencies such as WHO, IAEA, INCB and UICC have a chance to update the ministers too. The host country provides security and protocol requirements while APCA and partners work on the technical input into the day´s program and the preparation of the declaration which is passed at the end of the session. Outcomes: Two ministers of health sessions on palliative care have been held. The first was cohosted with the Minister of Health of South Africa in 2013, attracted 92 delegates from 23 countries. It resulted into the Johannesburg Declaration with ministers committed to supporting palliative care and working together on a consensus before the 2014 WHA Palliative Care Resolution. The 2016 meeting was held in Kampala attracted 163 delegates from 48 countries who signed on the Kampala Declaration committing to implementing the WHA PC Resolution and availing essential technologies. What was learned: Ministers in Africa are open to engaging with civil society to improve the health system and access to cancer and palliative care.
28
Taylor, Simon J. "Crafting ministers." Theology 118, no. 2 (February 23, 2015): 98–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x14558977.
Full text
29
Doult, Bill. "New ministers." Nursing Management 8, no. 4 (July 2001): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/nm.8.4.4.s3.
Full text
30
Carroll, Royce, and Gary W. Cox. "Shadowing Ministers." Comparative Political Studies 45, no. 2 (September 20, 2011): 220–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414011421309.
Full text
31
Kavanagh, Dennis, and David Richards. "Prime Ministers, Ministers and Civil Servants in Britain." Comparative Sociology 2, no. 1 (2003): 175–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418744.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper examines a variety of recent challenges to the British political system and assesses the impact on the two key political elites in Britain - ministers and civil servants. It analyses their response to these challenges and argues that both ministers and civil servants have been adept at pursuing a public strategy of greater openness, inclusivity and flexibility, while privately remaining a homogenous elite with a tight hold on power. This appears to have continued, despite the 1997 change in government. The British political elites have been successful at ensuring the continuation of plurality without pluralism in the political system.
32
Berz, Jan. "All the prime minister’s glory? Leader effects and accountability of prime ministers in parliamentary elections." Politics 40, no. 4 (March 5, 2020): 444–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395720907054.
Full textAbstract:
Are prime ministers held accountable for their government’s performance? The personalisation of parliamentary elections and subsequent voting behaviour based on the personality of party leaders questions the accountability of elected governments. In this article, I analyse the confounding of prime ministers’ leader effects by voters’ evaluation of government performance to examine whether prime ministers are held accountable for the performance of their government. I use individual-level data from British, Danish, and German elections and a natural experiment at the German state level to show that voters hold prime ministers personally accountable. The findings constitute an important extension of electoral accountability and have implications for the study of personalisation and presidentialisation in parliamentary democracies.
33
Kwang Ho, Jung, and Choi Jong Won. "Institutional Leadership and Perceived Performance: Evidence from the Korean Minister Survey." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 26, no. 2 (August 31, 2011): 45–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps26203.
Full textAbstract:
Few empirical studies have explored Selznick`s ideas on institutional leadership`s role in creating, nourishing, and maintaining public institutions. Reconsidering and expanding Selznick`s perspective, this study explores how perceived ministerial performance is associated with institutional leadership styles. Using data from the 2007 Korean Minister Survey, this study develops five types of institutional leadership (visionary, persuasive, resilient, coalition network, and maintaining) derived from an exploratory factor analysis and tests their association with ministers` performance. It suggests that visionary leadership and persuasive leadership are the primary determinants of Korean ministers` performance, and their effects are greater for ministers without presidential support. Resilient leadership and coalition network leadership are also significantly associated with ministers` performance, but maintaining leadership has little effect on it. Moderating effects on the relationship between leadership type and performance include presidential support and the presence of a performance crisis. Further research is needed to develop different measures for ministerial performance from different sources in order to avoid the common method bias.
34
INDRIDASON, INDRIDI H., and CHRISTOPHER KAM. "Cabinet Reshuffles and Ministerial Drift." British Journal of Political Science 38, no. 4 (July 14, 2008): 621–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000318.
Full textAbstract:
A model of policy implementation in a parliamentary democracy as delegation between the prime minister and her cabinet ministers is introduced. Cabinet reshuffles can be pursued as a strategy to reduce the agency loss which occurs due to the different preferences of the actors. This work thus explains why prime ministers resort to reshuffles: cabinet reshuffles reduce the moral hazard facing ministers. This answer both augments and distinguishes this work from traditional perspectives on reshuffles that have emphasized the deleterious effects of reshuffles on ministerial capacity, and also from recent work that casts reshuffles as solutions to the adverse-selection problems inherent in cabinet government. The conclusion offers a preliminary test of some of the hypotheses generated by this theory.
35
Jäckle, Sebastian. "Voluntary Withdrawals, Forced Resignations, Collective Retirements or Just Bad Fortune? A Competing Risks Analysis of Ministerial Turnover in the German Länder (1990-2010)." German Politics and Society 34, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 54–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340103.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores the determinants of ministerial duration within the German Länder between 1990 and 2010. In arguing that different terminal events ceasing ministerial tenures should be analyzed separately, it distinguishes four exit types: voluntary, forced, collective (ministers leaving office because their whole party does so) and exits that are neither volitional acts of the minister nor politically induced. Depending on the exit type, competing-risks Cox-models show different effects for one and the same variable on the hazard for ministerial turnover. Seniority in high-level politics for example helps not to be forced out of office while it has no effect on voluntary or collective exits. Heading an important ministry on the other hand increases the chances to rise to other positions in high politics or private business, but does not impact the other two hazards. The analysis furthermore shows that the principal-agent-logic known from Westminster systems with the prime minister being largely sovereign in hiring and firing cabinet members must be adapted to the German context of frequent coalition governments. In coalition governments, only ministers from the same party as the prime minister exhibit higher hazards for forced exits, while ministers from other coalition partners are much safer in that regard.
36
INOGUCHI, TAKASHI. "Executive Turnovers September 2003–September 2004." Japanese Journal of Political Science 5, no. 2 (November 2004): 331–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109904001562.
Full textAbstract:
Executive turnovers during September 2003 and September 2004 were moderate, as was the case the preceding year. The reason for this is that Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has made it a rule to limit change of cabinet members (Inoguchi, 2004). The Liberal Democratic Party's Presidential election took place in September 2003, giving approval to Koizumi to continue without rival candidates. Koizumi reshuffled his cabinet on September 22, with key cabinet ministers kept intact. They included Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda, Foreign Minister Yoriko Kawaguchi, Welfare and Labor Minister Chikara Sakaguchi, Economics, Finance and Monetary Affairs Minister Heizo Takenaka. Besides a portfolio to each of the two coalition partners, Koizumi saw to it: (1) that the execution of his structural reform would be spearheaded by a non-compromising reformist academic, Takenaka; (2) that faction-based appointments be reduced to a minimum by appointing those who are not tainted by old-fashioned factional affiliations and ties, i.e., three non-parliamentary members and four female ministers.
37
James, Oliver, Nicolai Petrovsky, Alice Moseley, and George A. Boyne. "The Politics of Agency Death: Ministers and the Survival of Government Agencies in a Parliamentary System." British Journal of Political Science 46, no. 4 (January 20, 2015): 763–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000477.
Full textAbstract:
This article extends the theory of government agency survival from separation of powers to parliamentary government systems. It evaluates expectations of increased risk to agencies following transitions in government, prime minister or departmental minister, and from incongruence between the originally establishing and currently overseeing political executive. Using survival models for UK executive agencies between 1989 and 2012, the study finds that politics trumps performance. Ministers seek to make their mark by terminating agencies created by previous ministers, which is reinforced by high media attention to the agency. Performance against agency targets is not associated with higher termination risk, and replacement agencies do not perform any better than those that were terminated. Financial autonomy provides some protection for agencies that are less dependent on budgetary appropriations.
38
Russell, Peter H. "A Project to Reduce Canadians' Constitutional Illiteracy." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 25, no. 3 (November 21, 2016): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9ht18.
Full textAbstract:
How is it determined who is prime minister? Does the leader of the party that wins the most seats in the House of Commons, or that gets the most votes in the election automatically become prime minister? Who appoints cabinet ministers? Do cabinet ministers have to be MPs? Who appoints deputy ministers? What are deputy ministers? What are parliamentary secretaries? What is the PCO? What is the PMO? How is the Governor General selected? What are the Governor General’s powers? What is the role of the Queen in governing Canada? What contact, if any, can senior civil servants have with opposition parties? What contact, if any, can government leaders have with judges? How are treaties with foreign countries ratified? Why does Canada have treaties with Aboriginal peoples? Are there any constraints on federal spending in areas of provincial responsibility? What is the constitutional status of the northern territories and how does the federal government’s relationship with them differ from its relations with the provinces?A Canadian citizen who wants to know how her country is governed should be able to get clear, authoritative answers to these questions without much trouble; so should a civics teacher in a school classroom or a person preparing immigrants for Canadian citizenship. These are not small technical questions — they are basic to knowing how Canadian government and democracy work — yet the citizen who looks for answers to these questions in the written text of Canada’s Constitution will look in vain.
39
Matthews, Lawrence E. "Bowen Family Systems Theory: A Resource for Pastoral Theologians." Review & Expositor 102, no. 3 (August 2005): 425–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463730510200307.
Full textAbstract:
Assuming that theological reflection is an integral dimension of the decision making process involved in shaping acts of pastoral ministry, this article explores Bowen Family Systems Theory (BFST) as a resource for ministers engaged in such reflection. A case study of a ministry situation of a pastor in a heterogeneous inner city congregation serves to illustrate the dual contribution BFST can make to a minister's ability to do this essential work. In the first place, the theory serves as a personal resource for the minister seeking to assume the non-reactive stance necessary for any attempt to understand more clearly the dynamics involved in a ministry situation. Closely related to this is the capacity of the theory's conceptual framework to provide an accurate and in-depth understanding of the often unrecognized but always determinative emotional process present in a situation. Enabling ministers to “see” these systemic dynamics is the unique contribution BFST can make to the first step, description, in John Macquarrie's three-dimensional methodology for doing theological reflection and, therefore, to the last two steps, interpretation and application. All three dimensions of Macquarrie's methodology are identified. The article also examines some of the possible causes for the frequent absence of theological reflection from the practice of ministry.
40
Durso, Pamela R. "This is what a minister looks like: The expanding Baptist definition of minister." Review & Expositor 114, no. 4 (November 2017): 520–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637317737512.
Full textAbstract:
In 1956, H. Richard Niebuhr and Daniel D. Williams asserted that to the traditional definition of minister as pastor-preacher must be added teacher, chaplain, missionary, evangelist, counselor, and countless others. What Niebuhr and Williams observed as happening within American churches in general was also true within Baptist churches. Beginning sometime around mid-century, Baptist churches hired staff members to lead and plan their music programs; to work with preschoolers, children, teenagers, college students, and senior adults; and to oversee administration, education, and recreational activities. Around the 1970s, some Baptist churches recognized and publicly identified these staff members as ministers and began ordaining them. Women were among these newly ordained ministers. By the 1980s and 1990s, the number of ordained Baptist women had increased significantly, and the number of recognized ministry positions both inside and outside the church also increased significantly. Women were obviously beneficiaries of the trend of ordaining as ministers those serving in positions other than pastor-preacher, or perhaps women were leading the way and were trendsetters for Baptists. Either way, Baptist women were in the mix in this move toward the broader definition of minister.
41
Martocchia Diodati, Nicola, Bruno Marino, and Benedetta Carlotti. "Prime Ministers unchained? Explaining Prime Minister Policy Autonomy in coalition governments." European Political Science Review 10, no. 4 (May 21, 2018): 515–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773918000085.
Full textAbstract:
The personalization of politics has become a central concern in political science. This is also true for parliamentary governments, where the Prime Minister has allegedly acquired an increasing relevance. Nonetheless, a key question remains unanswered: How can we estimate the Prime Minister Policy Autonomy (PMPA) in parliamentary governments? Moreover, what are the determinants of this autonomy? This article aims to answer these questions by proposing a novel and easily replicable index of PMPA, based on data from an analysis of Prime Ministers’ and members of Parliament’s parliamentary speeches, and specifically from cosine similarity analysis. In this article, we explore PMPA by focussing on two most different cases of coalition governments, Italy and Germany between 1994 and 2014. A multilevel regression analysis shows that coalition-related factors strongly influence PMPA, party-related factors are somewhat relevant, and the Prime Minister-related factor (its selectorate) does not have a significant impact on such autonomy.
42
Wilson, R. Paul. "Research Note: A Profile of Ministerial Policy Staff in the Government of Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (June 2015): 455–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000293.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAlthough ministerial political advisors are prominent and influential actors within the core executive in Canada and elsewhere, information is scarce with respect to their personal and professional backgrounds and career trajectory. This article uses recent survey data and publicly available biographical information to analyse the demographic composition of senior ministerial policy advisors within the Government of Canada. It finds that, while ministerial policy staffers are young and politically committed, they are not so young nor so professionally inexperienced as sometimes thought. Nor are they always personally and tightly bound to their current ministers but often work for different ministers in different departments. This suggests that advisors are agents of the whole government as much as agents of their individual ministers and raises questions about the degree to which they are responsive to the Prime Minister's Office, thereby increasing centralization.
43
Semenova, Elena, and Keith Dowding. "Presidential power effects on government and ministerial durability: evidence from Central and Eastern Europe." European Political Science Review 13, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773921000059.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn this article, we examine the variation in the institutional powers granted to president to terminate cabinets (by dismissing prime ministers), and appointing ministers to show how variations affect both cabinet durability (and the mode of cabinet termination) and ministerial durability (i.e., the overall time a minister remains in cabinet). Using the most extensive survival data set on ministers in 14 Central and Eastern European countries available to date alongside data on government survival, our Cox regression models demonstrate that the institutional rules granting extensive powers to the presidents are powerful determinants of ministerial durability. We show that the effect of presidential powers reduces cabinet durability but increases ministerial durability. These results demonstrate that the specific powers given to chief executives are essential for issues surrounding implications for ministerial and cabinet durability, institutional choice, policy stability, and governmental accountability.
44
Whelan, Timothy. "Baptist Autographs in the John Rylands Library, Manchester, 1741-1907." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 89, no. 2 (March 2013): 203–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.89.2.10.
Full textAbstract:
Within the holdings of The University of Manchesters John Rylands Library is a remarkable collection of 337 letters to and from Baptist ministers and laypersons written between 1741 and 1907. Nearly half (165) can be found among the autograph collections of Thomas Raffles (1788-1863), Liverpool Congregationalist minister and educator, with another 103 letters belonging to the collections of the Methodist Archives. John Sutcliff (1752-1814), Baptist minister at Olney and an early leader within the Baptist Missionary Society, was the recipient of more than seventy of these,letters. Among the correspondents are the leading Baptist and Congregationalist ministers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Although largely unknown today, these letters provide important insights into British Baptist history between 1740 and 1900, establishing the John Rylands Library,as a valuable resource for Baptist historians.
45
Ie, Kenny William. "Tweeting Power: The Communication of Leadership Roles on Prime Ministers’ Twitter." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 5, 2020): 158–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2530.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the communication of leadership roles by prime ministers Justin Trudeau and Theresa May on Twitter. I argue that tweets from prime ministers implicitly communicate information about how prime ministers lead and what their job entails: what I call role performance and function. I develop an inductive typology of these leadership dimensions and apply this framework to Trudeau and May’s tweets in 2018 and 2019. I find first that Trudeau is a much more active Twitter user than Theresa May was as prime minister, attesting to different leadership styles. Second, both use Twitter primarily for publicity and to support and associate with individuals and groups. Trudeau is much more likely to use Twitter to portray himself as a non-political figure, while May is more likely to emphasize the role of policy ‘decider.’ Both prime ministers are framed much more often as national legislative leaders rather than party leaders or executives. Finally, May’s tweets reflect her position as an international leader much more than Trudeau’s. Assessing how prime ministers’ tweets reflect these dimensions contributes to our understanding of evolving leader–follower dynamics in the age of social media. While Twitter has been cited as conducive to populist leaders and rhetoric, this study shows how two non-populist leaders have adopted this medium, particularly in Trudeau’s case, to construct a personalized leader–follower relationship.
46
Keber interviewed by Don Hindle, Dusan. "Health care in Slovenia: an interview with the Minister." Australian Health Review 25, no. 3 (2002): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah020001a.
Full textAbstract:
The original intention was to ask the same questions of the Australian and Slovenian Ministers for Health, so that readers might compare the answers. The Slovenian Minister was happy to answer questions without notice, and to accept the interviewer's interpretations (as they appear below). The Australian Minister asked that questions be submitted in advance, and then prevaricated for two months. We are still waiting for a positive response: the invitation remains open. We decided to go ahead and publish the Slovenian Minister's responses. We hope that readers find them of interest on their own. In passing, it seems to me that one might reasonably conclude the Australian Minister has little interest in talking seriously to the many thousands of health care professionals who regularly read the AHR. If so, this is a sad state of affairs.Dusan Keber is a medical doctor with a distinguished clinical and medical research record. He was Director of the Department of Angiology at the Ljubljana Medical Centre a 2000-bed teaching hospital) from 1983-1996, and Medical Director of the Centre from 1996-2000. He has been Minister for Health since 2000.
47
Lynch, Peter. "Review: First Ministers." Scottish Affairs 57 (First Serie, no. 1 (November 2006): 157–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2006.0061.
Full text
48
Brown, Raymond. "ENCOURAGING TOMORROW’S MINISTERS." Baptist Quarterly 44, no. 7 (July 2012): 402–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/bqu.2012.44.7.003.
Full text
49
Beasley-Murray, Paul. "Ministers’ Reading Habits." Baptist Quarterly 49, no. 1 (October 17, 2017): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0005576x.2017.1384225.
Full text
50
White, D. M. "Backup for ministers." Politics 23, no. 1 (May 1988): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323268808402043.
Full text