Journal articles on the topic 'Military withdrawl'
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Nessa, Azizun, and Md Amzad H. Fakir. "Nonsteroidal Anti-Inflammatory Drugs (NSAIDS) Induced Acute Kidney Injury (AKI): Patient Profile and Outcome in Bangladesh Armed Forces." Journal of Armed Forces Medical College, Bangladesh 10, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/jafmc.v10i2.25920.
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Introduction: In military environment where musculoskeletal injury is more common, NSAIDs abuse and subsequent AKI carries a special risk. This study of NSAIDs induced AKI was carried out to highlight this issue.Objective: To find out the incidence, risk factors, diagnostic approach, clinical course, management and outcome of patients of Bangladesh Armed Forces.Methods: This longitudinal study was carried out in nephrology centre, combined military hospital (CMH) Dhaka from July 2010 to Jun 2013. Total 59 patients of NSAIDs induced AKI were included in this study. Any patient having pre existing renal pathology or chronic kidney disease was excluded from the study.Results: Total 59 patients were included in this study. Mean age of the patient was 36±7.12 yrs. Forty five patients (76.27%) took NSAIDs at their own and 14 patients (23.73%) were prescribed by physician. Fifty one patients (86.44%) took NSAIDs because of musculoskeletal pain. Dehydration due to physical exertion (30.50%), gastroenteritis (15.25%) and nil per os (NPO) (5.08%) were the common predisposing factors. Common symptoms were swelling of the body (40.67%), headache (32.20%), fatigue (27.11%) and vomiting (13.55%). Oedema was the most common sign (40.67%). Blood urea and serum creatinine were raised in all patients. Treatment includes drug withdrawl (100%), fluid resuscitation (86.44%), fluid restriction (61.01%), short course of steroid (13.55%) and haemodialysis (10.16%). Forty seven patients (79.66%) had complete recovery within two weeks of therapy whereas nine patients (15.25%) required more than two weeks to one month for complete recovery. Three patients (5.09%) developed chronic kidney disease (CKD).Conclusion: NSAIDs induced AKI carries a good prognosis with early diagnosis and proper management and it can be prevented by limiting the availability of over the counter drugs and creating awareness both in physicians and patients.Journal of Armed Forces Medical College Bangladesh Vol.10(2) 2014
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Rashid, Asma, and Anjum Gul. "Test of Neoclassical Realism to Explain Reasons of U.S. Withdrawal (2021) from Afghanistan." Central Asia 90, Summer (July 20, 2022): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-90.170.
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Smithsonian magazine (Jan-Feb) 2019 edition published facts about U.S. military intrusion in 14 countries including Afghanistan, as a consequence of the 9/11, 2001 attacks on its soil. U.S. invasion and its following bleak strategy raise questions on the rationale of this decision because Afghanistan had never been that powerful and capable of posing a security threat to U.S. Foreign invasion and following withdrawal that is pledged to be completed 9/11, 2021 have its specific reasons as well as implications in the region that need to be explored. Hence, the pretext of military invasion on the territory of Afghanistan and maintaining it for two decades is not very strong. However, after this long military presence the U.S. finally decided to withdraw from the state that could be strategically important. Little scholarly work has been done to explain the reasons of withdrawal of superpower from a small country after a long-time presence. South Asia is one of the important regions to study for several reasons firstly considerable size of the region’s population, strategic location, contribution to the productive capacity of the world, and variations in political systems. The theory of neoclassical realism better explains the role of a domestic political system to distort the pursuit of security. It focuses on the behaviour of the United States in deciding on withdrawal. This study addresses a key research question that is, why the United States, being a superpower willingly withdraws its military presence from a much smaller country, Afghanistan that could have a strategic value.
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Schneider, Nina. "The forgotten voices of the militares cassados in Brazil." Brasiliana: Journal for Brazilian Studies 2, no. 2 (November 15, 2013): 313–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25160/bjbs.v2i2.8297.
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Forcibly retired military officials whose political rights were withdrawn (militares cassados) during the military regime have previously received no attention from either the military institution or civilians (the State, the general public, and scholars). It is only recently that the Brazilian Truth Commission appointed a subgroup to investigate the militares cassados and that new research projects have been initiated. This article asks why research on military repression has been neglected for so long, and discusses three hypotheses. It then introduces two militares cassados ─ Brigadier Rui Moreira Lima, whose political rights were withdrawn despite his distinguished military career in the Second World War; and Ivan Proença Cavalcanti, a military official who defied instructions from his superiors to open fire on students. Based on oral history interviews, autobiographies, military journals, and intelligence files, this article aims to kick-start a discussion about whether the neglect of the militares cassados may be symptomatic of a historiographical tendency to homogenise the Armed Forces in Brazil.
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Noh, Dong-young. "International legal Review on the Withdrawal of UN Forces and USFK in terms of Termination of ARMISTICE Regime of the KOREAN Peninsula." J-Institute 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.22471/military.2019.4.1.01.
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Rupesinghe, Kumar. "Building Peace After Military Withdrawal." Bulletin of Peace Proposals 20, no. 3 (July 1989): 243–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096701068902000301.
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Bojor, Laviniu, and Mircea Cosma. "Afghanistan after NATO Withdrawal." Scientific Bulletin 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 110–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2015-0017.
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Abstract The conclusion of a conflict, called by some American analysts as “America’s Longest War”, after the withdrawal of the majority of NATO military forces, requires a careful analysis of the conditions and security environment that ISAF mission, International Security Afghan Forces, leaves as legacy to the Afghan military forces. The transfer of authority towards a strong government, recognized by most Afghan provinces, and benefiting from the support of national military forces able to cope with terrorist and insurgent threats on its own, are the minimum and necessary conditions leading the country towards a stable and secure environment and towards a sustainable development. Given these realities, any approach on the consequences of the transition towards self-sustainable governance becomes interesting and timely for any military political study. These are the prospects that we propose in our paper.
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Saxon, Leslie, Brooks DiPaula, Glenn R. Fox, Rebecca Ebert, Josiah Duhaime, Luciano Nocera, Luan Tran, and Mona Sobhani. "Continuous Measurement of Reconnaissance Marines in Training With Custom Smartphone App and Watch: Observational Cohort Study." JMIR mHealth and uHealth 8, no. 6 (June 15, 2020): e14116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/14116.
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Background Specialized training for elite US military units is associated with high attrition due to intense psychological and physical demands. The need to graduate more service members without degrading performance standards necessitates the identification of factors to predict success or failure in targeted training interventions. Objective The aim of this study was to continuously quantify the mental and physical status of trainees of an elite military unit to identify novel predictors of success in training. Methods A total of 3 consecutive classes of a specialized training course were provided with an Apple iPhone, Watch, and specially designed mobile app. Baseline personality assessments and continuous daily measures of mental status, physical pain, heart rate, activity, sleep, hydration, and nutrition were collected from the app and Watch data. Results A total of 115 trainees enrolled and completed the study (100% male; age: mean 22 years, SD 4 years) and 64 (55.7%) successfully graduated. Most training withdrawals (27/115, 23.5%) occurred by day 7 (mean 5.5 days, SD 3.4 days; range 1-22 days). Extraversion, positive affect personality traits, and daily psychological profiles were associated with course completion; key psychological factors could predict withdrawals 1-2 days in advance (P=.009). Conclusions Gathering accurate and continuous mental and physical status data during elite military training is possible with early predictors of withdrawal providing an opportunity for intervention.
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Burke, Ronald J. "Stress, Satisfaction and Militancy among Canadian Physicians." Articles 50, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 617–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/051037ar.
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The present study utilized a stressor-strain framework to understand physician militancy in Canada. Data were collected from 2,584 physicians in 1986 using questionnaires. Four militant attitudes or activities were considered: approval of binding arbitration in the event of deadlocks in fee negotiations with governments, approval of withdrawal of services in the event of inadequate income settlements, approval of the reconstitution of medical associations as labour unions, and whether they had participated in an organized job action involving withdrawal of services.
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Birn, Donald S., and William Jackson. "Withdrawal from Empire: A Military View." American Historical Review 93, no. 5 (December 1988): 1335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873609.
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Shikhov, D. "Post-Brexit Britain's Military Strategy." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 2 (2021): 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-2-37-44.
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Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union raises questions on how UK defence policy will develop. Significant shifts inside the United Kingdom as well as its changing position in the international arena caused by Brexit require new approaches in its military strategy. National Security Strategy 2015 and UK’s International Defence Engagement Strategy 2017 do not fully reflect current geopolitical realities while new strategic documents haven’t been presented so far. UK armed forces modernization is becoming even more relevant, however there are few signs that London has capabilities to increase its defence budget. The latest statistics shows stable decline in UK military expenditure as percentage of GDP. The armed forces have been shrinking in size for several decades and some large modernization projects have come across considerable difficulties. After years of heated debates an ambitious plan to replace all four ballistic missile submarines with the new ones has been approved. However Brexit caused another wave of claims for Scottish independence raising concerns over the future of the Britain’s only Scotland-based naval facility for nuclear forces. Brexit inevitably poses a dilemma of setting UK’s foreign and defence policy priorities. Though leaving the EU doesn’t mean that Britain will fully withdraw from European defence and security initiatives, active cooperation in this sphere between London and Brussels is highly unlikely. Given that, the importance of NATO as well as other multilateral security mechanisms (especially the UK-led Joint Expeditionary Force with Scandinavian and Baltic states) and bilateral defence cooperation (particularly with the US and France) is significantly increasing. Despite numerous challenges for British defence and security policy caused by Brexit these difficulties together with the UK’s traditional strong points such as the special relationship with the US and network of military facilities around the globe may give impetus to a more proactive military strategy aimed at strengthening UK’s global influence.
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Chikhradze, K., T. Kereselidze, T. Zhorzholiani, D. Oshkhereli, Z. Utiashvili, C. Jibladze, G. Canava, and N. Tevzadze. "(P1-67) Collaboration of Military and Civil EMS during Russian Georgian War 2008." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 26, S1 (May 2011): s120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x11003992.
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IntroductionDuring 2008 Russian Federation realized major aggression against its direct neighbor, the sovereign republic of Georgia. It was Russia's attempt to crown its long time aggressive politics by force, using military forces. EMS physicians from Tbilisi went to the Gori district on August 8 at first light, 14 brigades were sent. At noontime of August 8, their number was increased up to 40. 6 brigades of disaster medicine experts joined them as well.ResultsDestination site for the beginning was the village Tkviavi, where a military field hospital was assembled and a Military Hospital in Gori. Later 6 brigades were withdrawn towards the village Avnevi. During fighting, wounded victims were evacuated from the battlefield, where initial triage was done. Evacuated victims were brought to the military hospital where the medical triage, emergency medical care and transportation to Gori military hospital or to Tbilisi hospitals was done. A portion of the wounded was directly taken to Gori military hospital and later to different civil hospitals in Tbilisi. Corpses were transported to Gori morgue as well. On August 9, the emergency care brigades and field hospital left Tkviavi and moved to the village Karaleti, then to Gori. On August 12, the occupied territory was totally evacuated by civil and military medical personnel. Although withdrawal of wounded was done on following days. Up to 2232 military and civil persons were assisted by EMS brigades during war period (8–12 August), from them 721 patients were transported among which 120 were severely injured.ConclusionClose collaboration between military and civil EMS gave the system opportunity to work in an organized manner. On the battlefield prepared military rescuers were active taking out wounded victims to the field or front-line hospitals from which civil emergency care brigades transported them to Tbilisi hospitals. Only 3 fatalities occurred during transportation.
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Alatalu, Toomas. "Geopolitics Taking the Signature from the Russian-Estonian Border Treaty (2005)." Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 2 (October 1, 2013): 96–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0015.
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AbstractExplaining the withdrawal of his signature from the Estonian- Russian Border Agreement, the Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Lavrov announced on June 27, 2005 that “they in the EU might have succumbed to the temptation of telling us to ratify it […] on your side also, with some interpretations attached, so that the treaty can enter into force. To stop the EU from falling into this temptation, we have withdrawn our signature. There will be no treaty”. Thus, Moscow actually punished the European Union, which seems logical as with regard to geopolitics and geostrategy, the border negotiations were held in the buffer zone between the European Union and Russia. In 2004-2005 Russia held simultaneous and also interconnected border negotiations with Japan, China, Kazakhstan, Latvia and Estonia, with agreements eventually signed only with China and Kazakhstan. Failures with Japan, Latvia and Estonia derived from Moscow’s position to keep all gains of World War II. At the same time Russia had related all its foreign affairs with the celebration of the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II held in Russia, which was curiously used by the young Georgian leader Mikheil Saakashvili, whose quick and clear manoeuvres approved by the West turned the ordinary Rimland country Georgia into a classic geopolitical pivot. And all this was done at the expense of Russia’s influence. The highlight of the process was Saakashvili’s statement that he will come to Moscow on May 9th only if Russia agrees to withdraw its military bases from Georgia. The Kremlin considered it best to agree, however, as the European Council aside the US, uniting the problems of Estonia, Latvia and the non-EU member Georgia, also began to praise the latter for overcoming Russia, Moscow decided to punish the nearest available EU member in the given situation by withdrawing its signature from the Russian-Estonian border treaty.
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Sidorenko, Anna, and Alexei Chertilov. "Cadet, military, aerotechnical, suvorov..." проект байкал, no. 69 (November 13, 2021): 122–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51461/projectbaikal.69.1863.
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The article is devoted to the complex of Irkutsk cadet corps (school), which was unreasonably withdrawn from the list of monuments of regional significance and the State Register of Cultural Heritage Sites by the Service for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of the Irkutsk Region. Disagreeing with the opinion of officials, the authors reveal the historical and cultural potential of this ensemble and prove its historical, memorial, town-planning, architectural, landscape and recreational value.
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Gehrmann, Richard. "Military Withdrawal from Government Responsibility: Indonesia and Mexico." Policy, Organisation and Society 9, no. 1 (December 1994): 58–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1994.11876805.
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Larsson, Robert L. "The Enemy Within: Russia’s Military Withdrawal from Georgia." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 17, no. 3 (September 2004): 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518040490486124.
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Os'kin, Maksim. "The Romanian Mission of General Berthelot (1916–1917): Cooperation and Disagreements with the Russian Command of the Romanian Front." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016584-0.
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When the Kingdom of Romania entered the Great War in 1916, it was supposed to receive aid from the Entente allies While the Russian troops fought alongside the Romanians on the Eastern Front, the Western allies assisted them with arms, financial resources, and experienced officers. Military cooperation in the various European theatres of war was a rather complex task, and its arrangement actualised the issues of cooperation between the allies in arms in pursuit of a common goal. The French Mission of General Berthelot assisted the Romanian army in a number of ways, including leading the fighting in the autumn of 1916, reorganising the defeated Romanian army, and acting as military advisers in the 1917 campaign. In that respect, the French were competing with the Russians for influence over the Romanian top leadership, especially the military command. The formation of the Romanian front, consisting mainly of Russian troops, allowed the Russian Stavka to sideline the French from directly influencing the course of military operations. The work of the French mission was limited to bringing the Romanian units withdrawn to the rear back into order. However, in 1917, the French resumed their leading role in influencing the Romanian generals. The February Revolution marked a turning point in relations between the rival partners, finally consolidating the leading role of the Berthelot Mission in the affairs of the Romanian Army on the Romanian front. The French Mission helped reorganise the Romanian Army, which played a decisive role in the final stage of the Great War. This allowed the Kingdom of Romania to remain among the victorious nations, despite the vicissitudes of 1918 following the withdrawal of Russia from the war. The main sources for this article are documents from the Russian State Military Historical Archive (RGVIA) relating primarily to the competence of the central military authorities and administration during the war period, namely the Supreme Command Headquarters and the General Staff Headquarters.
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O'Connell, Aaron. "No, Afghanistan Is Not Really Vietnam All Over Again." Modern American History 3, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2020): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2020.12.
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On February 29, 2020, the United States and the Afghan Taliban signed an agreement in Doha, Qatar, bringing the United States potentially closer to ending the war in Afghanistan than at any point in the conflict's eighteen-year history. After months of military escalations, negotiations, and recriminations, the United States agreed to a token withdrawal of several thousand forces by August 2020 and to remove all remaining forces by May 2021. The Afghan government had been cut out of the talks, but the United States also vowed to encourage it to release thousands of Taliban prisoners and to enter into its own negotiations with the Taliban in order to pave the way to a permanent ceasefire agreement. For its part, the Taliban agreed to negotiate with Kabul after the troop withdrawals began and to halt cooperation with Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups.
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Anzalone, Christopher. "The Sunni Tragedy in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v34i1.867.
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Northern Lebanon, the mountainous terrain bordering Syria and the coastalplain centered on the city of Tripoli with its nearly 130,000 residents, has longbeen the heartland of the country’s Sunni Arabs, along with the old scholasticand population hub in the southern city of Sidon. The outbreak of mass popularprotests and eventually armed rebellion in neighboring Syria againstBashar al-Asad’s government in the spring of 2011, and that country’s continuingdescent into an increasingly violent and sectarian civil war, has had aprofound effect upon Lebanon, particularly in the north, for both geographicaland demographic reasons. First, northern Lebanon borders strategic areas ofcentral-western Syria (e.g., the town of al-Qusayr) and is located just south ofthe major Syrian port city of Tartus. Second, the north’s population includessignificant minority communities of Christians and Alawis, the latter of whichare largely aligned politically with Damascus. These factors have made theborder regions particularly dangerous, for while the Lebanese army attemptsto maintain control of the country’s territory, Iran-aligned Hizbullah poursfighters and military supplies into Syria and militant Sunni groups (e.g., ISISand Jabhat Fath al-Sham [JFS]) seek to establish a foothold in Lebanon fromwhich they can pursue their anti-Asad campaign.Bernard Rougier is uniquely placed to write about the contemporary historyand complex web of politics among Lebanon’s Sunni factions and particularlythe rise of jihadi militancy among some of its segments. The bookunder review, like Everyday Jihad: The Rise of Militant Islam among Palestiniansin Lebanon (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), isbased upon extensive in-country fieldwork and interviews beginning in theearly 2000s and ending in 2014. It provides a fascinating and nuancedoverview of jihadism’s rise as a viable avenue of political frustration and expressionin the wider milieu of Lebanon’s intra-Sunni socio-political competitionand a fast-changing regional situation.Rougier argues that the contentious political disputes and competitionamong the country’s mainstream Sunni political figures (e.g., the al-Haririfamily), as well as the impact of Syrian control of large parts of Lebanon between1976 and 2005 and ensuing power vacuum after its withdrawal, enabledthe emergence of jihadi militancy. Northern Lebanon also became a center ofcompetition among regional actors through their local allies, which pitted ...
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Trunov, F. "Afghanistan and Mali: German “Anti-Withdrawal” Strategy?" World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 12 (2022): 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-12-38-47.
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Against the backdrop of the modern Cold War, the instability threats the sources of which are located in the conflictprone countries of Asia and Africa have not disappeared. One of the key tendencies is the structures of international terrorism in Western Africa, Horn of Africa, Near and partly Middle East being still in force. The article explores Germany’s attempts to keep the strategic presence in Afghanistan and Mali in the context of previous efforts to resolve armed conflicts here. The choice is due to the FRG being in a position of moving towards the role of a full-fledged global player in political and military spheres. The “rising” power becomes especially susceptible both to the risks of instability projected on it and its partners, and to the loss of strategic influence in various regions of the world. The author explores in a comparative way different aspects of German participation in the missions in Afghanistan (ISAF, then “Resolute Support”) and Mali (EUTM Mali and MINUSMA in parallel). The paper highlights political and military factors which determine the scale and forms of the Bundeswehr usage in the peacekeeping sphere during different stages of the resolution process. In Mali, Germany has tried to take into account and correct the mistakes in security sector reform conducted in Afghanistan. But at the same time, there were quite a few “narrow places” of EUTM Mali activity with FRG’s role as a framework nation. The first factor of German positions’ strategic vulnerability is dependence on a partner fully engaged in anti-terrorist combat operations. The second one is the critical perception of German efforts by the forces which have come to power in Afghanistan (Taliban) and Mali (local military officers) and have preferred the nationalization of armed conflict resolution. In this regard, the article concludes about German “anti-withdrawal” strategy.
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SHUKUROV, Sh Z. "WITHDRAWAL OF THE AMERICAN MILITARY CONTINGENT AND ITS ALLIES FROM AFGHANISTAN AND ITS IMPACT ON MILITARY SECURITY OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 11, no. 1 (2022): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2022-11-1-107-114.
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The purpose of the article is to consider the consequences of withdrawal of the troops of the United States of America and Western countries from Afghanistan, their impact on military and political situation in Central Asian countries. The article focuses on the events related to withdrawal of the US armed forces from Afghanistan. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the situation in the country after the radical Islamic Taliban movement came to power. The author analyzes the internal situation in Afghanistan, highlights a number of events that significantly affect regional security and undermine the state of military security of the countries in Central Africa. As a result of the research, the author cites the opinion of the world community regarding the new Taliban government. He draws our attention to the fact that the promises made by the Taliban have not been fulfilled.
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Filippov, Vasily. "Operation «Barkhan»: An inglorious end?" Asia and Africa Today, no. 1 (2022): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750018297-8.
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In June 2021, French President Emmanuel Macron announced the forthcoming withdrawal of troops from the states of the Sahel and termination of Operation «Barkhan». It was initiated in 2014 towards to battle with Islamic terrorism in Africa. The theater of war has spread to the five states of the Sahel - Mali, Mauritania, Burkina Faso, Niger and Chad. The actions of the expeditionary force were not successful. The presence of French troops in the region caused growing discontent among Africans. It became obvious that they were not here to fight terrorism, but to protect French interests in West Africa. Military-political crisis 2020-2021 in Mali, the removal of President I.B. Keita from power in this country has changed the attitude of the French towards what is happening in the Sahel. E.Macron was unable to attract the EU countries to participate actively in hostilities against Islamists and separatists in West Africa. In the context of the crisis caused by the COVD-19 pandemic, the growth of protest actions of the «yellow vests», criticism of his policy from political opponents, the French president decided to withdraw troops from the Sahel. In addition, Macron sends a signal to the leaders of the countries belonging to the military-political alliance G5 Sahel: you hold on to power as long as you rely on French bayonets. Finally, he hopes to boost his rating on the eve of the election in 2022.
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Komár, Aleš. "The Military Training Area Ralsko and the Army." Geografie 103, no. 3 (1998): 190–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1998103030190.
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The article in its introduction deals with the problem of the former Military Training Area at Ralsko in the Czech Republic and its recent changes - the nature and landscape protection under the auspices of the Ministry of Defence and military administrations in the MTA, and deals with the consequences of the withdrawal of corps and discusses the damage caused by military training to the nature, soil and groundwater. In the conclusion the article evaluates the topical aspects ofthe area re-utilisation.
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Komár, Aleš. "The Military Training Area Ralsko and the Army." Geografie 103, no. 3 (1998): 320–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie1998103030320.
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The article in its introduction deals with the problem of the former Military Training Area at Ralsko in the Czech Republic and its recent changes - the nature and landscape protection under the auspices of the Ministry of Defence and military administrations in the MTA, and deals with the consequences of the withdrawal of corps and discusses the damage caused by military training to the nature, soil and groundwater. In the conclusion the article evaluates the topical aspects of the area reutilisation.
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Bagrin, Egor A. "GARRISON OF NERCHINSK AT THE END OF 1689–1691." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 4 (2022): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-4-3-19.
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The article presents the issue of Nerchinsk garrison organization in 1689–1691. During this period the Russian government was intended on significant increase of the military contingent located in Dauria to defend the eastern borders from the Mongol raids and Qing Empire troops invasion. The warriors were added to Nerchinsk equestrian Cossacks who formed the basis of the garrison/ Those warriors left over from the regiment of A. Beyton and the garrison of Albazin fortress, the new recruited archers from Irkutsk and Yenisei districts and warriors from Siberian regiments of Pavel Grabov and Anton Smolenberg, who arrived in Transbaikalye with «ambassadorial» regiment headed by F. Golovin. The latter were completely withdrawn from Nerchinsk in 1691. The latter were completely withdrawn from Nerchinsk in 1691. The article notes some features of military service of Nerchinsk garrison and gives the names of some of the warriors who were part of the military forces of Nerchinsk and Telebinsk in 1689–1691
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al-Hamid, Raed. "The American withdrawal from Iraq: ways and means for remaining behind*." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 2 (April 1, 2012): 230–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.669094.
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This article examines the 2011 withdrawal of United States' regular military forces from Iraq in the context of Gen. David H. Petraeus strategy of the ‘surge’ and co-opting Sunni fighters against forces aligned with al-Qāʿidah through brokering tribal alliances and adding members of the majālis al-ṣaḥwah (‘awakening councils’) to government pay rosters. It is argued here that Petraeus's strategy of the ‘surge’ was numerically insignificant and – even if he did order US fighting units back onto the streets – was only partly effective. Various factors and internal Iraqi dynamics played a more decisive role in the outcome of events that ultimately gave the Nuri Maliki government a free hand to work in unofficial cooperation with Shiʿite militias to leave major Sunni neighbourhoods in Baghdad depopulated or abandoned and which transformed the capital into a predominantly Shiʿite city. American withdrawal from Iraq was dictated by the need to redeploy US military personnel and material in Afghanistan, which coincided with a new rhetorical framework under Barack Obama for working with the Islamic world that diverged from George W. Bush's categorizations under his ‘War on Terror’ as well as the recommendations of the new May 2010 National Security Strategy, which set down the broad outlines for withdrawal. Despite the formal military withdrawal, a palpable American presence remains in Iraq through private security firms as well as a constellation of various agreements and deals concluded with mega-corporations and other, not to mention the largest US embassy in the world with its various support apparatuses. While the troop withdrawal of regular forces has taken place and permitted redeployment in Afghanistan, the ways which the Americans have devised to remain behind are many and their de facto presence, albeit in more ‘civil’ forms, is still very much a ‘fact on the ground’.
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Pion-Berlin, David. "The Fall of Military Rule in Argentina: 1976-1983." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 2 (1985): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165718.
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The Subject of military rule in Latin America has been a familiar topic of inquiry for many years, but its treatment has been quite selective. While there is voluminous literature on the causes of military coups, very little has been written on military withdrawal from power. Both the example of Brazil's “apertura” (political opening) and the Argentine case under review here are still too recent to expect to find a large quantity of critiques. Even historical experiences of military defeat have gotten poor coverage, such as the fall of the Peruvian regime from 1975-1980. This study will analyze causes of the breakdown of military rule in Argentina, concentrating on the two year period of 1980-1982.
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Fóris, Ákos. "“The Sacrificed Army” – the Hungarian 2nd Army Between Memory and History." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 30 (November 1, 2021): 304–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2021.30.304.
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The fate of the Hungarian 2nd Army has a significant role in the Hungarian memory. The army was sent to the Eastern Front in 1942 suffered one of the great defeats of the Hungarian military history during the Soviet counter-offensive in January 1943. During the past almost 80 years, different narratives have emerged about it were evolved in the Hungarian public. In the paper the author shall analyse the most significant elements of these narratives. Firstly, there will be examined the genesis and underlying causes of the decision to send the 2nd Army to the Eastern front. The author counter a popular post-war myth that the Hungarian leadership sent out the Hungarian soldiers and labour servicemen with the intention of sacrifice that it could limit Hungary's involvement in the German war effort. Although the Hungarian military leadership discriminated against various social groups (primarily of individuals of Jewish descent, non-Hungarian nationalities) in military service, they did not aim to destroy them. Similarly, the higher proportion of reserve officers and lower social classes (peasantry, workpeople) in the army was misinterpreted. In the second part of the paper the author will examine the interpretations of the defeat in January 1943. As a part of this topic there will be shown how the public opinion and survivors overstated the loss data and the temperature conditions of “the Russian winter.” In addition, the author scrutinize the fighting and withdrawal in January 1943 from the viewpoint of the military discipline. Finally, he analyse the interpretations of two orders. The army commander, Colonel General Jány wrote in his order on 24 January that “the 2nd Army has lost its honour.” Although later he withdrew this order, it became the symbol of the barbarity and betrayal of the Hungarian military elite against the Hungarian soldiers. It received a different opinion on the order of the commander of the III Corps of 1 February 1943, in which Major General Stomm disbanded his formation - which was unprecedented in Hungarian history
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Wesemann, Ulrich, Christian Kahn, Peter Lutz Zimmermann, Gerd Dieter Willmund, and Georg Schomerus. "Self-stigma in military personnel with alcohol dependence: comparison with a civilian sample before qualified withdrawal treatment." Drugs and Alcohol Today 17, no. 1 (March 6, 2017): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/dat-08-2016-0022.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to highlight the differences in self-stigma between a military and a civilian sample in order to infer military-specific aspects of the stigmatization process. Design/methodology/approach Before undergoing a three-week course of qualified withdrawal treatment, 55 German military personnel were examined in terms of self-stigma, abstinence self-efficacy, duration of alcohol abuse, severity of alcohol dependence, and current mental disorders. Afterwards, the participants were compared with a non-military sample of 173 subjects with alcohol dependence in a civilian psychiatric clinic that had not yet undergone qualified withdrawal treatment. Findings While awareness of stigmatization is significantly greater among military personnel than in the civilian comparison group (t(171)=3.83, p<0.01), there is far less agreement with such stigmatization (t(170)=−3.20, p<0.01). More severe mental disorders and low abstinence self-efficacy have a significant influence on self-esteem decrement for the entire group. Research limitations/implications Both samples only consisted of male participants who wanted to receive treatment. Originality/value Since most studies refer to civilian patients, a comparative study of the influence of stigmatization of alcohol use disorders in the armed forces is of particular interest. The study indicates that military personnel are more aware of stigmatization by colleagues and superiors than is the case among civilian patients. This could be a significant obstacle when it comes to seeking professional help. Prevention programs need to give greater priority to this subject.
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McDougall, Derek. "Australia and the British military withdrawal from east of Suez." Australian Journal of International Affairs 51, no. 2 (July 1997): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719708445209.
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Lepingwell, John W. R. "Soviet Civil-Military Relations and the August Coup." World Politics 44, no. 4 (July 1992): 539–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010487.
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This paper tests the objective (professionalization) and subjective (party penetration) models of Soviet civil-military relations. The objective model is found to provide the best fit and is used to investigate further the factors leading to military participation in, and withdrawal from, the coup of August 1991. The objective model points to the importance of threats to professional autonomy and national unity, the politicization of the military, and declining regime legitimacy as the primary causal factors in the participation of the military in the coup. It also stresses the importance of military professionalism as a barrier to intervention and as a cause of military paralysis during the coup. Furthermore, the model points to the importance of democratic legitimacy in future civilian control and to the need for increased military professionalism to forestall threats to the post-Soviet regime.
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Luguusharav, Byambakhand. "The U.S. policy towards Central Asia." Journal of International Studies 45, no. 114 (December 16, 2022): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/jis.v45i114.2462.
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After the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the United States launched military operations and deployed its troops in Afghanistan. In August 2021, the United States withdrew the last of its troops from Afghanistan, ending its military presence there after nearly 20 years, a result of the “Agreement for Bringing Peace for Afghanistan” signed with the Taliban. According to expectations by the experts whose eyes are on Central Asia, the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan would bring some changes to the U.S. policy towards the region which is close to Afghanistan. However, the U.S. has to focus on the European theatre, as Russia launched a “special operation” in Ukraine by justifying its action as a “crusade” against neo-Nazis. Russia’s military actions have forced Washington to shift its attention to transatlantic security, leaving a vacuum in Central Asia to be filled by Russia and China.In the first part of the article, the author seeks to analyze the geopolitical importance of Central Asia and the competition of great powers to expand their influence in the region. As stated in the Constitution of the United States, as the Chief Executive, the president has the authority in shaping the foreign policy of the country, so the second part of the article is for the discussion of the U.S. presidents’ policies toward Central Asia. At the end of the article, as a researcher, the author seeks to share her take on the possible changes in Washington’s policy in Central Asia with respect to President Joe Biden’s decision to withdraw U.S troops from Afghanistan. Төв Азид чиглэсэн АНУ-ын бодлого Хураангуй: Есдүгээр сарын 11-ний террорист халдлагын дараа АНУ цэргийн ажиллагаа явуулж, Афганистанд цэргээ байрлуулсанТалибуудтай байгуулсан “Афганистанд энхийн гэрээний”-ний үр дүнд 2021 оны наймдугаар сард АНУ Афганистанаас сүүлчийн цэргээ гаргаж, 20 орчим жилийн дараа цэргээ гаргасан юм. Төв Азийг судалдаг шинжээчдийн үзэж байгаагаар, АНУ нь цэргээ Афганистанаас гаргаснаар тус улстай ойр орших Төв Азийн бүс нутгийн талаарх АНУ-ын бодлогод тодорхой өөрчлөлт гарах төлөвтэй байна. Гэсэн хэдий ч Оросын Украинд явуулж буй дайн байлдааны үйл ажиллагаанаас үүдэн АНУ Европын аюулгүй байдлыг анхаарахаас өөр аргагүй байдалд ороод байгаа юм. Үүнээс болоод Төв Азид Орос, Хятад нь давамгайлах нөлөөгөө хадгалах боломжтой. Зохиогч өгүүллийн эхний хэсэгт Төв Азийн геополитикийн ач холбогдол, бүс нутагт нөлөөгөө тэлэхийн төлөөх их гүрнүүдийн өрсөлдөөнд дүн шинжилгээ хийлээ. Түүнчлэн АНУ-ын Үндсэн хуульд зааснаар тус улсын ерөнхийлөгч гүйцэтгэх засаглалын тэргүүний хувьд улс орныхоо гадаад бодлогыг тодорхойлоход чухал үүрэгтэй тул өгүүллийн хоёрдугаар хэсэгт АНУ-ын үе үеийн ерөнхийлөгчийн Төв Азийн талаар баримталж буй бодлогыг авч үзсэн. Өгүүллийн төгсгөлд АНУ-ын цэргийг Афганистанаас гаргах тухай Ерөнхийлөгч Ж.Байдены шийдвэртэй холбогдуулан Вашингтоны Төв Азийн талаарх бодлогод гарч болзошгүй өөрчлөлтийн талаар судлаачийн байр сууриа хуваалцсан юм. Түлхүүр үгс: Төв Ази, АНУ-ын бодлого, Афганистан, геополитик, ашиг сонирхол
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Bulatov, V. V. "Resonance Concession Offers of the «Military communism» Period (1919–1920)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, no. 2 (2012): 104–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-2-104-110.
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The largest concession offers made by foreign businessmen to the Soviet government during the «military communism» period are considered. Those concession offers are remarkable because they had been made to the Soviet government before the Decree «On the General and Legal Conditions of Concessions» was accepted in Soviet Russia. That decree was also considered as the first harbinger of the Soviet yovemment withdrawal from the «military communism» policy.
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Lee, Dalgon. "Negotiation Strategy between the Two Koreas: With Emphasis on Politico-Military Affairs." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 5 (December 31, 1990): 25–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps05002.
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Global detente seems to be a trend in the near future. The exorbitant German reunification, expecially, has instigated South Korea's expectation for Korean integration. However, North Korea reportedly decided to return to their backward policy and took measures to forbid softening of their socio-political system: that is, they remain one of the world's most closed society. Although there is a hint of forward change, the behavior of the North Korean elites cast a gloom over the future of the lives of all Koreans. In the southern part of the peninsula, changes are occuring in the military section. The U. S. government has set plans to withdraw some portion of the U. S. Forces stationed in Korea. Implementation of the plan will be dependent on the strategic situation of the Far East. Besides the reduction of the U. S. forces in Korea, the Korean government began to seriously consider arms control. Such a change of attitude was signaled by the speech of President Rho in the U. N. General Assembly last year.
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Bracken, Paul. "Scholars and Security." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 4 (November 23, 2010): 1095–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271000321x.
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Michael Mosser's essay presents a strong brief for a constructive relationship between the academy and military and security institutions. Unless scholars join the security debate they won't have much of a voice in it. Much of the concern in the academy about being used or corrupted by the military is based on a misconception. Let's call it by its name: a prejudice. Too many academics think that senior military people are hawks, and not particularly smart or thoughtful ones. But this stereotype more often fits the civilians in the national security institutions than the military. And it's exactly those civilians who will dominate the idea market of national security and international order if academics withdraw from it.
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Fetzer, Thiemo, Pedro C. L. Souza, Oliver Vanden Eynde, and Austin L. Wright. "Security Transitions." American Economic Review 111, no. 7 (July 1, 2021): 2275–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20200412.
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How do foreign powers disengage from a conflict? We study this issue by examining the recent, large-scale security transition from international troops to local forces in the ongoing civil conflict in Afghanistan. We construct a new dataset that combines information on this transition process with declassified conflict outcomes and previously unreleased quarterly survey data of residents’ perceptions of local security. Our empirical design leverages the staggered roll-out of the transition, and employs a novel instrumental variables approach to estimate the impact. We find a significant, sharp, and timely decline of insurgent violence in the initial phase: the security transfer to Afghan forces. We find that this is followed by a significant surge in violence in the second phase: the actual physical withdrawal of foreign troops. We argue that this pattern is consistent with a signaling model, in which the insurgents reduce violence strategically to facilitate the foreign military withdrawal to capitalize on the reduced foreign military presence afterward. Our findings clarify the destabilizing consequences of withdrawal in one of the costliest conflicts in modern history, and yield potentially actionable insights for designing future security transitions. (JEL D74, F51, F52, O17)
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Bondar, K. M., and M. Daragan. "GEODYNAMICS." GEODYNAMICS 2(11)2011, no. 2(11) (September 20, 2011): 30–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/jgd2011.02.030.
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We represent the results of complex investigations aimed at searching for volatile amunition in Inkerman adits, which were used as military stores and were blown up by soviet forces before withdrawal from Sevastopol at the end of June 1942.
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Pion-Berlin, David. "Retreat to the Barracks: Recent Studies on Military Withdrawal from Power." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 32, no. 1 (1990): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166132.
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Rašek, Antonín. "The Americans Withdrew from Iraq and Changed Military Strategy." Vojenské rozhledy 21 (May 25, 2012): 86–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3849/2336-2995.21.2012.02.086-090.
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Yılmaz, Arzu. "What Will Happen to the Kurds If the US Withdraws from Syria and Iraq?" Commentaries 1, no. 1 (November 27, 2021): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tc.v1i1.2000.
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The future of the Kurds in Iraq and Syria after a US withdrawal has already begun to take shape. The containment of Kurdish political and military cross-border mobility has been achieved to some extent by paving the way for Turkey’s military operations; it is now contingent on the recomposition of a desired ‘favorable balance of power” to fill the power vacuum in the Middle East. With an aggressive Turkish stance in the region, however, neither this containment policy nor the efforts made toward the maintenance of the “favorable balance of power” can be successful.
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Kinasz, Kathryn R., Ellen D. Herbst, and Raj K. Kalapatapu. "Case Report: Buprenorphine Induction Using Transdermal Buprenorphine in a Veteran With Opioid Use Disorder and Psychosis, Managing Precipitated Withdrawal." Military Medicine 185, no. 9-10 (April 21, 2020): e1872-e1875. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/usaa068.
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Abstract Buprenorphine induction can lead to precipitated opioid withdrawal, even when using novel techniques such as transdermal buprenorphine. Involuntary limb movements are a distressing symptom of precipitated withdrawal that can be difficult to treat. We report a case of a military veteran transitioning from methadone to buprenorphine for the treatment of opioid use disorder (OUD) using small doses of transdermal buprenorphine. Herein, we review the literature associated with opioid withdrawal-related restlessness. Despite the known risk of concurrent benzodiazepine and buprenorphine administration, including decreased respiratory rate and death, we present a clinical presentation in which this medication combination may be necessary while under medical supervision. We suggest a stepwise algorithm for pharmacotherapy in patients experiencing involuntary limb movements associated with precipitated withdrawal. To safeguard the success of medication-assisted treatment (MAT) for opioid addiction, clinicians should be aware of potential clinical challenges when managing precipitated opioid withdrawal in patients with complex psychiatric comorbidities.
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Koehn, Peter. "Competitive Transition to Civilian Rule: Nigeria's First and Second Experiments." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 3 (September 1989): 401–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0002036x.
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Few Decisions exert a greater impact upon the polity and the pattern of public policy-making than those defining the nature of the political system itself. Transitions from military to civilian rule constitute a dramatic type of institutional change which is encountered with increasing frequency in the Third World. One type of ‘planned withdrawal’ initially involes little alteration in the distribution of power. This approach, which has been employed in Zaïre and Ethiopia, typically yields new nomenclature – for example, the military ruler assumes the title of civilian head of state – and a political structure dominated by a single individual and/or party, closely tied to the same ideology embraced by the military predecessors.
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Trunov, Philipp Olegovich. "Military-Political Peculiarities of Germany’s Participation in Resolute Support Operation, 2015-2021." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 3 (September 20, 2021): 555–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-3-555-570.
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The Afghan direction is rather important for German foreign policy, given the scale and duration (nearly two decades) of German military presence in this Central Asian country. It remains to continue one of the directions of Bundeswehrs usage outside the NATO zone of responsibility. The article tries to explore the specifics of the German military and political-diplomatic tools used in the course of Resolute Support operation. The key research methods are comparative and event-analysis. The paper evaluates the characteristics and the results of the German participation in ISAF activity by the mid-2010s. In this regard it is shown that to a large extent the efforts of the Bundeswehr contingent in Resolute Support were aimed at completing unfinished tasks during the ISAF mission. The new (since 2015) tasks of the German military personal, their determinism, and the peculiarities of their implementation are defined. The article traces the ascending dynamics of the German military presence in Afghanistan. In comparison with Syria and Iraq, taking into account the scale of threats projected from their territory to the Euro-Atlantic community in the mid-2010s, the peculiarities of forms and amounts of the Bundeswehrs use in Afghanistan are demonstrated. The author examines Berlins attempts to maintain its military presence in Afghanistan in conditions when US President Trumps administration and the Taliban (banned in Russia) signed an agreement on the withdrawal of US troops on February 29, 2020. The range of factors that could affect the revision of the White Houses position in the second half of 2020 and early 2021 is defined. During this period, Germany has been trying to keep its military presence in Afghanistan. But after the final decision of the Biden administration on the withdrawal of troops, official Berlin was forced to accelerate the evacuation of its contingent (by July 1, 2021), which largely crossed out the previously declared results of the strategy in Afghanistan. The article concludes by presenting the consequences of the military drawdown in Afghanistan for the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany as a whole.
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Meijer, Hugo, and Stephen G. Brooks. "Illusions of Autonomy: Why Europe Cannot Provide for Its Security If the United States Pulls Back." International Security 45, no. 4 (2021): 7–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00405.
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Abstract Europe's security landscape has changed dramatically in the past decade amid Russia's resurgence, mounting doubts about the long-term reliability of the U.S. security commitment, and Europe's growing aspiration for strategic autonomy. This changed security landscape raises an important counterfactual question: Could Europeans develop an autonomous defense capacity if the United States withdrew completely from Europe? The answer to this question has major implications for a range of policy issues and for the ongoing U.S. grand strategy debate in light of the prominent argument by U.S. “restraint” scholars that Europe can easily defend itself. Addressing this question requires an examination of the historical evolution as well as the current and likely future state of European interests and defense capacity. It shows that any European effort to achieve strategic autonomy would be fundamentally hampered by two mutually reinforcing constraints: “strategic cacophony,” namely profound, continent-wide divergences across all domains of national defense policies—most notably, threat perceptions; and severe military capacity shortfalls that would be very costly and time-consuming to close. As a result, Europeans are highly unlikely to develop an autonomous defense capacity anytime soon, even if the United States were to fully withdraw from the continent.
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Michaels, Jeffrey. "Laying a Firm Foundation for Withdrawal? Rethinking Approaches to Afghan Military Education." Defence Studies 11, no. 4 (December 2011): 594–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2011.642193.
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Pilster, Ulrich, Tobias Böhmelt, and Atsushi Tago. "Political Leadership Changes and the Withdrawal from Military Coalition Operations, 1946-2001." International Studies Perspectives 16, no. 4 (August 30, 2013): 463–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/insp.12058.
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Malek, Martin. "Russian Policy toward South Asia: An Update." Asian Survey 44, no. 3 (May 2004): 384–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2004.44.3.384.
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Russian interest in South Asia stands in the context of the official doctrine of the ““multipolar”” world. The top priority is accorded India, which has been Moscow's close political, military, and (to a more limited degree) economic partner for decades. From the Russian point of view, Pakistan supports terrorism and obstructs any solution to the Kashmir conflict. There have been some attempts to improve relations between Moscow and Islamabad recently, but the results are modest so far. In Afghanistan, Russia has the intention of optimizing its political, military-political, and economic interests immediately, without awaiting an American withdrawal from that country.
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N'Diaye, Boubacar. "To ‘midwife’ – and abort – a democracy: Mauritania's transition from military rule, 2005–2008." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 1 (February 18, 2009): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003765.
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ABSTRACTThe 3 August 2005 military coup was Mauritania's best opportunity to turn the page on decades of the deposed quasi-military regime's destructive politics. This article critically analyses relevant aspects of the transition that ensued in the context of the prevailing models of military withdrawal from politics in Africa. It also examines the challenges that Mauritania's short-lived Third Republic faced. It argues that the transition process did not escape the well-known African military junta leader's proclivity to manipulate transitions to fulfil suddenly awakened self-seeking political ambitions, in violation of solemn promises. While there was no old-fashioned ballot stuffing to decide electoral outcomes, Mauritania's junta leader and his lieutenants spared no effort to keep the military very much involved in politics, and to perpetuate a strong sense of entitlement to political power. Originally designed as an ingenious ‘delayed self-succession’ of sorts, in the end, another coup aborted Mauritania's democratisation process and threw its institutions in a tailspin. This only exacerbated the challenges that have saddled Mauritania's political system and society for decades – unhealthy civil-military relations, a dismal ‘human rights deficit’, terrorism, and a neo-patrimonial, disastrously mismanaged economy.
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Conca, Ken. "Technology, the Military, and Democracy in Brazil." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 1 (1992): 141–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166152.
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Brazil Entered the 1990s with its transition from authoritarian rule incomplete. The gradual withdrawal of the armed forces from power brought an end to over two decades of direct military rule in 1985, paving the way for a new constitution and the first presidential election in nearly 30 years. These formal democratizing changes were erected, however, on a foundation of socio-economic structures and political institutions with some decidedly non-democratic features. As a result, Brazilian politics retains some important vestiges of authoritarianism. Pre-existing centers of power in society remain extraordinarily influential within the emerging system, frequently operating beyond the reach of even nominal democratic control or oversight.If events of the 1980s did not completely transform Brazilian politics, they did redefine the main challenge of the political transition. The initial problem of replacing the military government with a civilian regime has given way to a second, less tangible, task of consolidating democratic institutions and procedures (O'Donnell, 1988).
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James, William D. "Global Britain's strategic problem East of Suez." European Journal of International Security 6, no. 2 (January 11, 2021): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2020.24.
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AbstractWhy did Britain withdraw from its military bases in the Arabian Peninsula and Southeast Asia midway through the Cold War? Existing accounts tend to focus on Britain's weak economic position, as well as the domestic political incentives of retrenchment for the ruling Labour Party. This article offers an alternative explanation: the strategic rationale for retaining a permanent presence East of Suez dissolved during the 1960s, as policymakers realised that these military bases were consuming more security than they could generate. These findings have resonance for British officials charting a return East of Suez today under the banner of ‘Global Britain’.
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Miyake (宮宅潔), Kiyoshi. "The Withdrawal of the Qin Army from Qianling Prefecture: From the End of Conquest to the Beginning of Occupation." Bamboo and Silk 5, no. 1 (March 29, 2022): 73–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689246-00402016.
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Abstract After having conquered the Liye region and establishing Qianling prefecture, the Qin army departed from this newly occupied territory stepwise. According to the withdrawal, the ruling system was also gradually adjusted. In this article, the author analyzes the Liye Qin strips chronologically, and examines the process through which military victories resulted in rule by the occupying forces.