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1
Vitali, Dario. "Ministero e ministeri nella Chiesa." Estudios Eclesiásticos. Revista de investigación e información teológica y canónica 97, no. 381-382 (September 21, 2022): 591–624. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/ee.v97.i381-382.y2022.010.
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Il presente articolo esamina l’annosa questione del ministero e dei ministeri nella Chiesa. Il principio ermeneutico che sta al fondamento del contributo è la corrispondenza tra modello di Chiesa e modello di ministero: laddove non si corrispondano, entrambi entrato in stato di sofferenza. L’approccio al tema è di tipo storico, per mostrare come il ministero abbia conosciuto un processo di clericalizzazione che ha determinato una identificazione dei due modelli nella struttura piramidale/clericale della Chiesa. Si comprende alla luce di tale processo la fatica a distaccarsi da quel modello, come dimostra la vicenda dei ministeri istituiti, a cinquant’anni dalla pubblicazione di Ministeria quaedam. La proposta di soluzione va nella direzione di un recupero della relazione tra sacerdozio comune e sacerdozio ministeriale (cf. LG 10): i ministeri battesimali si radicherebbero nel sacerdozio comune come forma peculiare di partecipazione al sacerdozio di Cristo.
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Matić, Zlatko. "Odnos episkopske i svećeničke službe u pravoslavlju." Diacovensia 26, no. 2 (2018): 221.—233. http://dx.doi.org/10.31823/d.26.2.2.
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Il presente articolo concentra la sua attenzione sulla teologia dei ministeri ecclesiali (soprattutto del vescovo e del presbitero) nella Chiesa ortodossa. La ricerca è strutturata in tre parti principali. Nella prima parte si analizza l’evoluzione dei ministeri summenzionati, la seconda parte si propone di osservare in particolare la situazione attuale nell’ortodossia, mentre nella terza parte, l’autore presenta un suo tentativo di prospettare il ministero del vescovo come ministero primariamente communionale, relazionale nei confronti di tutta la Chiesa. Così, le conclusioni affermano la prospettiva dell’ecclesiologia di comunione come il naturale quadro entro cui dobbiamo collocare tutti i ministeri della Chiesa.
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BERLINSKI, SAMUEL, TORUN DEWAN, and KEITH DOWDING. "The Length of Ministerial Tenure in the United Kingdom, 1945–97." British Journal of Political Science 37, no. 2 (March 20, 2007): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123407000129.
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We analyse the determinants of ministerial hazard rates in Britain from 1945 to 1997. We focus on three sets of attributes (i) personal characteristics of the minister; (ii) political characteristics of the minister; and (iii) characteristics pertaining to the government in which the minister serves. We find that educational background increases ministers' capacity to survive, that female ministers have lower hazard rates and older ministers have higher hazard rates. Experienced ministers have higher hazard rates than newly appointed ministers. Ministerial rank increases a minister's capacity to survive, with full cabinet members having the lowest hazard rates in our sample.We use different strategies to control for the characteristics of the government the minister serves in. Our results are robust to any of these controls.
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Prinzivalli, Emanuela. "Donne e ministeri nella Chiesa antica." Augustinianum 57, no. 1 (2017): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20175711.
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The question of the role of women in the Church, in other words, of women’s ministries, is still conditioned today, especially in the Catholic Church, by theological a priori and by anachronism. This essay aims to discuss and to point out the difficulties arising from both of these factors.
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Militello, Cettina. "Donne e ministeri nella Chiesa antica." Augustinianum 57, no. 1 (2017): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm20175712.
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The comments in this Note are not exhaustive, but intentionally offer a path (1. Feminine Typologies; 2. Testimonials relating to ministry; 3. Rites of Ordination (?); 4. The sacramental bond) wherein theological interpretation has a privileged place, deeply inscribed in the present commentary in regard to women’s problems and expectations in today’s Church. Although nothing certain and irrefutable emerges from the documentary evidence, in regard to women’s ministry, the situation of the Church has changed, as has the situation of women. The true sacramental bond concerns the theological understanding of ordained ministry. If this bond is reconnected to its original and constitutive character of service (diakonia), perhaps some of the reasons for excluding women will crumble. For there are women in the Church who continue to live and work within and for the Church.
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Castellucci, Erio. "Modelli di ministero sacerdotale nella storia." Revista Pistis Praxis 7, no. 2 (September 13, 2015): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.7213/revistapistispraxis.07.002.ds01.
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Questo articolo vuole specificare i modelli di ministero sacerdotale più caratteristici nella Storia della Chiesa: missionario, cultico, sacrale, pastorale, presidenziale e funzionale.Di ogni modello l’Autore ci presenta l’origine, lo sviluppo storico teologico, le possibili deformazioni, l’assunzione eventuale di qualche prospettiva o di certi elementi da parte del Vaticano II, nonchè lo stato della sua ricezione nella Chiesa contemporanea. In questo caso, modello non viene inteso in senso prescrittivo, ma piuttosto euristico. Ciò nonostante, la verifica dei modelli può servire ad una più lucida percezione e una più oggettiva valutazione delle procedure ecclesiali, soprattutto quelle concernenti i ministeri.
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Farina, Michele. "Un’eterna fase istruttoria. Il purgatorio burocratico di Augusto Frassineti." Quaderni d'italianistica 41, no. 2 (June 11, 2021): 195–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/q.i..v41i2.36778.
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Il contributo esplora la dimensione purgatoriale in Misteri dei Ministeri (Einaudi 1973), l’opera più significativa dello scrittore e traduttore Augusto Frassineti. Il primo paragrafo ripercorre in breve la storia del libro e ne illustra la struttura; l’analisi si concentra successivamente sui motivi purgatoriali presenti nelle pagine trattatistiche del libro, riconducibili alla tradizione kafkiana di medî regni novecenteschi. Echi purgatoriali vengono quindi rintracciati e verificati anche in alcuni degli inserti narrativi dell’opera. Dall’analisi Misteri dei Ministeri emerge come un esempio di umorismo etico e civile, in grado di saldare fra loro satira, invenzione e peculiari strategie di realismo.
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Dunleavy, Patrick, G. W. Jones, Jane Burnham, Robert Elgie, and Peter Fysh. "Leaders, Politics and Institutional Change: The Decline of Prime Ministerial Accountability to the House of Commons, 1868–1990." British Journal of Political Science 23, no. 3 (July 1993): 267–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006621.
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In the Westminster system the prime minister's active participation in parliamentary proceedings is a key mechanism for ensuring the accountability of the executive. We survey the evolution of the four main prime ministerial activities across the period 1868–1990. There has been a long-term decline in prime ministers' speeches in the Commons, a stepped decline in debating interventions and a significant decrease in question-answering from the late nineteenth century to the 1950s. But prime ministerial statement-making increased after 1940, ebbing away again in the 1980s. And the downward drift in question-answering was halted by procedural innovations since the 1960s, which standardized the frequency of prime ministers' appearances and lead to the dominance of ‘open’ questions. We trace the varied impacts of institutional changes and shorter-term political or personal influences. The direct accountability of the prime minister to Parliament has undoubtedly declined, a trend probably paralleled by decreasing indirect accountability. These findings raise fundamental questions about executive-legislature relations in the United Kingdom
9
Baffigi, Mauro. "L'evoluzione dei controlli sulla spesa pubblica dei Ministeri in Italia." RIVISTA TRIMESTRALE DI SCIENZA DELL'AMMINISTRAZIONE, no. 3 (December 2009): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sa2009-003001.
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- In this short article the author illustrates the checks carried out on the state expense distributed by the Ministries at central level. After explaining the former means of assessing, the author presents the new laws of expense controls, dating back to ‘90ie. The offices charged of monitoring, once called "Ragionerie centrali", have been named Central offices of balance. These offices, linked to the Ministries, control the state expense at central level; the "Ragionerie territoriali" of the State check it at local level. The Central offices of balance refer to the Department of the Central State "Ragioneria", which is one of the four Department the Ministry of Economics and Finance consist of. The Central offices make an inner public administration check, the "Corte dei conti" makes an external assessment. Moreover the article describes the checks of estimated and final balance carried out by "Corte dei conti" and illustrates the inner assessment due to "Decreto Legislativo" nr.286/99. Finally this essay remarks some experts'opinions about budget controlling and the Industrial Plan to reform the public administration by the Minister of Public Administration and Innovation.
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DEWAN, TORUN, and DAVID P. MYATT. "Scandal, Protection, and Recovery in the Cabinet." American Political Science Review 101, no. 1 (February 2007): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070025.
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Empirical evidence suggests that a prime minister benefits from firing ministers who are involved in political scandals. We explore a model in which scandals are positively related to policy activism, so that a prime minister may wish to protect a minister from resignation calls. We find that protection can sometimes discourage activism: it enhances the value of a minister's career and hence encourages him to “sit tight” by moderating his activities. On the other hand, an exogenous increase in exposure to scandals may lead a minister to “live for today” by pursuing controversial policies. The prime minister's ability to protect ministers is limited by her short-term incentive to fire. She may, however, enhance her credibility by building a collective reputation with the cabinet; the heterogeneity of cabinet membership plays an important role.
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Crialesi, Silvia. "Roma capitale del regno d'Italia: l'inserimento dei ministeri negli organismi conventuali." STORIA URBANA, no. 132 (February 2012): 271–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/su2011-132010.
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La vicenda dell'uso dei complessi conventuali romani, quali sedi di ministeri ed uffici governativi per la nuova capitale del Regno d'Italia, si inserisce nel piů vasto quadro del riuso degli immobili appartenenti agli enti religiosi soppressi dopo l'unificazione ed č un esempio della complessa situazione determinatasi a Roma dopo il 20 settembre 1870. I problemi che si affrontano in questa fase, inoltre, costituiscono un passaggio significativo nel lungo e travagliato processo di costituzione dell'ordinamento di tutela dei beni artistici del nuovo stato unitario, sia a livello centrale sia periferico.
12
Pelgrims, Christophe. "Ministeriële kabinetten als flexibele brug tussen politiek en administratie : Een onderzoek naar de instroom in de ministeriële kabinetten." Res Publica 44, no. 4 (December 31, 2002): 627–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v44i4.18437.
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Handbooks of political science aften refer to the minister and the civil service as actors in the policy process. In theory, this representation is correct. However, in Belgium and in Flanders ministers construct a ministerial cabinet around them. The cabinet takes over different tasks from policy preparation to evaluation. In this respect, it reduces the civil service to an office that is only responsible for the implementation of policy. Frequently political-historical reasons are used to explain the existence of the system of ministerial cabinets. Nevertheless, these are not the only reasons. Ministerial cabinets also exist because of organisational and cultural reasons. Understanding the ministerial cabinet, means understanding the way ministers want to work. This article highlights the way ministerial cabinets work, with a focus on Human Resources aspects. This gives information in which direction the civil service should move to fulfil the role of a good partner for the minister.
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Jäckle, Sebastian. "Voluntary Withdrawals, Forced Resignations, Collective Retirements or Just Bad Fortune? A Competing Risks Analysis of Ministerial Turnover in the German Länder (1990-2010)." German Politics and Society 34, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 54–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340103.
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This paper explores the determinants of ministerial duration within the German Länder between 1990 and 2010. In arguing that different terminal events ceasing ministerial tenures should be analyzed separately, it distinguishes four exit types: voluntary, forced, collective (ministers leaving office because their whole party does so) and exits that are neither volitional acts of the minister nor politically induced. Depending on the exit type, competing-risks Cox-models show different effects for one and the same variable on the hazard for ministerial turnover. Seniority in high-level politics for example helps not to be forced out of office while it has no effect on voluntary or collective exits. Heading an important ministry on the other hand increases the chances to rise to other positions in high politics or private business, but does not impact the other two hazards. The analysis furthermore shows that the principal-agent-logic known from Westminster systems with the prime minister being largely sovereign in hiring and firing cabinet members must be adapted to the German context of frequent coalition governments. In coalition governments, only ministers from the same party as the prime minister exhibit higher hazards for forced exits, while ministers from other coalition partners are much safer in that regard.
14
Berzosa, Raúl. "Los ministerios confiados a los laicos." Seminarios sobre los ministerios en la Iglesia 47, no. 159 (January 1, 2001): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.52039/seminarios.v47i159.987.
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Pane el autor de una afirmación común: estamos en una Iglesia toda ella ministerial. Desde el original ministerio apostólico y a lo largo Je la Historia, la Iglesia ha ido generando aquellos ministerios (servicios) que necesitaba la evangelización en cada época. Ministerios que han de ejercerse en armonía. Para situarnos en el momento actual. estudia los documentos emanados desde el Vaticano II, haciendo hincapié en la doctrina de 'Christifidcles laici' sobre carismas y ministerios. Relaciona tambiém el 'ministerio ordenado' con los 'ministerios laicales'.
15
Semenova, Elena, and Keith Dowding. "Presidential power effects on government and ministerial durability: evidence from Central and Eastern Europe." European Political Science Review 13, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773921000059.
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AbstractIn this article, we examine the variation in the institutional powers granted to president to terminate cabinets (by dismissing prime ministers), and appointing ministers to show how variations affect both cabinet durability (and the mode of cabinet termination) and ministerial durability (i.e., the overall time a minister remains in cabinet). Using the most extensive survival data set on ministers in 14 Central and Eastern European countries available to date alongside data on government survival, our Cox regression models demonstrate that the institutional rules granting extensive powers to the presidents are powerful determinants of ministerial durability. We show that the effect of presidential powers reduces cabinet durability but increases ministerial durability. These results demonstrate that the specific powers given to chief executives are essential for issues surrounding implications for ministerial and cabinet durability, institutional choice, policy stability, and governmental accountability.
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Botti, Antonio, Roberto Parente, and Massimiliano Vesci. "New public management: ostacoli e fattori del cambiamento in uno studio sui ministeri." ESPERIENZE D'IMPRESA, no. 2 (June 2015): 139–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ei2014-002008.
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Deidda Gagliardo, Enrico, Luca Papi, Giorgia Gobbo, and Riccardo Ievoli. "Qualità e coerenza degli strumenti di programmazione e rendicontazione delle performance dei Ministeri." MANAGEMENT CONTROL, no. 2 (September 2021): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/maco2021-002-s1007.
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Deidda Gagliardo, Enrico, Luca Papi, Giorgia Gobbo, and Riccardo Ievoli. "Qualità e coerenza degli strumenti di programmazione e rendicontazione delle performance dei Ministeri." MANAGEMENT CONTROL, no. 2 (September 2021): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/maco2021-002-s1007.
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Wilson, R. Paul. "Research Note: A Profile of Ministerial Policy Staff in the Government of Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 48, no. 2 (June 2015): 455–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423915000293.
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AbstractAlthough ministerial political advisors are prominent and influential actors within the core executive in Canada and elsewhere, information is scarce with respect to their personal and professional backgrounds and career trajectory. This article uses recent survey data and publicly available biographical information to analyse the demographic composition of senior ministerial policy advisors within the Government of Canada. It finds that, while ministerial policy staffers are young and politically committed, they are not so young nor so professionally inexperienced as sometimes thought. Nor are they always personally and tightly bound to their current ministers but often work for different ministers in different departments. This suggests that advisors are agents of the whole government as much as agents of their individual ministers and raises questions about the degree to which they are responsive to the Prime Minister's Office, thereby increasing centralization.
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Miranda, Americo. "I ministeri ecclesiastici ed il rapporto tra “temporale” e “spirituale” nell’opera di Giovanni Crisostomo." Augustinianum 54, no. 2 (2014): 417–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201454229.
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Ministers of the Church, whose characters were well defined in the second half of the fourth century, were more and more identified as the perfect believers. In the texts of John Chrysostom several models of “spiritual man” emerge on the basis of his personal experience and the evolution of his works: the monk, the presbyter, and the bishop. One notes that the relation of the Church to secular institutions is of greater importance in the works of Chrysostom, paying as he does particular attention to the autonomy of the Church. In an original way he refrains from criticizing political institutions, preferring to express a balanced view. He holds that a coexistence with political authorities is possible, and he urges a moral conver-gence with them. Ecclesial ministries find a more solid basis in the Chrysostom’s complex and sometimes pained statements, both in their ideal expressions and in their concrete effects on the society of the fourth century.
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Herrero, Manu. "I ministeri nella Chiesa antica. Testi patristici dei primi tre secoli, Enrico Cattaneo (Ed.)." Mayéutica 24, no. 57 (1998): 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica1998245729.
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Kwang Ho, Jung, and Choi Jong Won. "Institutional Leadership and Perceived Performance: Evidence from the Korean Minister Survey." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 26, no. 2 (August 31, 2011): 45–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps26203.
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Few empirical studies have explored Selznick`s ideas on institutional leadership`s role in creating, nourishing, and maintaining public institutions. Reconsidering and expanding Selznick`s perspective, this study explores how perceived ministerial performance is associated with institutional leadership styles. Using data from the 2007 Korean Minister Survey, this study develops five types of institutional leadership (visionary, persuasive, resilient, coalition network, and maintaining) derived from an exploratory factor analysis and tests their association with ministers` performance. It suggests that visionary leadership and persuasive leadership are the primary determinants of Korean ministers` performance, and their effects are greater for ministers without presidential support. Resilient leadership and coalition network leadership are also significantly associated with ministers` performance, but maintaining leadership has little effect on it. Moderating effects on the relationship between leadership type and performance include presidential support and the presence of a performance crisis. Further research is needed to develop different measures for ministerial performance from different sources in order to avoid the common method bias.
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Van De Voorde, Aloïs. "De functie van de kabinetschef." Res Publica 27, no. 2-3 (September 30, 1985): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i2-3.19212.
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In Belgium, as in most countries, each Minister or Secretary is assisted by a limited number of trusted collaborators who constitute the Ministerial Office («Cabinet», «Kabinet») .The article is an attempt to shed a light on the Chief Ministerial Officer («Chef de Cabinet», «Kabinetschef») who is the closest collaborator of the Minister.In order to show the role of the Chief Ministerial Officer, the article first describes the tasks, powers and composition of the Ministerial Office to proceed to a more extensive analysis of the functions, the appointment of the Chief Ministerial Officer, and the question whether he can exercise executive power.The most important tasks of the Chief Ministerial Officer are: organization and coordination of the Office and its activities, acting as a «Liaison-Officer» with the Minister, passing on of information, exercising of a form of internal, political and administrative control.The article closes with some more personal remarks, pointing out a few guidelines which a Chief Ministerial Office, should keep in mind.
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Natale, Maria Teresa, and Marzia Piccininno. "Europeana Education." DigItalia 15, no. 1 (June 2020): 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.36181/digitalia-00008.
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La formazione scolastica è stata uno dei primi campi in cui Europeana ha sperimentato il riuso dei propri contenuti, avviando una collaborazione ormai di lungo corso con ministeri dell’istruzione, associazioni e reti professionali, insegnanti. Nel febbraio 2020 Europeana ha lanciato Europeana Education, un gruppo informale di professionisti ed esperti provenienti sia dal settore del patrimonio culturale sia da quello dell’istruzione, la cui principale attività è lo scambio esperienze e condividere idee per un uso innovativo delle risorse culturali digitali di Europeana. Nell’articolo presentiamo una rassegna di strumenti resi disponibili da Europeana a insegnanti e operatori della didattica.
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Nureña Prado, Juan Antonio. "El ministerio de la enseñanza en el educador cristiano laico y su función en la escuela contemporánea." Studium Veritatis 9, no. 15 (September 12, 2011): 167–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.35626/sv.15.2011.101.
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El objetivo de este trabajo es revalorar el papel ministerial de la educación a través del educador cristiano laico. Para ello se explicará el concepto de «ministerio» en un sentido amplio y en un sentido teológico, explicaremos los diversos ministerios laicales en la Iglesia, entre ellos el de la educación y analizaremos los diversos documentos magisteriales. Asimismo, estudiaremos la vocación, las funciones, la identidad y las condiciones para un verdadero ministerio del educador cristiano laico.
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Bakvis, Herman. "Regional Ministers, National Policies and the Administrative State in Canada: The Regional Dimension in Cabinet Decision-Making, 1980–1984." Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (September 1988): 539–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000842390005681x.
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AbstractRegional ministers, it is said, have declined in importance over the past three decades. While granting the disappearance of figures whose influence spanned broad regions, this article argues that in the last cabinet of Pierre Trudeau (1980–1984) the regional minister system was to a degree revived and formalized within the context of cabinet decision-making. The impact of this system is examined with respect to regional development and employment creation programmes. To account for the renewed influence of regional ministers, attention is focussed on changes in the machinery of government and on the political and economic climate of the time. The case of one minister in particular, Lloyd Axworthy, suggests that a contemporary regional minister's success is dependent primarily on the ability to mobilize the resources of the administrative state.
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Meetarbhan, M. J. N. "Extra-Constitutional Parliamentary Private Secretaries in Mauritius." Journal of African Law 35, no. 1-2 (1991): 194–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008433.
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In a recent analysis of the constitutional position of Parliamentary Private Secretaries (P.P.S.s) in the United Kingdom Professor Norton concludes that they “occupy an important twilight zone between ministers and backbenchers. Though remaining among the latter, they assume certain characteristics of the former.” Mauritius, which like many Commonwealth countries has a constitutional regime largely inspired by the British model, has recently created an innovative role for P.P.S.s who operate at sub-ministerial level but are not unpaid helpers to ministers as in the U.K. It is the intention of this article to critically examine this role.The Mauritian Constitution originally provided for a Cabinet consisting of the Prime Minister and up to 14 ministers who were all members of the Legislative Assembly, except for the Attorney-General. Under section 66 of the Constitution, the Governor General acting in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister could appoint up to five Parliamentary Secretaries from among members of the Assembly “to assist Ministers in the performance of their duties”. Following the formation of a coalition government in 1969, the Constitution was amended so as to increase the number of Ministers to 20 and that of Parliamentary Secretaries to ten with Mauritius having a unicameral legislative assembly of 62 elected members and up to eight nominated members, the 1969 amendments enabled almost every other elected member to be appointed a Cabinet minister or Parliamentary Secretary.
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O'Malley, Eoin. "Investigating the Effects of Directly Electing the Prime Minister." Government and Opposition 41, no. 2 (2006): 137–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00174.x.
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AbstractThere are good prima facie reasons to believe that directly electing a prime minister may provide the holder of that office with a tremendous power resource. Indeed some countries with weak prime ministers have debated this possible change, and one, Israel, carried it through. Using a theoretical argument based on the number of veto points in a political system, this article proposes that a directly elected prime minister will not increase the power of a prime minister. It studies what actually happened in Israel, and offers alternative explanations for the weakness of and lack of cohesion in its executive. Similarly, other factors are identified as causes of prime ministerial weakness in Italy and Japan.
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Claes, Willy. "Vice-Premiers en kernkabinetten : Een evaluatie van deze innovaties." Res Publica 42, no. 1 (March 31, 2000): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v42i1.18528.
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The function of Deputy Prime Minister is not specified in the Belgian Constitution, nevertheless it is imposed by force ofcustom. Since 1961, there have been in each government one or more Deputy Prime Ministers whether or not carrying the formal title. The Deputy Prime Minister was originally the number two in the government, behind the Prime Minister. Usually, he belongs to another party. Thanks to the competences attributed to him in the government, his position in his party and his natural authority and leadership, he tries, together with the prime minister, to manage the government in the right direction and to maintain the cohesion in the coalition. The Deputy Prime Minister is at the same time also in charge of a given ministry. The function of Deputy Prime Minister has become more important due to the increased influence of political parties within and upon the government. The Deputy Prime Minister acts now explicitly as spokesperson of his party within the government and defends the decisions of the government within his party. After the split of the national parties in a Flemish and a Walloon party and as consequence, the increase of parties in government, the number of Deputy Prime Ministers also increased. It became usual that each party in government had his own Deputy Prime Minister, even the party of the Prime Minister since the latter is considered to be politically neutral. Under the name of 'Cabinet for general affairs ', the 'kernkabinet' raised in1961 to handle all major problems and initiatives of the government. The 'kernkabinet' interpreted this rather vague description of its competences in a broad way. lts members were the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and some other senior ministers. Usually, an equilibrium on the basis of party- and language-affiliations was installed. In the second half of the 1970s, the role and the impact of the 'kernkabinet' increased gradually. The 'kernkabinet' had become a real decision-making institution, gathering several times a week. As a consequence, the role of the Council of Ministers on certain issues was degraded to merely ratify decisions taken by the 'kernkabinet'. Much critique was voiced on this evolution, especially upon the lack of transparency and efficiency.Although heavily criticized, the 'kernkabinet' has proved to be a very helpful instrument to take decisions on complex and delicate problems. In 1981, the 'kernkabinet' was formally abolished and in 1992, the Dehaene-government abolished all ministerial committees. Despite these abolitions, there was and still is nowadays the tendency to gather with the senior ministers to solve complex problems. De facto the kernkabinet holds strong.
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Rapajić, Milan. "First minister (prime minister) of the Fifth French Republic: Between the significant constitutional position and the prevailing practice in the shadow of the head of state." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 55, no. 1 (2021): 223–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns55-32351.
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One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.
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Tutik, Titik Triwulan. "Kedudukan Konstitusional Menteri Triumvirat Sebagai Pelaksana Tugas Kepresidenan Dalam Sistem Pemerintahan Presidensisil di Indonesia." Al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 10, no. 2 (October 5, 2020): 275–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2020.10.2.275-302.
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Amendments of the 1945 Constitution reinforce the declaration of the rule of law, also clearly stipulating the presidential system of government. The manifestation of the presidential system is that the position of ministers is very important. Because basically the ministers are the leaders of the government (pouvoir executief) in the true sense in their respective fields of duty. It is the minister who determines the politics of government and coordination in the administration of the State. The existence of ministers of the Indonesian constitutional system is getting stronger with the recognition of three ministerial positions called triumvirate ministers. The three ministerial positions are the Minister of Home Affairs, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the Minister of Defense, which is regulated separately in Article 8 paragraph (3) of the 1945 Constitution. If the situation of vacancies in the positions of President and Vice-President together at the same time truly occurs, then there may be various legal issues related to the three ministerial positions. For example, there could be a dispute between the three, about who is more authorized among them, and even between the three of them as one entity with other institutions. If that happens the dispute can only be resolved legally by the Constitutional Court in accordance with its duties and authorities.
Perubahan UUD 1945 mempertegas deklarasi negara hukum, juga menetapkan dengan jelas mengenai sistem pemerintahan presidensiil. Wujud dari dainutnya sistem presidensisil adalah bahwa kedudukan menteri-menteri sangat penting. Karena pada dasarnya para menteri itulah yang menjadi pimpinan pemerintahan (pouvoir executief) dalam arti yang sebenarnya di bidang tugasnya masing-masing. Menterilah yang menetapkan politik pemerintahan dan koordinasi dalam pemerintahan Negara. Keberadaan menteri sistem ketatanegaraan Indonesia semakin kuat dengan dikenalnya tiga jabatan menteri yang disebut dengan menteri triumvirat. Ketiga jabatan menteri tersebut adalah Menteri Dalam Negeri, Menteri Luar Negeri, dan Menteri Pertahanan yang diatur tersendiri dalam Pasal 8 ayat (3) UUDNRI 1945. Menteri triumvirat inilah yang menggantikan kedudukan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden mangkat, berhenti, diberhentikan, atau tidak dapat melakukan kewajibannya dalam masa jabatannya secara bersamaan. Apabila keadaan kekosongan dalam jabatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden secara bersamaan sungguh-sungguh terjadi, maka dapat saja timbul berbagai persoalan hukum yang terkait dengan ketiga jabatan menteri tersebut. Misalnya bisa saja terjadi sengketa antara ketiganya, tentang siapa yang lebih berwenang di antara mereka, dan bahkan antara mereka bertiga sebagai satu kesatuan dengan lembaga lain. Bila hal tersebut terjadi, maka secara yuridis penyelesaian sengketa tersebut hanya dapat diselesaikan secara hukum oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi sesuai dengan tugas dan wewenangnya.
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INDRIDASON, INDRIDI H., and CHRISTOPHER KAM. "Cabinet Reshuffles and Ministerial Drift." British Journal of Political Science 38, no. 4 (July 14, 2008): 621–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123408000318.
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A model of policy implementation in a parliamentary democracy as delegation between the prime minister and her cabinet ministers is introduced. Cabinet reshuffles can be pursued as a strategy to reduce the agency loss which occurs due to the different preferences of the actors. This work thus explains why prime ministers resort to reshuffles: cabinet reshuffles reduce the moral hazard facing ministers. This answer both augments and distinguishes this work from traditional perspectives on reshuffles that have emphasized the deleterious effects of reshuffles on ministerial capacity, and also from recent work that casts reshuffles as solutions to the adverse-selection problems inherent in cabinet government. The conclusion offers a preliminary test of some of the hypotheses generated by this theory.
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Paolo Aprile. "It Internazionalizzazione come valore fondante di una istituzione scolastica." IUL Research 3, no. 5 (June 20, 2022): 298–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.57568/iulres.v3i5.275.
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Il lavoro analizza la case history di una istituzione scolastica che, al variare del contesto intorno a sé, reagisce evolvendosi rapidamente. Di esperienza in esperienza, di sperimentazione in sperimentazione, arriva, nel tempo, a internazionalizzare la propria dimensione operativa. Offre così, ad allievi e personale, una leva motivazionale di incomparabile potenza. Con la consapevolezza di concorrere allo sviluppo del proprio territorio, adeguando la propria struttura organizzativa, e con un middle management affidabile e consonante, sperimenta vie nuove e mai praticate prima. Il processo, condotto con impegno e serietà, porta all’acquisizione di una credibilità istituzionale e alla concreta prospettiva di una convenzione con i Ministeri dell’Istruzione e degli Esteri, che apre scenari promettenti dei quali tutti potranno beneficiare.
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Civinini, Maria Giuliana. "Valutazioni di professionalità di giudici e pubblici ministeri nel prisma della comparazione e degli standard europei." QUESTIONE GIUSTIZIA, no. 6 (March 2014): 129–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/qg2013-006012.
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Deidda Gagliardo, Enrico, Michele Bigoni, Luca Papi, and Giorgia Gobbo. "La programmazione dei Ministeri nella nuova stagione della performance. Dalla burocrazia della performance alla performance utile." MANAGEMENT CONTROL, no. 1 (March 2019): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/maco2019-001008.
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Article, Editorial. "INTERNATIONAL TRANSPORT FORUM IN LEIPZIG." World of Transport and Transportation 15, no. 3 (June 28, 2017): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30932/1992-3252-2017-15-3-30.
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[For the English full text of the article please see the attached PDF-File (English version follows Russian version)].On May 31, 2017 Minister of Transport of Russia M. Sokolov spoke at the ministerial round table «Transport and Climate». The ministers of transport of Argentina, the Republic of Korea, Sweden, Tunisia and Ukraine also took part in the round table. Based on the materials of the Press Service of the Ministry of Transport of Russia
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Huber, John D. "The Vote of Confidence in Parliamentary Democracies." American Political Science Review 90, no. 2 (June 1996): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082884.
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I present a formal model of the confidence vote procedure, an institutional arrangement that permits a prime minister to attach the fate of a particular policy to a vote on government survival. The analysis indicates that confidence vote procedures make it possible for prime ministers to exercise significant control over the nature of policy outcomes, even when these procedures are not actually invoked. Neither cabinet ministers, through their authority over specific portfolios, nor members of parliament, through the use of no-confidence motions, can counteract the prime minister's policy control on the floor of parliament. The analysis also illuminates the circumstances under which prime ministers should invoke confidence vote procedures, focusing attention on the position-taking incentives of the parties that support the government, rather than on the level of policy conflict between the government and parliament.
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Grignani, Francesca. "Abuso psicologico all'infanzia: problematiche e intervento in sede penale." MALTRATTAMENTO E ABUSO ALL'INFANZIA, no. 2 (June 2010): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mal2010-002006.
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Il presente contributo č dedicato al fenomeno del maltrattamento psicologico intrafamiliare sul minore e, in particolare, al suo trattamento in sede penale. Le principali tematiche affrontate riguardano l'esplicitazione delle problematiche che tale tipologia di abuso č destinata ad incontrare nell'ambito del diritto penale, la costruzione di un modello di procedimento in sede penale, quale č stata suggerita da due Pubblici Ministeri e da un Giudice del Tribunale Ordinario di Milano e l'analisi di una sentenza di secondo e di terzo grado relativa ad un reato di tal genere. La conclusione cui si arriva sottolinea come bisognerebbe agire sempre in base all'interesse del minore propendendo, dunque, per una maggiore definizione del fenomeno a livello normativo e per l'uso dello strumento penale, laddove necessario e prevedendo, invece, un percorso di ricostruzione familiare in caso di recuperabilitŕ genitoriale.
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Das, Erwin. "Het Belgisch ministerieel carrièrepatroon : Proeve tot internationale vergelijking." Res Publica 29, no. 2 (June 30, 1987): 207–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v29i2.18951.
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The sociography of the Belgian post-war minister is characterized by an upper middle-class or middle-class origin, a French-speaking and male preponderance and a university-education. The most frequent professional occupations are lawyer, professor and executive.The political career which led to a ministerial post, went in the first place through the legislative body (city-council, county-council and parliament) (the legislative type) and in the second place through thepolitical parties (the national and district-party-leader). After their ministerial career 39 % of the ministers played a promine part in the parliament; 35 %, however, prosecuted an extra-parliamentary and prestigious « after-function ».The Belgian ministerial career pattern bears some resemblances to the Dutch, German and French career pattern, but also many differences. The most outstanding difference is the importance of the bureaucratic component in the structure of the ministerial elite in those three countries, where in Belgium this is not very important.
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Yanto, Andri, and Harry Setya Nugraha. "Redesain Pengisian Jabatan Menteri Dalam Sistem Presidensial Di Indonesia." PROGRESIF: Jurnal Hukum 16, no. 2 (February 7, 2022): 130–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/progresif.v16i2.2508.
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The filling of ministerial positions in the presidential government system must be based on the pleasure of working and not because of political considerations or imbalances in the support of the President's groups or political parties. In fact, the filling of ministerial positions in Indonesia has so far been carried out using a political approach. The methodology used is a normative juridical research method, with a statutory and conceptual approach. The results of the discussion and conclusions of this study are first, the minister's task load is a lot of political dynamics; secondly, the filling of ministerial positions does not occur democratically; and third, new design ideas in filling ministerial positions include the requirements needed to be appointed as ministers, affirmation of the limitation of concurrent positions, and must first conduct a fit and proper test.
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Carroll, Barbara Wake. "Breaking the Bargain: Public Servants, Ministers and Parliament." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 1 (March 2005): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905210107.
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Breaking the Bargain: Public Servants, Ministers and Parliament, Donald J. Savoie, Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003, pp. xiv, 337Most of us have been taught, and have taught, about the traditional relationship between public servants, ministers and parliaments under the Westminster tradition of government. Ideas like the accountability of the neutral, non-partisan, anonymous senior public servant to his minister, and concepts like ministerial responsibility and collective cabinet responsibility to Parliament, and the oversight and legislative role of Parliament, are part of what Donald Savoie calls the traditional bargain that underpins the political and administrative process in Canada. The central thesis of this book is that this traditional bargain has been broken and a new bargain needs to be struck if our system of responsible government is going to continue to function effectively.
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Cranmer, Frank. "Methodist Ministers: Employees or Office-holders?" Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, no. 3 (August 15, 2013): 316–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13000446.
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The issue of whether or not a minister of religion is an employee or an office-holder came before the Supreme Court in an action for unfair constructive dismissal against the Methodist Church. The Court held by a majority of four to one that, on the basis of the Church's Deed of Union and Standing Orders, the terms of engagement of ministers were not contractual for the purposes of employment law and that a minister's duties were not consensual. The judgment moderates somewhat the impact of the earlier judgment of the House of Lords in Percy v Board of National Mission of the Church of Scotland – and makes the employment status of ministers even more sensitive to the facts of the individual case than it was before.1
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Pérez Navarro, José María. "Algunos momentos importantes en la historia del ministerio del catequista." Sinite 63, no. 189 (May 25, 2022): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.37382/sinite.v63i189.612.
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En los cuatro primeros puntos del documento del papa Francisco “Antiquum ministerium” se hace una referencia a la historia del ministerio del catequista en la Iglesia. El autor selecciona diez momentos claves de esa historia que a su entender son significativos y que no han sido mencionados en el documento papal: el ministerio de los catequistas en la primera comunidad cristiana con la preparación de los catecúmenos; la ausencia de catequistas en la Edad Media; la predicación de las órdenes mendicantes; los catequistas laicos encargados de transmitir el catecismo; las ideas pioneras de San Juan Bautista de la Salle sobre el ministerio laical del catequista; los movimientos de renovación de la catequesis y los catequistas en los años 60 del pasado siglo; los intentos postconciliares para revitalizar los ministerios laicales y lo que dice el nuevo Directorio sobre los catequistas.
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Ichino, Giovanni. "Obiettivo 2: Perché una scuola della magistratura." QUESTIONE GIUSTIZIA, no. 2 (May 2009): 122–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/qg2009-002010.
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- Dopo l'entrata in vigore, nel 2007, della riforma dell'ordinamento giudiziario il sistema dell'autogoverno č riuscito a dare rapida ed efficace attuazione alle nuove disposizioni in tema di temporaneitŕ degli incarichi direttivi, nomina dei nuovi dirigenti e valutazioni di professionalitŕ. Sul fronte dell'istituzione della Scuola della magistratura, invece, la situazione č ferma per il concorso di due posizioni pur tra loro diverse: quella di chi č critico nei confronti dell'impianto delineato dal decreto legislativo n. 26/2006 e quella di chi non vuole istituire una Scuola della magistratura unitaria, mirando invece a una separazione delle carriere e della formazione di giudici e pubblici ministeri. Scartata senza mezzi termini la seconda via, bisogna evitare che la Scuola abortisca prima di nascere e premere per una sua veloce istituzione, salvo poi impegnarsi a affrontarne gli aspetti problematici nel corso dei primi anni di vita.
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Minin, Aleksandr S. "«To the table and to the apartment»: additional payments to dignitaries of Nicholas I." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2020) (June 25, 2020): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2020-2-51-57.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of additional monetary payments for the higher bureaucracy of the Russian Empire of Alexander I and Nicholas I. this issue is not sufficiently studied in domestic and foreign historiography. Researchers either did not specifically consider additional monetary payments, or did not allocate a specific group of Ministerial bureaucracy. The Ministers, together with the Emperor, determined the political course, and as the permanent entourage of the monarch, they formed the “face” of the reign. Under Nicholas I, many Ministers held high positions for more than 10 years. The basis of monetary income of Russian officials was a salary by rank or position. In addition, there were additional payments: canteens, apartments, runs, and other money. For Junior officials, the amount of these payments was strictly regulated. For Ministers and adjutants-General, it depended on the Emperor’s attention to a particular person. In the article, special attention is paid to the Minister of state property P. D. Kiselev as a fairly typical figure for the era of Nicholas I. Additional payments to P. D. Kiselev can be compared with the amount of the annual salary. The basis of its capital was a one-time grant of 600,000 piastres as a reward for the administration of Moldova and Wallachia, which turned the average local nobleman into a rich nobleman. Despite legal regulations that set the Ministerial salary, Ministers of equal rank could receive different salaries and additional payments. Dependence on cash payments were made by the Russian Ministers from the nobles to officials. This indicates the gradual modernization of the state apparatus of the Russian Empire, the formation of a regular bureaucracy.
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Kerby, Matthew. "Combining the Hazards of Ministerial Appointment AND Ministerial Exit in the Canadian Federal Cabinet." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 3 (September 2011): 595–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000485.
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Abstract. The Canadian federal cabinet stands out among Westminster parliamentary democracies because of the large number of first-time ministers who are appointed to cabinet without any previous parliamentary or political experience. Several explanations have been put forward to account for this peculiarity but no attempt has been made to examine how Canadian prime ministers overcome the information deficit associated with appointing ministers with no experience. How can prime ministers be confident that they are making the right choice? This paper explores the subject by estimating the survival functions of ministerial turnover for potential, but not yet appointed, cabinet ministers were they to survive to a defined political benchmark; these survival rates are included in a logit model of Canadian ministerial appointment following four general elections (1957, 1979, 1984 and 2006) in which the prime minister was tasked with appointing a cabinet with ministerial neophytes.Résumé. Le Conseil des ministres fédéral du Canada se démarque dans l'ensemble des démocraties parlementaires britanniques en raison du grand nombre de ministres novices qui sont nommés au Conseil alors qu'ils ne possèdent aucune expérience parlementaire ou politique antérieure. Plusieurs explications de cette anomalie ont été proposées, mais aucune démarche d'analyse ne s'est encore penchée sur la manière dont les premiers ministres du Canada arrivent à surmonter le manque d'information associé à la nomination de ministres sans expérience. Comment les premiers ministres peuvent-ils être certains d'avoir fait le bon choix? Cette étude scrute le sujet en évaluant le coefficient de survie, en cas de remaniement ministériel, pour les ministres du Conseil potentiels, mais pas encore mandatés, advenant que ces derniers survivent à certains jalons politiques précis. Ces taux de survie font partie intégrante d'un modèle de répartition des nominations ministérielles qui sont survenues à la suite de quatre élections générales (1957, 1979, 1984 et 2006) où le premier ministre a dû constituer un Conseil des ministres composé de néophytes.
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Keber interviewed by Don Hindle, Dusan. "Health care in Slovenia: an interview with the Minister." Australian Health Review 25, no. 3 (2002): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah020001a.
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The original intention was to ask the same questions of the Australian and Slovenian Ministers for Health, so that readers might compare the answers. The Slovenian Minister was happy to answer questions without notice, and to accept the interviewer's interpretations (as they appear below). The Australian Minister asked that questions be submitted in advance, and then prevaricated for two months. We are still waiting for a positive response: the invitation remains open. We decided to go ahead and publish the Slovenian Minister's responses. We hope that readers find them of interest on their own. In passing, it seems to me that one might reasonably conclude the Australian Minister has little interest in talking seriously to the many thousands of health care professionals who regularly read the AHR. If so, this is a sad state of affairs.Dusan Keber is a medical doctor with a distinguished clinical and medical research record. He was Director of the Department of Angiology at the Ljubljana Medical Centre a 2000-bed teaching hospital) from 1983-1996, and Medical Director of the Centre from 1996-2000. He has been Minister for Health since 2000.
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Annesley, Claire, and Susan Franceschet. "Gender and the Executive Branch." Politics & Gender 11, no. 04 (December 2015): 613–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x15000446.
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The executive branch of government constitutes the pinnacle of political power. In principle, presidents and prime ministers, along with their cabinets, set the policy agenda, debate, and deliberate policy initiatives; introduce legislation; and oversee the implementation of public policies. Executives are the most visible political actors, representing the public “face” of government. Until very recently, executives were also the most masculinized of political institutions, with women absent entirely from the position of prime minister or president until the 1960s, and, at least until the last decade, holding only a small number of posts in cabinet. Yet one of the most striking global trends in recent years is the growing number of women elected to the post of prime minister or president: at the time of writing there are 12 countries where a woman occupies the top political office. A growing number of women are also being appointed cabinet ministers and, in some cases, to some of the most traditionally masculine posts. It is common today to define “parity” cabinets as those where women hold between 40% and 60% of ministerial portfolios. With that definition, countries as different as Spain, Bolivia, Sweden, and South Africa have had gender parity in cabinet. What is more, women's presence in cabinet is now a firmly established norm. Among the first questions raised by commentators after a newly elected president or prime minister announces her cabinet are, how many women were appointed? To which portfolios were they assigned?
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Ştefan, Laurenţiu. "Party Leaders vs. Technocrats." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.2.47.
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This article takes a close look at the selection and survival of prime ministers in Romania. While many factors are deemed important in understanding why prime ministers are “weak” or “strong,” have short or long tenures in office (including the relationship with the president and with the governing parties), this article focuses on the level of party credentials as a critical factor in both the selection and the survival of the prime ministers. Following Grotz and Weber (2017), I argue that a better understanding of how impactful this factor is comes only after a full assessment of the political circumstances in which the selection of the prime minister takes place. “Post-electoral” context may be defined by different goals, tactics, and ambitions than the “replacement” context. I found that party leaders survive longer in prime ministerial office, that they are the first choice in post-electoral contexts, but not necessarily in both contexts taken together, and that technocrats are preferred in replacement contexts, especially when the next legislative elections are getting near.
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Zafra Aparici, Eva, Araceli Muñoz García, and Cristina Larrea Killinger. "Cossos tòxics: etnoepidemiologia sociocultural de la contaminació interna per compostos tòxics persistents (CTP) a Espanya." Arxiu d'Etnografia de Catalunya, no. 13 (December 11, 2013): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.17345/aec13.321-324.
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El projecte de recerca “Cossos tòxics: etnoepidemiologia sociocultural de la contaminació interna per compostos tòxics persistents (CTP) a Espanya” és una recerca en curs, de tipus interdisciplinari (amb antropòlegs, filòsofs i epidemiòlegs), adscrita al Departament d’Antropologia Social de la Universitat de Barcelona, i que disposa del suport i el finançament del Programa Nacional de Projectes de Recerca Fonamental del Ministeri de Ciència i Innovació (CSO 2010/18661). El grup de recerca està format per la investigadora principal, la Dra. Cristina Larrea (UB); el Dr. Jaume Mascaró (UB); el Dr. Miquel Porta (UAB-IMIM); la Dra. Eva Zafra (URV); el Dr. Joan Muela (Pass International Project); la doctoranda en antropologia social Araceli Muñoz (URV), i l’estudiant de màster Arantxa Begueria (UB). El principal objectiu és crear una línia de recerca etnoepidemiològica centrada en l’anàlisi dels discursos i les pràctiques socioculturals sobre l’experiència corporal de la contaminació humana i de la contaminació interna per compostos tòxics persistents (CTP) a Espanya.