Relevant bibliographies by topics / Military weapons – European Union countries

Academic literature on the topic 'Military weapons – European Union countries'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Military weapons – European Union countries"

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Slepak, V. Yu, and M. E. Romanova. "Legal Aspects of Export Control over the Movement of Arms and Military and Dual-Use Products in the European Union: Current State and Problematic Issues." Actual Problems of Russian Law 16, no. 7 (July 30, 2021): 168–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2021.128.7.168-178.

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The paper explores the issues of export control, their regulation in the law of the European Union; considerable attention is given to differences in the status of military and dual-use goods. Approaches to the harmonization of export of weapons regulation, as well as to the unification of legal provisions on the export of dual-use goods are considered. An analysis of acts of primary and secondary law governing both the movement of military and dual-use goods within the European Union and their export to third countries is carried out. The authors conclude that the European legislator uses similar mechanisms, which allows us to speak about the formation of a unified model of legal regulation in the areas under consideration. Particular attention is given to the procedure for obtaining licenses and permits within the framework of export control to the EU. The paper scrutinizes the characteristic features of customs declaration for military and dual-use goods export, and specifically analyses the procedure and grounds for the suspension of the release of such goods. The paper also discusses the features of checking permits and licenses when exporting military and dual-use goods.
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Yevtodyeva, M. G. "Military-Technical Cooperation of South-East Asian States with the United States and EU Countries (2011–2020)." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 4 (August 30, 2021): 142–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-4-9.

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The article aims to identify the key trends and main areas of development of arms trade and military-technical cooperation between South-East Asian countries and the United States and European Union countries over the past decade (2011–2020). In addition to the direct procurement of weapons and military equipment (with a detailed list of purchased systems for each of the South-East Asian countries), the supply of subsystems and components, the licensed production and other forms of military-technical cooperation are also considered. The growth of military expenditures and arms procurement of the South-East Asian countries over the past decade is analyzed in terms of influence of such drivers as internal instability, the China-US confrontation in the Pacific region and the unresolved disputes between the countries in the South China Sea, the modernization of the armed forces and national defense industries in SouthEast Asia. On this basis, conclusions are made about the prospects for development of military-technical cooperation and arms procurement in the region, as well as how the changes taking place in this sphere affect Russia’s military-technical cooperation with South-East Asian countries.
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Kozma, V. "NATIONAL INTERESTS OF UKRAINE BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(53) (July 8, 2022): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.1(53).261118.

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The prospects for international security are closely linked to solving the age-old problems of war and peace, especially on the European continent. The long period of residence of European peoples in this part of the world, their communication with each other revealed numerous models of coexistence from armed confrontation to the formation of political integration with focus first on the economic component and then on socio-political unity. The creation of the European Union has changed relations between European countries. European states have committed themselves to resolving all disputes peacefully and to cooperating closely within the framework of pan-European institutions. However, the military conflict in Eastern Ukraine has reminded us that the war has not disappeared from the European continent and that Europe is facing new threats and challenges. Rising international tensions and the threat of large-scale military conflict in Europe are becoming a central theme of contemporary political discourse. The article analyzes the reasons for the increase in international conflict and new challenges to Ukraine’s national security. The author emphasizes that in order to understand the reasons, it is important to find out what interests each of the parties to the conflict pursues and what role our country plays in the East-West geopolitical confrontation. It is noted that the difference in views of Russia and the West on international relations leaves little room for compromise on Ukraine. The Kremlin’s demands for security combined with the “rattling” of weapons on Ukraine’s borders have provoked mixed reactions in the European Union and the United States. It is clear that Russia’s blackmail is bearing fruit and the start of the negotiation process marks a revision of European security policy. Given these circumstances, the author emphasizes the importance for Ukraine to be an active subject of the negotiation process in order to protect its own national interests.
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Yarova, Alla. "THEMATIC PATTERNS OF RUSSIAN DISINFORMATION." Baltic Journal of Legal and Social Sciences, no. 4 (January 2, 2023): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2592-8813-2022-4-19.

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The article presents a description of a text collection representing disinformation messages about the war in Ukraine published on one of the Telegram channels in order to influence the Russian-speaking community in Germany. The main subjects that Russian propaganda used at the beginning of its full-scale invasion of Ukraine were determined on the basis of deductive thematic analysis, content analysis, and semantic and stylistic analysis of the texts. It has been established that the similarity of the subjects of Russian disinformation and the identity of their coverage in different countries allows us to talk about a full-fledged system of moderation by official Russia not only traditional media, but also social networks; a special news selection for commenting, the so-called agenda, and a certain way of commenting them. The same type set of topics and the identity of their coverage in different countries gives reason to conclude that they have been transformed into peculiar patterns, according to which a carefully constructed image unfolds through the story. The task: to compromise Ukraine, as well as European countries and politicians who did not support the Kremlin's military aggression; to impose a favorable for Russian vision of its attack on Ukraine; to cause panic with threats of global military conflict with the use of nuclear weapons among European citizens, and an energy and food crisis in Europe; to destabilize the domestic political situation within Germany; to demonize the image of the US to divert attention from the real aggressor and to compromise the partnership between the European Union and the US.
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Nikitin, Alexander. "Trends of military-political development in Europe and of military-technical cooperation between the EU member states." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2020): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2020.04.03.

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The article analyzes in the time frame of the coming decade (2020–2030) the main trends in the development of the military and political situation in Europe. New nuclear risks arising from the weakening of the WMD non-proliferation regime, the dismantling of the INF Treaty and the prospects for the deployment of new generations of medium- and short-range missiles in Europe are being considered. The EU's successes and failures over the past three decades in establishing a system of EU operations and missions in conflict regions have been systematized. The structure, types, purpose of the 47 projects of military-technical and military-political cooperation implemented by the European Union within the framework of the EU Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) are analyzed. Groups of projects aimed at strengthening cooperation in the crisis response, at the development and production of weapons, at mastering information- and cyber-communications, logistics and medical cooperation, and at training activities are identified. The strengthening of Europe's geostrategic autonomy from the United States is noted, as well as the military-technical rather than military-operational emphasis within the PESCO programs, the absence of projects aimed directly at conducting collective offensive operations. Conclusions are drawn regarding the dangers of involving the CSTO indirect confrontation with NATO and the EU, the need to establish cooperation along the CSTO-EU line in confronting new common risks and challenges that are endangering both the east and west of Europe. There has been a transformation of many programs of military-technical and military-operational cooperation/integration of EU countries into the basis for new directions of the arms race in Europe.
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Pasinovych, Iryna, and Olha Sych. "Industrial policy as a driver of economic growth: experience of European Union member states for Ukraine." Regional Economy, no. 1(91) (2019): 56–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.36818/1562-0905-2019-1-7.

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The article analyzes the experience of reforming of industrial policy of the EU member states on the way to sustainable economic development. Based on the conducted analysis the priority areas of high added value in Ukraine are outlined: transport, aerospace, energy engineering, production of equipment for alternative energy, including new materials and energy storage devices; production of weapons, military and special equipment; information and communication technologies. The development of the diversified and high-tech industries, especially the processing industry, is the key to ensuring the economic growth in Ukraine. The de-industrialization in Ukraine in recent years has been slowing down the movement towards the stable and sustained growth. To estimate trends in the structure of Ukraine’s GDP and their impact on economic growth, the taxonomic indicator of development level has been calculated. The units of the statistical aggregate (data from Germany, Poland and Ukraine) were mapped. The relative position of the state was determined as the distance from the statistical aggregate unit to the selected reference base (reference point). The smaller the value of the taxonomic indicator of development is, the closer the country is to the standard. The indicators of GDP, GDP growth rate and the share of industrial production belong to stimulants; the level of inflation and the share of agriculture in GDP - to disincentives. The corresponding calculations permit to draw the following conclusions: - Poland was the closest to the standard in 2000 (index 0.650), although Ukraine demonstrated at that time the highest growth rates and the biggest share of industry in GDP; - in 2017 the gap was increasing - Ukraine was inferior to both countries (with indicators 0.325 and 0.336), due to lower rates of economic growth and a decrease in the share of industrial production against the backdrop of inflationary phenomena. Ukraine should take into account that no country focused on agricultural development has succeeded in economic development. Progressive foreign experience can highlight the criterion of positive changes - an increase in the proportion of technologically complex productions with high added value in the structure of reproduction.
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Voronov, K. "Security Modus Operandi of the Northern Europe." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 1 (2021): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-82-89.

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The article analyses the complex influence of dangerous changes, which took place after 2014 in the international political environment in Europe, on the ongoing transformations, suggests essential revision of national policies of the five Nordic countries (Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Sweden and Finland) in the field of their security and defenсe. The degree of military and political tension in the North of Europe has increased significantly after 2014. The conflict is escalating due to additional deployment within the so-called reinforcement of the “eastern flank” of the Alliance with three allied battalions, and NATO weapons in the Baltic States and Poland. However, great strategic stability in the zone of direct contact between NATO and Russia is still possible to maintain. The international political situation in the subregion has also deteriorated markedly as a result of the U.S., NATO and EU sanctions policy against Russia, strengthening of transatlantic relations of the Nordic countries, and reinforcement of allied ties within the framework of the Western bloc policy as a whole. It noted signified not only a revision in favor of further strengthening of transatlantic ties in the policy of bloc allegiance of the Nordic countries – members of NATO (Denmark, Norway, Iceland), but also an obvious intensification of practical cooperation between formally non-aligned states (Sweden and Finland) with the Alliance structures. The Nordic Defenсe Cooperation (NORDEFCO) has also started to acquire a risky pro-Atlantic style, losing its previous autonomous subregional nature. Apparently, in the present complex situation, the Nordic Five is disposed to solve security and defence problems by: 1) having a greater many-sided cooperation with NATO; 2) giving a real, limited meaning to the European Union in the military-political sphere; 3) continuing to bear pressure upon Russia for the purpose of limiting Russian influence in the subregion, especially in the Baltic region. In the near future, the problem of NATO accession for Sweden and Finland may remain in the same precarious condition unless some dangerous force majeure circumstances occur in the Baltic region.
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Lufi, Simon, and Marsel Nilaj. "The Kosovo War In The British Parliament Talks In 1999." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 17 (June 29, 2016): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n17p24.

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The Kosovo War in the 1990s was one among a series of wars in the former Yugoslav federation. It was the final war that ended the dissolution which had started with Slovenia from1990 to 1991, Croatia and Bosnia - Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and the Kosovo War from 1998 to 1999. However, the Kosovo war happened during a different situation and period. It was at a time and in a position to cause the domino effect in the Balkans and an outbreak of wars in a large part of the Balkans. This fight could include Albania and Macedonia as nations with an ethnic Albanian population. It could also have a religious or cultural impact that threatened to involve other states such as Bosnia and Turkey on the one hand and Greece on the other. The interest of major countries in Europe, as well as the world, was focused on this war. A country among them was the UK. As one of the founding states of the European Union, United Nations, and NATO, the UK was quite involved in this war. The UK and the US were two countries that became the political and military leadership in this struggle since its beginning, while reaching a peak in 1999. This situation involved talks in the British Parliament in the UK, especially the House of Lords where the decision-making aspect of parliamentary politics is achieved. The war was also a major concern for the parliament. On the one hand, it was important to resolve the situation in Kosovo without worsening it with other massacres. On the other hand, this situation required caution in dealing with the Serbian people. The destiny of Kosovo refugees was important to them. However, the future of the Serbian people in Kosovo had to be guaranteed. The most important thing was to obtain full autonomy for Kosovo, but also to achieve a bilateral cooperation from both countries. The House of Lords and the interest of some lords in this war made the British policy, as a whole, a lot more responsible for accomplishing what it had started since diplomacy regarding weapons and the military intervention used to manage the situation of refugees in Kosovo had a huge impact in Europe. The British parliamentary sessions were very crucial in leading to an international level this whole historical phase for Kosovo.
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Aleshin, A. "PESCO and NATO Defence Projects: Coordination or Competition?" Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2022): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-4-35-45.

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The EU’s PESCO projects and NATO’s High Visibility Projects are aimed at strengthening the defence capabilities of the member states of these two structures, creating new military technologies, jointly purchasing equipment and weapons, optimizing countries' defence spending and coordinating the transformation of their armed forces structures in accordance with collective interests. At the same time, the projects of the EU and NATO have different tasks that align with the foreign policy goals of these different in nature structures. Due to the participation of various states in each of them, primarily the United States in NATO, a number of contradictions between them remain. However, most of them are offset by the EU–NATO cooperation. The latter has significantly intensified since 2016. Two bilateral declarations were signed and two packages of measures for their implementation were adopted. The parties have strengthened political cooperation, interaction during operations, coordination of defence planning, they jointly develop projects for the formation of military infrastructure, develop deepen military-technical cooperation in areas of common interest. The article analyzes the PESCO and High Visibility Projects projects, compares them and identifies the links and differences between them. It is substantiated that, despite the various tasks, in the conditions of the modern transformation of the world order and the evolution of threats to their member states, the EU and NATO are expanding coordination in defence planning and developing a division of responsibilities between the two. The PESCO and High Visibility Projects are being implemented in full synchronization with each other, with the participation of a number of EU member states, but not-NATO members, in NATO projects and vice versa. Rather, the projects complement each other, although the scope of PESCO is much broader due to the peculiarities of the nature of the European Union as a regional integration association. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study is a spatial approach. It is substantiated that the EU and NATO, both being already transnational political spaces, form a superstructure space of EU-NATO cooperation, in which the actors of the first level – these two structures themselves – and the second level – the states – interact more intensively than with external actors, participate in the struggle for power, redistribution of resources, form the identity of this transnational space. It is concluded that in the future, coordination between the PESCO and High Visibility Projects, as well as between the EU and NATO in general, will expand.
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Ponypalyak, Oleksandr. "Cooperation of the OUN with the USA and Great Britain IN 1945–1955 (based on Soviet materials)." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 67 (2022): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2022.67.11.

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In this article, the author explores the issue of cooperation between the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and Great Britain and the United States of America in the first postwar decade. The object of the author’s study is the Ukrainian liberation movement, the subject of study is the cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the special services of Western countries in the context of the confrontation with the Soviet Union in the early stages of the Cold War. The sources of the study are internal documents of the Soviet security services, reports, orders of the Ministry of State Security and the Committee of State Security of the USSR and protocols of interrogations of participants and leaders of the Ukrainian underground. In this context, the interrogation reports of V. Okhrymovych, the head of intelligence of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad, who was trained in intelligence at the school of spies and in 1951 was landed in Soviet-controlled territory, were discovered and arrested by the KGB. The author analyzed the peculiarities of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine and the entire region of Central and Eastern Europe in the postwar period. Separately, the researcher studied the specifics and features of cooperation of Ukrainian nationalists with the intelligence agencies of the United States and Great Britain. The author analyzed the documents available in the archives of Ukraine for evidence of cooperation and coordination of efforts of the Ukrainian liberation movement abroad with representatives of special services of foreign states to gather intelligence in the USSR anti-Soviet sentiments, etc. The analysis of the facts in the documents showed the complexity of the situation of the Ukrainian liberation movement at the final stage of the armed struggle on the territory of Ukraine. In fact, Western special services were in dire need of intelligence from the Soviet Union, while centers of the Ukrainian movement abroad needed support in weapons, equipment, radio, new methods of sabotage and intelligence, and financial support. OUN members also had to study and learn about parachuting abroad, as illegal land routes were blocked by socialist countries. The transfer of Ukrainian underground was carried out illegally on American or British planes, from which landings were carried out over the territory of Ukraine together with walkie-talkies and equipment. The overthrown had to get in touch with the underground in Ukraine and renew the line of communication with the network of the Ukrainian liberation movement in the USSR. This article will be of interest to researchers of the history of Ukraine, the Soviet Union, the United States and the European continent of the ХХ century, specialists in military affairs, intelligence and the Ukrainian liberation movement, students and anyone persons interested in history.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Military weapons – European Union countries"

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PFARR, Mag Dietmar. "Civilian control of armed forces : challenges for the European Union /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FPFARR.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-56). Also available online.
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Vlachos-Dengler, Katia. "Carry that weight improving European strategic airlift capabilities /." Santa Monica, CA : RAND, 2007. http://www.rand.org/pubs/rgs_dissertations/RGSD219/.

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Nováky, Niklas I. M. "The deployment of European Union military operations : a collective action perspective." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2016. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=230696.

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The thesis works towards a new theoretically informed framework of analysis for understanding the deployment of military operations launched in the framework of the European Union's (EU) European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). This multi level collective action approach is based on the assumption that the deployment of those operations is a highly complex process that cuts across different policy making levels from the national to the international and involves multiple actors from within and outside the EU. As a result, the thesis argues that we cannot understand the reasons behind their deployment adequately by focusing only on a single level of analysis. The thesis then develops a more holistic approach for understanding the deployment of ESDP military operations based on three different levels of analysis: firstly, the international level, where the emergence of events that threaten certain values catalyses the process leading to an operation; secondly, the national level, where EU member states formulate their national preferences towards prospective deployments based on utility expectations; and thirdly, the EU level, where the member states come to negotiate and seek compromises to accommodate their different national preferences towards a deployment. The strength of the framework is demonstrated through four case studies. These are EUFOR Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Operation Artemis and EUFOR RD Congo in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the anti-piracy naval operation EUNAVFOR Atalanta off the coast of Somalia. The thesis will also provide an overview and critique of the existing theoretical literature on the deployment of ESDP military operations.
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Panagopoulos, Ilias. "Electronic warfare : a critical military and technological asset for the improvement of the Common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FPanagoloulos.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Engineering)--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Wadsworth, Robert Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-144). Also available online.
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Sule, Attila. "The European Union in peace operations : limits of policy-making and military implementation." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1061.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
The 1992 European Union (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, Maastricht Treaty) marked a turning point in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The Balkan conflicts and broader political changes in the 1990s compelled the EU to assume more responsibility in peace operations. The EU's 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) is planned to be operational in 2003. Will the EU be able to conduct Petersberg-type peace operations? This thesis analyzes policy and military shortfalls of the Balkan peacekeeping effort. Questions about the legitimacy of armed humanitarian interventions, about difficulties in common policy formulation and translation to sound military objectives are the core problems of civil-military relations in European peace operations. The case studies focus on the EU failure to resolve the Bosnian crises between 1992-95, and on the gaps between NATO policies and military objectives in the operations of 'Implementation Force' in Bosnia and 'Allied Force' in Kosovo. The thesis considers developments in EU CFSP institutions and EU-NATO relationship as well as the EU's response to terrorist attacks on September 11 2001. The thesis argues that the difficulty in EU CFSP formulation limits the effective use of RRF in military operations.
Major, Hungarian Army
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Gong, Xi. "Explaining EU-US strategic difference after the Cold War : the case of Iran's nuclear issue." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555593.

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Gurkan, Seda. "The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005: à la carte Europeanisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.

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The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Grevi, Giovanni. "The common foreign, security and defence policy of the European Union: ever-closer cooperation, dynamics of regime deepening." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210673.

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“What is Europe's role in this changed world? Does Europe not, now that is finally unified, have a leading role to play in a new world order, that of a power able both to play a stabilising role worldwide and to point the way ahead for many countries and peoples?” These were two of the central questions put by the Laeken Declaration, adopted by the European Council in December 2001. The Declaration offered the beginning of an answer, pointing out the direction for future policy developments, and for the institutional reform underpinning them: “The role it has to play is that of a power resolutely doing battle against all violence, all terror and all fanaticism, but which also does not turn a blind eye to the world's heartrending injustices. In short, a power wanting to change the course of world affairs…A power seeking to set globalisation within a moral framework.” At the same time, the Laeken Declaration pointed out some more specific questions concerning the institutional innovations required to enhance the coherence of European foreign policy and to reinforce the synergy between the High Representative for CFSP and the relevant Commissioners within the RELEX family. With a view to a better distribution of competences between the EU and Member States, on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity, the text mentioned the development of a European foreign and defence policy first, and referred more particularly to the scope for updating the ‘Petersberg’ tasks of crisis management, a policy domain that would take a pivotal place in the consolidation of ESDP and CFSP at large. This Declaration marks the beginning of the process of regime reform that covers the last three years of common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union. This evolution, and the innovations that it has brought about in institutional and normative terms, are the subjects of this thesis.

The Convention on the future of Europe, set up by the Laeken Declaration, represented an important stage in the pan-European debate on the objectives, values, means and decision-making tools of CFSP. The US-led intervention in Iraq in March 2003 marked a new ‘critical juncture’ in the development of the conceptual and institutional bases of CFSP. As it was the case in the past, following major policy failures in the course of the Balkan wars, Member States sought to mend the rift that divided them in the run up to the Iraq war. In so doing, Member States agreed on a significant degree of institutional reform in the context of the Convention and of the subsequent Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC). The creation of the new position of a double-hatted Foreign Minister, as well as the envisaged rationalisation and consolidation of the instruments at his/her disposal, including a new European External Action Service (EAS), is a primary achievement in this perspective. On the defence side, a new formula of ‘permanent structured cooperation’ among willing and able Member States has been included in the Treaty Establishing the European Constitution (Constitutional Treaty), with a view to them undertaking more binding commitments in the field of defence, and fulfilling more demanding missions. Right at the time when the Iraq crisis was sending shockwaves across the political and institutional structures of the Union, and of CFSP in particular, the first ESDP civilian mission were launched, soon followed by small military operations. The unprecedented deployment of civilian and military personnel under EU flag in as many as 13 missions between 2002 and 2005 could be achieved thanks to the development of a new layer of policy-makign and crisis-management bodies in Brussels. The launch of successive ESDP operations turned out to be a powerful catalyst for the further expansion and consolidation of this bureaucratic framework and of the conceptual dimension of CFSP/ESDP. Most importantly, these and other dimensions of institutional and operational progress should be set in a new, overarching normative and political framework provided by the European Security Strategy (ESS).

Needless to say, institutional innovations are stalled following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in the French and Dutch referenda of May/June 2005. With a view to the evolution of the CFSP regime, however, I argue in this thesis that the institutional reforms envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty are largely consistent with the unfolding normative and bureaucratic features of the regime. As illustrated in the course of my research, the institutional, bureaucratic and normative dimensions of the regime appear to strengthen one another, thereby fostering regime deepening. From this standpoint, therefore, the stalemate of institutional reform does slow down the reform of the international regime of CFSP but does not seem to alter the direction of its evolution and entail its stagnation, or even dismantling. On the contrary, I maintain that the dynamics of regime change that I detect will lead to stronger, endogenous and exogenous demands for institutional reform, whose shapes and priorities are to a large extent already included in the Constitutional treaty. This vantage point paves the way to identifying the trends underlying the evolution of the regime, but does not lead to endorsing a teleological reading of regime reform. As made clear in what follows, CFSP largely remains a matter of international cooperation with a strong (although not exclusive) inter-governmental component. As such, this international regime could still suffer serious, and potentially irreversible, blows, were some EU Member States to openly depart from its normative coordinates and dismiss its institutional or bureaucratic instances. While this scenario cannot be ruled out, I argue in this thesis that this does not seem the way forward. The institutional and normative indicators that I detect and review point consistently towards a ‘deepening’ of the regime, and closer cooperation among Member States. In other words, it is not a matter of excluding the possibility of disruptions in the evolution of the CFSP regime, but to improve the understanding of regime dynamics so as to draw a distinction between long-term trends and conjunctural crises that, so far, have not undermined the incremental consolidation of CFSP/ESDP.

Central to this research is the analysis of the institutional and normative features of the CFSP regime at EU level. The focus lies on the (increasing) difference that institutions and norms make to inter-governmental policy-making under CFSP, in the inter-play with national actors. The purpose of my research is therefore threefold. First, I investigate the functioning and development of the bureaucratic structures underpinning the CFSP regime, since their establishment in 2000/2001 up to 2005. This theoretically informed review will allow me to highlight the distinctive procedural and normative features of CFSP policy-making and, subsequently, to assess their influence on the successive stages of reform. Second, I track and interpret the unprecedented processes by which innovations have been introduced (or envisaged) at the institutional and normative level of the regime, with a focus on the Convention on the future of Europe and on the drafting of the European Security Strategy. Third, I assess the institutional and normative output of this dense stage of reform, with respect both to the ‘internal’ coherence and the deepening of the regime, and to the ‘external’ projection of the EU as an international actor in the making.

On the whole, I assume that a significant, multidimensional transition of the CFSP regime is underway. The bureaucratic framework enabling inter-governmental cooperation encourages patterned behaviour, which progressively generates shared norms and standards of appropriateness, affecting the definition of national interests. In terms of decision-making, debate and deliberation increasingly complement negotiation within Brussels-based CFSP bodies. Looking at the direction of institutional and policy evolution, the logic of ‘sharing’ tasks, decisions and resources across different (European and national) levels of governance prevails, thereby strengthening the relevance of ‘path-dependency’ and of the ‘ratchet effect’ in enhancing inter-governmental cooperation as well as regime reform.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Rasco, Clark Joseph. "Demographic trends in the European Union: political and strategic implications." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1526.

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This thesis analyzes adverse demographic trends in the European Union, including sub-replacement birthrates and increasing median ages. It investigates the implications of these trends for the EU's prospects for becoming a stronger and more influential actor in international affairs. Pressures arising from population trends in and near the EU could ultimately affect national and EU cohesion, governmental effectiveness, and social stability. Absent remedial measures, social programs in some EU countries will be unsustainable due to the mounting financial burden of pensions and health care for growing elderly populations. Such financial obligations hinder funding other national programs, including modernized military capabilities. Nationalism and national identity are at issue in immigrant integration and assimilation efforts. The role of population trends with regard to the growing threat of radical Islamic fundamentalism is explored. The thesis concludes with policy recommendations that might be considered to avert the looming economic, social, and security crises that may result from these demographic trends. In short, the security and financial consequences foreshadowed by the current demographic trends of an aging, economically weaker, and socially conflicted European Union could present dramatic implications for the vital national interests of the United States.
Lieutenant, United States Navy
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Svejda, Miroslav. "NATO's global role : to what extent will NATO pursue a global orientation? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FSvejda.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-93). Also available online.
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Books on the topic "Military weapons – European Union countries"

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Martin, Trybus, and White N. D. 1961-, eds. European security law. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.

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James, Sperling, Wagnsson Charlotte, and Hallenberg Jan, eds. European security governance: The European Union in a Westphalian world. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

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Schmitt, Burkard. The European Union and armaments: Getting a bigger bang for the Euro. Paris: European Union Institute for Security Studies, 2003.

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Jolyon, Howorth, and Menon Anand 1965-, eds. The European Union and national defence policy. London: Routledge, 1997.

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Norheim-Martinsen, Per M. The European Union and military force: Government and strategy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

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Toje, Asle. The European Union as a small power: After the post-Cold War. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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L'Agence européenne de défense et la coopération dans le domaine capacitaire. Paris: Harmattan, 2010.

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European Union security dynamics in the new national interest. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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K, Bailes Alyson J., Herolf Gunilla, Sundelius Bengt, and Stockholm International Peace Research Institute., eds. The Nordic countries and the European security and defence policy. Oxford: SIPRI, 2006.

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The Routledge handbook of European security. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Military weapons – European Union countries"

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Frigola, Pierre. "Combatting Illicit Trafficking of Nuclear Materials: Cooperation Projects Financed by the European Union with Non-Member Countries." In Dismantlement and Destruction of Chemical, Nuclear and Conventional Weapons, 105–18. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-1276-7_27.

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Lake, Gordon. "The European Union’s Contribution to the R&TD Capacities of the Countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union." In Military R&D after the Cold War, 153–61. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-1730-9_11.

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Carlson, Brian G. "China-Russia Cooperation in Nuclear Deterrence." In Russia-China Relations, 141–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_8.

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AbstractNuclear issues have historically played an important role in the development of relations between Moscow and Beijing, acting as a source of both potential discord and emergent cooperation. From 1964, when China conducted its first nuclear test, until Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s tenure in the 1980s, nuclear relations between the Soviet Union and China were explicitly adversarial. The normalization of Sino-Soviet relations introduced an era of implicitly adversarial relations that lasted until the Ukraine crisis. During this phase, Russia’s concerns about China’s growing military power and its resulting determination to maintain nuclear deterrence of China remained apparent. Since the onset of the Ukraine crisis, Russia and China have built an increasingly close relationship, leading to a new phase of implicitly cooperative nuclear relations featuring coordinated efforts to maintain nuclear deterrence of the United States. The two countries jointly oppose US efforts to build missile defense systems and high-precision conventional weapons. They coordinate their positions on such issues as multilateral arms control and the post-INF strategic landscape. Russia is helping China to build a missile attack early warning system. Growing levels of defense cooperation raise the possibility of coordinated efforts to maintain nuclear deterrence of the United States in a crisis.
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Mandelbaum, Michael. "The Contest of Systems, 1945–1953." In The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy, 239–80. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197621790.003.0008.

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The United States and the Soviet Union, allies during World War II, became rivals in the half decade following that war’s end. The Soviet imposition of communist rule on the countries of Eastern Europe played a major part in beginning what came to be known as the Cold War. That conflict pitted against each other two countries with radically different political and economic systems, both armed with nuclear weapons, that opposed each other around the world. The outbreak of the Korean War in 1950 made the conflict a military as well as a political and economic one for the United States and spread it to East Asia. It involved the United States in almost four years of fighting.
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Nitszke, Agnieszka. "The European Union versus Russian Disinformation." In Information Security Policy: Conditions, Threats and Implementation in the International Environment, 35–51. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788381388276.02.

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The war in Ukraine has made public opinion and policy makers aware of the Russian Federation as a major threat to international security, but also to the internal security of the European Union. The military threat is only one of the instruments used by this state. For years, a different type of Russian activity in the EU has been observed, consisting in creating an alternative picture of the situation in Ukraine, and interfering in political processes in selected countries. All these activities are aimed at undermining the cohesion and solidarity of the EU, which, from Moscow’s perspective, is a threat to its political interests as a result of the Union’s promotion of democratic values and principles and human rights in the international environment. The article presents selected disinformation campaigns carried out by Russia in the EU and then analyses the actions the Union has taken in response. Conclusions and recommendations were formulated in the end.
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Smith, Michael E. "8. Implementation." In International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the policy instruments used by the European Union to translate its common interests into collective action in the international arena. It first considers the problem of implementation in EU foreign policy before discussing the EU's own resources in external relations/third countries as well as the role of member states' resources in EU's external relations. It then explores the instruments of EU foreign policy, which can be grouped into diplomatic, economic, and military/civilian capabilities. It also analyses the credibility and capability gaps in the EU's policy implementation, noting that there exists a key divide between the ‘low politics’ of economic affairs and the ‘high politics’ of security/defence affairs. The chapter suggests that the EU's unique capacity for policy implementation in the area of international relations can be very erratic.
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Jones, Kent. "Emotional Flashpoints of Populism and Trade." In Populism and Trade, 33–49. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190086350.003.0003.

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This chapter discusses populist movements and how they typically depend on the emotional appeal of their platforms in order to achieve electoral success. Populist leaders therefore tend to identify flashpoint issues that resonate with their constituents in terms of the conflict with the discredited elite. Conceptual flashpoints include national sovereignty, which the elite have allegedly compromised; and trade balances, whereby the deficit country is the loser; and tariffs, presented as weapons to punish foreign countries. Institutional flashpoints include the World Trade Organization, regional trade agreements, and the European Union as a special case in the Brexit referendum. Identifiable countries and groups serve to personalize the focus of populist resentment, and represent the third type of flashpoint. Mexico and China have served this function for Trump especially, while immigrants and terrorists play this role in the United States, the European Union, and elsewhere.
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MacKechnie, Aonghus. "Exiting Europe? The Royal Works in the Age of 1689 Revolution and 1707 Union." In The Architecture of Scotland, 1660-1750, 51–71. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474455268.003.0004.

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European countries in the early modern period had normally a monarchy, royal palaces, and a royal architect chosen for his skills. Scotland was no different, with its Master of Work, and both Sir William Bruce (c.1625-1710) and Master James Smith (c.1645-1731) are well known for occupying that role. This chapter shows how the situation in Scotland reversed from that European norm following the anti-Catholic rejection of James VII/II in 1689 and his replacement by King William II/III. The change in monarchy prompted military uprising which the new order would win, and royal interest in Scottish architecture moved from building royal palaces to building forts, creating militarised zones to suppress dissent.
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Hiro, Dilip. "The Arab Spring—Reversed by a Saudi-Backed Counterrevolution." In Cold War in the Islamic World, 241–74. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190944650.003.0012.

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Saudi King Abdullah played a central role in rolling back non-violent, popular movement for democracy and human rights that occurred in early 2011 in Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain and Yemen. The election of Muhammad Morsi, a Muslim Brotherhood leader, as president in Egypt’s first free and fair election in June 2012, went down badly in Riyadh. It welcomed the military coup against Morsi in July 2013. Abdullah helped to put together a package of $12 billion to shore up the military regime in Cairo. Iran described the popular demonstrations in Tunisia, Egypt and Bahrain as Islamic Awakening, and welcomed Morsi’s victory. But it failed to pin that label on the peaceful protests in Syria under President Bashar Assad, affiliated to the Alawi sub-sect in Shia Islam. In 2013 the Syrian civil war acquired an international dimension when the Assad regime used chemical weapons – described as a red line by US President Barack Obama. His failure to punish Assad for crossing this red line disappointed Abdullah. He ignored the fact that Obama-led tightening of economic sanctions against Iran by the US and the European Union were making Iran’s moderate President Hassan Rouhani amenable to a compromise on the nuclear issue.
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Miheș, Cristian Dumitru. "Romania: National Regulations in the Shadow of a Common Past." In Criminal Legal Studies : European Challenges and Central European Responses in the Criminal Science of the 21st Century, 125–55. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.evcs.cls_5.

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The rule of law is very difficult to enforce during periods of dictatorship or war. We can have a justice system that functions, as we had before 1989, but that system was confined to upholding the regime in power. Romania experienced a dictatorship for a very long period of time. In the first phase, there was a royal dictatorship from 1938, then a military one, followed by the communist regime until the end of 1989. Since 1945, Romania has been a part of the world where the communist system imposed by the Soviet Union left its mark on criminal justice. The authors of the 1968 Penal Code considered that code to have been adopted “with the purpose of solving uniformly the vast problematic of pre- venting and punishing the crimes.” In a practical regard, the entire legislation was a tool to ensure the success of the regime of communist oppression. In these circumstances, the events that took place in 1989 liberated the spirit of freedom; meanwhile, the consequences of those events took the citizens of the Central and East European countries by surprise, and they were unprepared for the struggle toward democracy and the rule of law. This was the case in Romania when, finally, in 2014, the process of enforcing all fundamental codes was established. In fact, the reform was deeper than the adoption of a new Penal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedure, and the Law on the Execution of Sentences, Educational Measures, and Judicial Measures during Criminal Proceedings. This study presents the main principles, legal institutions, and operational characteristics of the new laws.
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Conference papers on the topic "Military weapons – European Union countries"

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Heyes, Alan. "The UK Government’s Global Partnership Programme: Its Achievements Over the Past Five Years and Challenges Ahead." In The 11th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2007-7099.

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Through the Global Partnership the UK continues to make a significant contribution to improve national and global security. Over the past year the UK has continued to implement a wide range of projects across the breadth of its Global Partnership Programme. As well as ensuring the Programme is robust and capable of dealing with new challenges, the UK has cooperated with other donor countries to help them progress projects associated with submarine dismantling, scientist redirection, enhancing nuclear security and Chemical Weapons Destruction. The Global Partnership, although only five years old, has already achieved a great deal. Some 23 states, plus the European Union, are now working closer together under the Global Partnership, and collectively have enhanced global regional and national security by reducing the availability of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) materials and expertise to both states of concern and terrorists. Considerable progress has already been made in, for example: • Improving the security of fissile materials, dangerous biological agents and chemical weapons stocks; • Reducing the number of sites containing radioactive materials; • Working towards closure of reactors still producing weapon-grade plutonium; • Improving nuclear safety to reduce the risks of further, Chernobyl style accidents; • Constructing facilities for destroying Chemical Weapons stocks, and starting actual destruction; • Providing sustainable employment for former WMD scientists to reduce the risk that their expertise will be misused by states or terrorists. By contributing to many of these activities, the UK has helped to make the world safer. This paper reports on the UK’s practical and sustainable contribution to the Global Partnership and identifies a number of challenges that remain if it is to have a wider impact on reducing the threats from WMD material.
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Mitrea, Geta. "FUNDING SOURCES FOR NEW TRENDS IN SECURITY AND DEFENSE EDUCATION." In eLSE 2020. University Publishing House, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-20-028.

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The lines of external source funding in the field of security and defense are varied, offering a multitude of possibilities for specialists in the field who wish to access projects with non-reimbursable financing for ideas that cannot be financed from internal sources. The funding opportunities come in response to the needs of the security and defense institutions and offer a precise solution on certain areas that have deficiencies both nationally and at European level. An example is the one of the higher education institutions in the field of security and defense that want to open the gates for the mutual exchanges of study experience for the students of the bachelor, master or doctorate and for which the necessity of carrying out an internship of documentation and/or research is required within a similar institution abroad. At present, the financing lines on which the national military universities can access projects are EEA Grants, ERASMUS +, structural funds without being limited to them. Higher education institutions in Iceland, Norway, Liechtenstein are an example of good practice in security and defense that can be multiplied and adapted to the needs of European Union member countries. This is one of the reasons for the possibility of financing projects for priority areas. In addition, exchanges of experience between students and teachers between institutions in these countries can help to identify sustainable long-term solutions. The projects with non-reimbursable financing represent a viable solution in the short and medium term in order to stimulate the personnel of the security and defense institutions to be creative and constructive in a society that has a constantly changing dynamic.
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Reports on the topic "Military weapons – European Union countries"

1

Maletta, Giovanna, and Lauriane Héau. Funding Arms Transfers through the European Peace Facility: Preventing Risks of Diversion and Misuse. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/oelz9733.

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Since it was established in March 2021, the European Peace Facility (EPF) has become the main source of funding for European Union (EU) external actions in the field of crisis management and conflict prevention with defence and military implications. These include initiatives such as EU military missions, support to military peace operations led by other actors and assistance to strengthen third states’ military capacities. In addition, through the EPF, EU security assistance can also fund, for the first time, the supply of lethal military equipment and, thus, weapons. Arms transfers to countries that are affected by crises and conflict bear higher risks that the weapons provided may be misused or diverted to unauthorized end-users. Considering the contexts in which the EPF is already or will likely be funding the provision of weapons, these risks are particularly tangible. The EU and its member states have instruments and expertise at their disposal that they should use to minimize the potential negative consequences generated by using the EPF for addressing partners’ security needs. These include preventing overlaps in establishing relevant controls, including post-shipment controls, and coordinating EPF actions with assistance in the field of arms transfer and small arms and light weapons controls.
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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.

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The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.
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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.

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This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.
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Saalman, Lora. Navigating Chinese–Russian Nuclear and Space Convergence and Divergence. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rxgl6272.

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Following the release of a China–Russia joint statement in February 2022, analysts have argued that the two countries have become strategically aligned. While both share security concerns and even use similar terminology on ‘active defence’, the manner in which they address these concerns and operationalize these concepts is not the same—at least not yet. When applied to nuclear deterrence, the Chinese version of active defence suggests retaliatory action against a nuclear attack while the Russian version indicates pre-emption in the face of either non-nuclear or nuclear aggression. In terms of space, while both are jointly pursuing a treaty on non-weaponization, China’s defence white papers tend towards a brief and vague mention of challenges, as opposed to Russia’s pervasive concerns over an attack in its military doctrines. Thus, while there is similarity between the two countries, there remain notable differences. This paper explores China’s and Russia’s most recent official documents and statements on their respective nuclear and space postures, combined with some corresponding technological advances. It then makes recommendations to European Union member states on topics that could be addressed in future strategic stability talks that include either one or both countries.
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