Relevant bibliographies by topics / Military spending – European Union countries

Academic literature on the topic 'Military spending – European Union countries'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Military spending – European Union countries"

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Tkachyk, Fedir. "CORRELATIONAL MONITORING OF FISCAL FEDERALISM IN THE CENTRALIZED AND DECENTRALIZED SYSTEMS OF THE EUROPEAN UNION." Economic Analysis, no. 32(2) (2022): 261–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/econa2022.02.261.

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Introduction. Modern pandemic threats, military-political tensions and conflicts, foreign economic risks, trade wars, financial imbalances encourage the EU countries to group and agglomerate financial potentials in the vertical and horizontal planes. There is a need to study the paradox of what role in this agglomeration is played by the mastery of using the principles of fiscal federalism, tested by a number of both unitary states and federal republics of the European continent. The purpose of the article is to monitor the main determinants of fiscal federalism in increasing the financial potential of the member states of the European Union. Method (methodology). In the course of the research, the following methods were used: dialectical, correlational, generalization, comparison, system analysis, observation, induction and deduction. The results. The article highlights the importance and place of fiscal federalism in the architecture of the financial policy of the European Union. Pragmatic aspects of financing public services in the member states of the European Union have been studied. This made it possible to identify active recipients in the field of attracting financial resources to ensure the priority needs of economic development. It is emphasized that the functional direction of general public spending in the European Union was aimed more at social protection and health care, and to a lesser extent at environmental protection and development of the housing and communal sphere. It has been established that most of the member states of the European Union combine the principles of centralization, federalism, and decentralization (in most cases) in their fiscal doctrine, but there are also clear systems of classical fiscal federalism (Germany, Switzerland). The European approach emphasizes that a secondary effect of globalization is excessive tax optimization, because the functioning of the integrated market makes tax evasion more attractive. An assessment of the influence of key parameters of fiscal federalism on the functioning of centralized and decentralized models of financial policy was carried out. This made it possible to identify the level of influence of the determinants of fiscal federalism on the relevant model through the prism of distinct factors. It is summarized that the use of determinants of fiscal federalism in the financial policy of the European Union is able to strengthen the budgetary and tax effects, which in the final (transformed) vector will lead to a strengthening of the economy and improvement of social standards both in the member states of the union and in individual municipal entities.
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Shemakhina, I. "SOCIO-ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF POST-SOCIALIST COUNTRIES: CONTRADICTORY TRENDS AND CHALLENGES OF THE PRESENT." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Economics, no. 218 (2022): 45–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2667.2022/218-1/7.

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The article analyses the social and economic development of 14 post-socialist countries from 2001 to 2020. By assessing their clustering, a conclusion was made about the contradictory combination of two evolution tendencies of these countries: simultaneous deployment of processes of divergence, asymmetry of their social and economic development and deployment of convergence processes, and formation of separate clusters of the specified countries. In particular, the European Union member states, such as Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Bulgaria, Hungary, and the Czech Republic, formed a separate cluster in 2020, characterized by the highest GDP per capita in the group, the share of expenditure on education and the highest level of the spending on health care in GDP. A separate cluster was formed by Ukraine and Moldova, potential EU candidate countries. The place of Ukraine among the considered countries in the period 2001-2020 and in modern conditions was analyzed. It was concluded that the indicators of socio-economic development of Ukraine demonstrate cyclical dynamics under the influence of global factors and shocks, taking into account the turning point events for the whole world in 2022. It was noted that new world order is currently developing. There are new initiatives and concepts within the EU, which provide great opportunities for Ukraine for European integration. In this context, the institutional factors of convergent and divergent development of post-socialist countries, which will be aimed at resolving the existing military and political conflicts, settlement of global imbalances, stabilization of world economic development, have an essential role.
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Aleshin, A. "PESCO and NATO Defence Projects: Coordination or Competition?" Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2022): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-4-35-45.

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The EU’s PESCO projects and NATO’s High Visibility Projects are aimed at strengthening the defence capabilities of the member states of these two structures, creating new military technologies, jointly purchasing equipment and weapons, optimizing countries' defence spending and coordinating the transformation of their armed forces structures in accordance with collective interests. At the same time, the projects of the EU and NATO have different tasks that align with the foreign policy goals of these different in nature structures. Due to the participation of various states in each of them, primarily the United States in NATO, a number of contradictions between them remain. However, most of them are offset by the EU–NATO cooperation. The latter has significantly intensified since 2016. Two bilateral declarations were signed and two packages of measures for their implementation were adopted. The parties have strengthened political cooperation, interaction during operations, coordination of defence planning, they jointly develop projects for the formation of military infrastructure, develop deepen military-technical cooperation in areas of common interest. The article analyzes the PESCO and High Visibility Projects projects, compares them and identifies the links and differences between them. It is substantiated that, despite the various tasks, in the conditions of the modern transformation of the world order and the evolution of threats to their member states, the EU and NATO are expanding coordination in defence planning and developing a division of responsibilities between the two. The PESCO and High Visibility Projects are being implemented in full synchronization with each other, with the participation of a number of EU member states, but not-NATO members, in NATO projects and vice versa. Rather, the projects complement each other, although the scope of PESCO is much broader due to the peculiarities of the nature of the European Union as a regional integration association. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study is a spatial approach. It is substantiated that the EU and NATO, both being already transnational political spaces, form a superstructure space of EU-NATO cooperation, in which the actors of the first level – these two structures themselves – and the second level – the states – interact more intensively than with external actors, participate in the struggle for power, redistribution of resources, form the identity of this transnational space. It is concluded that in the future, coordination between the PESCO and High Visibility Projects, as well as between the EU and NATO in general, will expand.
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Caruso, Raul, and Marco Di Domizio. "The Impact of US Military Spending on Public Debt in Europe (1992–2013): A Note." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 21, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 459–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2015-0040.

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AbstractThis paper investigates the relationship between the US military spending and public debt in a panel of European countries in the period 1992–2013. Under the established evidence of the interdependence between US and European military spending, we exploited a dynamic panel estimation. Findings show that the debt of European countries is: (1) positively associated with US military spending; (2) negatively associated with average military burden of other European countries.
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Matis, Jozef, and Lenka Nagyová. "Possible Integration of the Security System of the Member Countries of the European Union." Politické vedy 25, no. 3 (November 22, 2022): 110–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/politickevedy.2022.25.3.110-126.

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The processes of globalization and postmodernism are important determinants of the integration of the European Union countries in the field of ensuring security. Ensuring security of the European Union countries requires the creation of an integrated security system of these countries. This study is concerned with the theoretical analysis of an important factor - disponible (available) groups - in ensuring security of the European Union. These groups were defined as professional or volunteer response forces of a military, paramilitary and non-military nature.Two possible ways of integrating national disponible groups into the developing security system of the European Union ensuring its military as well as non-military security were analyzed. The success of integration of the national security systems of the European Union countries into the security system of the European Union depends not only on the elites - national (local) and transnational, but also on the transformation of citizens of national (member) states into citizens of the European Union - European citizens.
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Dudzevičiūtė, Gitana, Agnė Šimelytė, and Aušra Liučvaitienė. "Government expenditure and economic growth in the European Union countries." International Journal of Social Economics 45, no. 2 (February 12, 2018): 372–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-12-2016-0365.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide more reliable estimates of the relationship between government spending and economic growth in the European Union (EU) during the period of 1995-2015. Design/methodology/approach The methodology consisted of several different stages. In the first stage for an assessment of dynamics of government spending and economic growth indicators over two decades, descriptive statistics analysis was employed. Correlation analysis helped to identify the relationships between government expenditures (GEs) and economic growth. In the third stage, for modeling the relationship and the estimation of causality between GE and economic growth, Granger causality testing was applied. Findings The research indicated that eight EU countries have a significant relationship between government spending and economic growth. Research limitations/implications This study has been bounded by general GE and economic growth only. The breakdowns of general GE on the basis of the activities they support have not been considered in this paper, which is the main limitation of the research. Despite the limitation, it might be maintained that the research highlights key relationships in the EU countries. Originality/value These insights might be useful for policy makers. In countries with unidirectional causality running from GE to economic growth, the government can employ expenditure as a factor for growth. The governments should ensure that resources are properly managed and efficiently allocated to accelerate economic growth in the countries with unidirectional causality from GDP to GE.
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Sáez, Marta Pascual, Santiago Álvarez-García, and Daniela Castañeda Rodríguez. "Government expenditure and economic growth in the European Union countries: New evidence." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 36, no. 36 (June 1, 2017): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bog-2017-0020.

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AbstractThis paper provides new evidence of the impact of government spending on economic growth in the European Union countries. Governments can adjust their levels of spending in order to influence their economies, although the relationship between these variables can be positive or negative, depending on the countries included in the sample, the period of estimation and the variables which reflect the size of the public sector. The results obtained based on regression and panel techniques suggest that government expenditure is not clearly related with economic growth in the European Union countries over the period 1994-2012.
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Mylonidis, Nikolaos. "REVISITING THE NEXUS BETWEEN MILITARY SPENDING AND GROWTH IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." Defence and Peace Economics 19, no. 4 (August 2008): 265–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10242690802164801.

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Wielechowski, Michał. "POLITICAL BUDGET CYCLES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION – POST-COMMUNIST HERITAGE." Acta Scientiarum Polonorum. Oeconomia 17, no. 2 (June 30, 2018): 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/aspe.2018.17.2.28.

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We test the hypothesis that post-communist history affect election cycles in the European Union countries. We show that pre-election fiscal manipulation increase total public spending per capita by 1.9% and three specific spending categories, i.e. general public services, public order and safety, and economic affairs in Central and Eastern Europe democracies with post-communist roots. At the same time we observe no significant spending deviations in remaining EU Member States, except expenditure linked to environmental protection. Our results indicate cross-country heterogeneity of political budget cycles (PBCs) in the EU, conditional on political system history.
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Wojnicz, Luiza. "Definition and Typology of European Union Missions." Reality of Politics 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201911.

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In view of the contemporary challenges and threats, European Union’s efforts in the area of civil and military capacity building are extremely important. As an international organization having a high impact on third countries, the European Union plays a key role in conflict prevention and crisis response. In external governance EU has two sectoral policies at its disposal: the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). The CFSP is responsible for resolving conflicts and fostering international understanding using diplomacy and giving respect for international rules. The CSDP is responsible for carrying out civilian and military missions as well as for diffusing rules, which affect, in various respects, the improvement of security management in third countries through their incorporation. By adopting today’s global approach, both military and civilian, to crisis management and continuing to strengthen its capacity for action and analytical tools, the European Union is becoming a major security vector at international level, and its Common Security and Defense Policy expeditionary missions are the tangible proof.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Military spending – European Union countries"

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PFARR, Mag Dietmar. "Civilian control of armed forces : challenges for the European Union /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FPFARR.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-56). Also available online.
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Vlachos-Dengler, Katia. "Carry that weight improving European strategic airlift capabilities /." Santa Monica, CA : RAND, 2007. http://www.rand.org/pubs/rgs_dissertations/RGSD219/.

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Nováky, Niklas I. M. "The deployment of European Union military operations : a collective action perspective." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2016. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=230696.

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The thesis works towards a new theoretically informed framework of analysis for understanding the deployment of military operations launched in the framework of the European Union's (EU) European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). This multi level collective action approach is based on the assumption that the deployment of those operations is a highly complex process that cuts across different policy making levels from the national to the international and involves multiple actors from within and outside the EU. As a result, the thesis argues that we cannot understand the reasons behind their deployment adequately by focusing only on a single level of analysis. The thesis then develops a more holistic approach for understanding the deployment of ESDP military operations based on three different levels of analysis: firstly, the international level, where the emergence of events that threaten certain values catalyses the process leading to an operation; secondly, the national level, where EU member states formulate their national preferences towards prospective deployments based on utility expectations; and thirdly, the EU level, where the member states come to negotiate and seek compromises to accommodate their different national preferences towards a deployment. The strength of the framework is demonstrated through four case studies. These are EUFOR Althea in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Operation Artemis and EUFOR RD Congo in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the anti-piracy naval operation EUNAVFOR Atalanta off the coast of Somalia. The thesis will also provide an overview and critique of the existing theoretical literature on the deployment of ESDP military operations.
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Panagopoulos, Ilias. "Electronic warfare : a critical military and technological asset for the improvement of the Common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FPanagoloulos.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Engineering)--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Wadsworth, Robert Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-144). Also available online.
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Sule, Attila. "The European Union in peace operations : limits of policy-making and military implementation." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1061.

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The 1992 European Union (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, Maastricht Treaty) marked a turning point in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The Balkan conflicts and broader political changes in the 1990s compelled the EU to assume more responsibility in peace operations. The EU's 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) is planned to be operational in 2003. Will the EU be able to conduct Petersberg-type peace operations? This thesis analyzes policy and military shortfalls of the Balkan peacekeeping effort. Questions about the legitimacy of armed humanitarian interventions, about difficulties in common policy formulation and translation to sound military objectives are the core problems of civil-military relations in European peace operations. The case studies focus on the EU failure to resolve the Bosnian crises between 1992-95, and on the gaps between NATO policies and military objectives in the operations of 'Implementation Force' in Bosnia and 'Allied Force' in Kosovo. The thesis considers developments in EU CFSP institutions and EU-NATO relationship as well as the EU's response to terrorist attacks on September 11 2001. The thesis argues that the difficulty in EU CFSP formulation limits the effective use of RRF in military operations.
Major, Hungarian Army
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Gurkan, Seda. "The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005: à la carte Europeanisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.

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The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Grevi, Giovanni. "The common foreign, security and defence policy of the European Union: ever-closer cooperation, dynamics of regime deepening." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210673.

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“What is Europe's role in this changed world? Does Europe not, now that is finally unified, have a leading role to play in a new world order, that of a power able both to play a stabilising role worldwide and to point the way ahead for many countries and peoples?” These were two of the central questions put by the Laeken Declaration, adopted by the European Council in December 2001. The Declaration offered the beginning of an answer, pointing out the direction for future policy developments, and for the institutional reform underpinning them: “The role it has to play is that of a power resolutely doing battle against all violence, all terror and all fanaticism, but which also does not turn a blind eye to the world's heartrending injustices. In short, a power wanting to change the course of world affairs…A power seeking to set globalisation within a moral framework.” At the same time, the Laeken Declaration pointed out some more specific questions concerning the institutional innovations required to enhance the coherence of European foreign policy and to reinforce the synergy between the High Representative for CFSP and the relevant Commissioners within the RELEX family. With a view to a better distribution of competences between the EU and Member States, on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity, the text mentioned the development of a European foreign and defence policy first, and referred more particularly to the scope for updating the ‘Petersberg’ tasks of crisis management, a policy domain that would take a pivotal place in the consolidation of ESDP and CFSP at large. This Declaration marks the beginning of the process of regime reform that covers the last three years of common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union. This evolution, and the innovations that it has brought about in institutional and normative terms, are the subjects of this thesis.

The Convention on the future of Europe, set up by the Laeken Declaration, represented an important stage in the pan-European debate on the objectives, values, means and decision-making tools of CFSP. The US-led intervention in Iraq in March 2003 marked a new ‘critical juncture’ in the development of the conceptual and institutional bases of CFSP. As it was the case in the past, following major policy failures in the course of the Balkan wars, Member States sought to mend the rift that divided them in the run up to the Iraq war. In so doing, Member States agreed on a significant degree of institutional reform in the context of the Convention and of the subsequent Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC). The creation of the new position of a double-hatted Foreign Minister, as well as the envisaged rationalisation and consolidation of the instruments at his/her disposal, including a new European External Action Service (EAS), is a primary achievement in this perspective. On the defence side, a new formula of ‘permanent structured cooperation’ among willing and able Member States has been included in the Treaty Establishing the European Constitution (Constitutional Treaty), with a view to them undertaking more binding commitments in the field of defence, and fulfilling more demanding missions. Right at the time when the Iraq crisis was sending shockwaves across the political and institutional structures of the Union, and of CFSP in particular, the first ESDP civilian mission were launched, soon followed by small military operations. The unprecedented deployment of civilian and military personnel under EU flag in as many as 13 missions between 2002 and 2005 could be achieved thanks to the development of a new layer of policy-makign and crisis-management bodies in Brussels. The launch of successive ESDP operations turned out to be a powerful catalyst for the further expansion and consolidation of this bureaucratic framework and of the conceptual dimension of CFSP/ESDP. Most importantly, these and other dimensions of institutional and operational progress should be set in a new, overarching normative and political framework provided by the European Security Strategy (ESS).

Needless to say, institutional innovations are stalled following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in the French and Dutch referenda of May/June 2005. With a view to the evolution of the CFSP regime, however, I argue in this thesis that the institutional reforms envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty are largely consistent with the unfolding normative and bureaucratic features of the regime. As illustrated in the course of my research, the institutional, bureaucratic and normative dimensions of the regime appear to strengthen one another, thereby fostering regime deepening. From this standpoint, therefore, the stalemate of institutional reform does slow down the reform of the international regime of CFSP but does not seem to alter the direction of its evolution and entail its stagnation, or even dismantling. On the contrary, I maintain that the dynamics of regime change that I detect will lead to stronger, endogenous and exogenous demands for institutional reform, whose shapes and priorities are to a large extent already included in the Constitutional treaty. This vantage point paves the way to identifying the trends underlying the evolution of the regime, but does not lead to endorsing a teleological reading of regime reform. As made clear in what follows, CFSP largely remains a matter of international cooperation with a strong (although not exclusive) inter-governmental component. As such, this international regime could still suffer serious, and potentially irreversible, blows, were some EU Member States to openly depart from its normative coordinates and dismiss its institutional or bureaucratic instances. While this scenario cannot be ruled out, I argue in this thesis that this does not seem the way forward. The institutional and normative indicators that I detect and review point consistently towards a ‘deepening’ of the regime, and closer cooperation among Member States. In other words, it is not a matter of excluding the possibility of disruptions in the evolution of the CFSP regime, but to improve the understanding of regime dynamics so as to draw a distinction between long-term trends and conjunctural crises that, so far, have not undermined the incremental consolidation of CFSP/ESDP.

Central to this research is the analysis of the institutional and normative features of the CFSP regime at EU level. The focus lies on the (increasing) difference that institutions and norms make to inter-governmental policy-making under CFSP, in the inter-play with national actors. The purpose of my research is therefore threefold. First, I investigate the functioning and development of the bureaucratic structures underpinning the CFSP regime, since their establishment in 2000/2001 up to 2005. This theoretically informed review will allow me to highlight the distinctive procedural and normative features of CFSP policy-making and, subsequently, to assess their influence on the successive stages of reform. Second, I track and interpret the unprecedented processes by which innovations have been introduced (or envisaged) at the institutional and normative level of the regime, with a focus on the Convention on the future of Europe and on the drafting of the European Security Strategy. Third, I assess the institutional and normative output of this dense stage of reform, with respect both to the ‘internal’ coherence and the deepening of the regime, and to the ‘external’ projection of the EU as an international actor in the making.

On the whole, I assume that a significant, multidimensional transition of the CFSP regime is underway. The bureaucratic framework enabling inter-governmental cooperation encourages patterned behaviour, which progressively generates shared norms and standards of appropriateness, affecting the definition of national interests. In terms of decision-making, debate and deliberation increasingly complement negotiation within Brussels-based CFSP bodies. Looking at the direction of institutional and policy evolution, the logic of ‘sharing’ tasks, decisions and resources across different (European and national) levels of governance prevails, thereby strengthening the relevance of ‘path-dependency’ and of the ‘ratchet effect’ in enhancing inter-governmental cooperation as well as regime reform.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Rasco, Clark Joseph. "Demographic trends in the European Union: political and strategic implications." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1526.

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This thesis analyzes adverse demographic trends in the European Union, including sub-replacement birthrates and increasing median ages. It investigates the implications of these trends for the EU's prospects for becoming a stronger and more influential actor in international affairs. Pressures arising from population trends in and near the EU could ultimately affect national and EU cohesion, governmental effectiveness, and social stability. Absent remedial measures, social programs in some EU countries will be unsustainable due to the mounting financial burden of pensions and health care for growing elderly populations. Such financial obligations hinder funding other national programs, including modernized military capabilities. Nationalism and national identity are at issue in immigrant integration and assimilation efforts. The role of population trends with regard to the growing threat of radical Islamic fundamentalism is explored. The thesis concludes with policy recommendations that might be considered to avert the looming economic, social, and security crises that may result from these demographic trends. In short, the security and financial consequences foreshadowed by the current demographic trends of an aging, economically weaker, and socially conflicted European Union could present dramatic implications for the vital national interests of the United States.
Lieutenant, United States Navy
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Papastathopoulos, Stavros. "Expanding the European Union's Petersberg tasks : requirements and capabilities /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FPapastathopoulos.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-64). Also available online.
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ELORANTA, Jari. "The demand for external security by domestic choices :military spending as an impure public good among eleven European states, 1920-1938." Doctoral thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5761.

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Defence date: 2 July 2002
Examining Board: Prof. Mark Harrison, University of Warwick (external supervisor); Prof. Riita Hjerppe, University of Helsinki; Prof. Alan Milward, European University Institute; Prof. Jaime Reis, University of Lisbon (supervisor)
First made available online on 11 April 2018
This thesis is the outcome of years of research on the complex aspects of military spending among various countries in the interwar period. It would not have been possible to complete this study without the help and encouragement of numerous individuals and organizations, although the ultimate responsibility for the remaining errors is of course mine. First and foremost, my deepest gratitude is owed to Professor Jaime Reis, whose intellectual challenges and individual support have been invaluable in order for me to reach the conclusion of this journey. Secondly, the same goes for Professor Mark Harrison’s untiring efforts to sharpen and develop the theoretical and empirical premises of this thesis, as well as for his kind assistance during my recent stay at the University o f Warwick. In addition, Professor Alan Milward’s comments and scholarly challenges have greatly influenced my stay here in Florence. Of the rest of the faculty here, I would also like to mention Professor Giovanni Federico's and Professor Arfon Rees' insightful seminars and intellectual companionship. The friendship and scientific challenges posed by certain of my fellow researchers have been invaluable: Gerben Bakker, Marc Prat, Tobias Witschke, Svetlozar Andreev, and Babak Rahimi. Data has been provided over the years by, among others, numerous professors and researchers: Erik Buyst, Piet Clement, Herman de Jong, Olga Christodoulaki, Thomas David, Olle Krantz, and Jan Tore Klovland. Moreover, a thank you should also be directed towards the staff of the Department of History and Civilisation during these years, especially Rita Peero and Angela Schenk. The EUI library has offered good facilities for this comparative effort, for which also Dr. Serge Noiret should be thanked.
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Books on the topic "Military spending – European Union countries"

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Martin, Trybus, and White N. D. 1961-, eds. European security law. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007.

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James, Sperling, Wagnsson Charlotte, and Hallenberg Jan, eds. European security governance: The European Union in a Westphalian world. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

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Jolyon, Howorth, and Menon Anand 1965-, eds. The European Union and national defence policy. London: Routledge, 1997.

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Norheim-Martinsen, Per M. The European Union and military force: Government and strategy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

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Toje, Asle. The European Union as a small power: After the post-Cold War. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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L'Agence européenne de défense et la coopération dans le domaine capacitaire. Paris: Harmattan, 2010.

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European Union security dynamics in the new national interest. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.

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K, Bailes Alyson J., Herolf Gunilla, Sundelius Bengt, and Stockholm International Peace Research Institute., eds. The Nordic countries and the European security and defence policy. Oxford: SIPRI, 2006.

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The Routledge handbook of European security. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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The quest for a European strategic culture: Changing norms on security and defence in the European Union. Basingstoke [England]: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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Book chapters on the topic "Military spending – European Union countries"

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Sédou, Laëtitia, Mark Akkerman, and Bram Vranken. "Militarisation of the European Union." In Military Spending and Global Security, 61–82. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003045823-6.

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Brosig, Magnus, and Karl Hinrichs. "The “Great Recession” and Pension Policy Change in European Countries." In International Impacts on Social Policy, 385–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-86645-7_30.

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AbstractIn the wake of the “Great Recession” and its severe fiscal implications, many European countries enacted significant pension reforms aimed at reducing public spending and limiting contribution rates. Unlike most changes carried out before, they were implemented swiftly and without building a broad political and social consensus, usually being suggested or even mandated by inter- and supranational organisations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or the European Union (EU). While some of these cuts were at least partly revoked during the following years of economic recovery, European welfare states still tend to face lower “pension burdens” in the upcoming decades than had been expected during the 2000s. Financial sustainability, however, puts adequacy at risk for present and future retirees, many of whom no longer achieve sufficient working careers anyway.
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Lake, Gordon. "The European Union’s Contribution to the R&TD Capacities of the Countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the Former Soviet Union." In Military R&D after the Cold War, 153–61. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-1730-9_11.

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Baccianti, Claudio. "8. The Public Spending Needs of Reaching the EU’s Climate Targets." In Greening Europe, 107–28. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0328.08.

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In Chapter 8, C. Baccianti argues that the 2020s are a crucial decade for steering the European Union towards climate neutrality and decreasing dependence on imported fossil fuels. In the period from 2021–2030, public expenditure on climate investment across the EU should increase by 1.8% of GDP (1.1% excluding investment in public transport) compared to the previous decade. The bottom-up analysis of the chapter reveals that almost three quarters of that spending will go to the construction and transport sectors. Filling such a significant public green investment gap will be challenging for EU countries with little fiscal space, especially once the Recovery and Resilience Facility comes to an end.
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Buzzacchi, Camilla. "La solidarietà finanziaria nel contesto dell'Unione europea." In Studi e saggi, 57–80. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-591-2.05.

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The governance of financial resources in a solidaristic key characterises, in the present age, the national systems of European countries, but it is legitimate to ask whether the same is true at the level of the European Union system. The question must be approached with attention to the two sides of the financial phenomenon: that of revenue and that of expenditure. For both profiles, therefore, it is of interest to investigate the presence of solidaristic elements, starting from the assumption of the profound diversity between systems and therefore taking into account the possibility that the rate of financial solidarity found in the supranational system is of a lower degree than the domestic one; and that the manifestations of this solidarity may take on new and original connotations, destined to add to those traditionally applied in national contexts. The aim of this contribution is therefore to develop a reflection on the ways in which financial resources are raised and spending choices are made in the European system, in order to highlight the peculiar features of the mechanisms operating there and to make an assessment of the manifestations of solidarity that can be recognised.
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Pjanić, Miloš, and Mirela Mitrašević. "THE IMPACT OF TOURISM ON GDP GROWTH IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." In 5th International Thematic Monograph: Modern Management Tools and Economy of Tourism Sector in Present Era, 53–66. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans; Faculty of Tourism and Hospitality, Ohrid, North Macedonia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/tmt.2020.53.

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Tourism represents one of the most important economic activities for the global economy. Over the last several decades, the tourism industry has been achieving substantial growth and development in the global market, as well as a positive direct and indirect impact on other economic activities. The paper aims to examine the connection between five tourism indicators and the growth of gross domestic product on the example of EU countries in the period from 2001 to 2019. The research included a total of six variables; the gross domestic product being the dependent variable, while the selected five tourism indicators were independent variables. The main aim of the paper is to determine which of the researched tourism indicators have a statistically significant impact on GDP growth. The empirical analysis is based on IBM SPSS linear mixed procedures. The main findings are that business tourism spending (BTS) and domestic tourism spending (DTS) can predict in a statistically significant and positive way the growth of the gross domestic product in European Union countries.
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Nitszke, Agnieszka. "The European Union versus Russian Disinformation." In Information Security Policy: Conditions, Threats and Implementation in the International Environment, 35–51. Ksiegarnia Akademicka Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/9788381388276.02.

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The war in Ukraine has made public opinion and policy makers aware of the Russian Federation as a major threat to international security, but also to the internal security of the European Union. The military threat is only one of the instruments used by this state. For years, a different type of Russian activity in the EU has been observed, consisting in creating an alternative picture of the situation in Ukraine, and interfering in political processes in selected countries. All these activities are aimed at undermining the cohesion and solidarity of the EU, which, from Moscow’s perspective, is a threat to its political interests as a result of the Union’s promotion of democratic values and principles and human rights in the international environment. The article presents selected disinformation campaigns carried out by Russia in the EU and then analyses the actions the Union has taken in response. Conclusions and recommendations were formulated in the end.
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Smith, Michael E. "8. Implementation." In International Relations and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737322.003.0008.

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This chapter examines the policy instruments used by the European Union to translate its common interests into collective action in the international arena. It first considers the problem of implementation in EU foreign policy before discussing the EU's own resources in external relations/third countries as well as the role of member states' resources in EU's external relations. It then explores the instruments of EU foreign policy, which can be grouped into diplomatic, economic, and military/civilian capabilities. It also analyses the credibility and capability gaps in the EU's policy implementation, noting that there exists a key divide between the ‘low politics’ of economic affairs and the ‘high politics’ of security/defence affairs. The chapter suggests that the EU's unique capacity for policy implementation in the area of international relations can be very erratic.
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Işık, Abdülkadir, Seda Suat, Özge Selvi Yavuz, Gamze Yıldız Şeren, and Berkay Habiboğlu. "An Evaluation of Oral and Dental Health Services in Turkey and in the Member States of the EU in Terms of Economy." In Oral Healthcare and Technologies, 494–514. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-1903-4.ch013.

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Dental health expenditures are a big part of general health expenditures. In Turkey, oral health services are provided by both private practitioners and government sections. In 2012, approximately 7 million fillings were made by government clinics. According to Turkish Dental Association data, in the same year, the number of fillings that Turkish citizens needed was 247 million. Even if the entire budget of the Health Ministry of Turkey were spent for these fillings, it is impossible to handle this demand. In 2012, in the European Union with 24 member countries, dental health spending was close to 74 billion Euro. Because of this financial burden, Turkey and the other countries are trying to find cost-effective methods to minimize dental health spending. This chapter emphasizes dental health conditions of both Turkey and European Union, firstly, and then successful and cost-effective strategies are discussed.
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Işık, Abdülkadir, Seda Suat, Özge Selvi Yavuz, Gamze Yıldız Şeren, and Berkay Habiboğlu. "An Evaluation of Oral and Dental Health Services in Turkey and in the Member States of the EU in Terms of Economy." In Regional Economic Integration and the Global Financial System, 110–29. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-7308-3.ch010.

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Dental health expenditures are a big part of general health expenditures. In Turkey, oral health services are provided by both private practitioners and government sections. In 2012, approximately 7 million fillings were made by government clinics. According to Turkish Dental Association data, in the same year, the number of fillings that Turkish citizens needed was 247 million. Even if the entire budget of the Health Ministry of Turkey were spent for these fillings, it is impossible to handle this demand. In 2012, in the European Union with 24 member countries, dental health spending was close to 74 billion Euro. Because of this financial burden, Turkey and the other countries are trying to find cost-effective methods to minimize dental health spending. This chapter emphasizes dental health conditions of both Turkey and European Union, firstly, and then successful and cost-effective strategies are discussed.
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Conference papers on the topic "Military spending – European Union countries"

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Tashevska, Biljana, Marija Trpkova – Nestorovska, and Suzana Makreshanska – Mladenovska. "IS THERE A DOMINANCE OF SOCIAL PROTECTION EXPENDITURE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION?" In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2020.0003.

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European welfare states, with their comprehensive and generous welfare model, create the largest part of general government expenditures in the European Union member countries. Given the rising trend of social expenditure and the long-run challenges coming from population ageing, this paper addresses the issue of social dominance, a situation in which, particularly when facing limited fiscal space, social expenditure could crowd-out other productive public expenditures, thus undermining growth potentials and possibly threatening fiscal sustainability. Using a panel regression analysis, the aim of the paper is to test whether social protection expenditure has crowded-out expenditures on other purposes in the European Union in the period 1995-2018. The results provide some evidence of crowding-out of infrastructure spending and education spending. Additionally, deficit financing and rising government debt have a significant adverse effect on spending on infrastructure, education and core public services, confirming that they are more prone to cutbacks in times of deteriorating public finance. These findings, along with the long-run fiscal pressure from the ‘greying population’ and the high political costs of welfare reforms suggest significant future risks of social dominance.
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Štrangfeldová, Jana, and Daniela Mališová. "Disparity medzi krajinami Európskej únie v terciárnom vzdelávaní." In XXIV. mezinárodního kolokvia o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9896-2021-4.

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As stated in the literature, the educational level of the population is a precursor to the economic growth of the country. However, the current problem is the leakage of highly qualified labour abroad due to insufficient job opportunities or weak financial rewards in the home country. The state's investment in tertiary education becomes irreversible. In this context, the aim of the paper is to identify whether there are disparities in the highly qualified workforce in terms of funding and numbers between the countries of the European Union. The subject of the research is public expenditure on tertiary education (% of GDP per capita) and the share of tertiary educated population in the country (% of the total population of the country). In the paper we use data collected for the period 2011 – 2020. For this reason, they are the subject of research of the countries of the European Union, including the United Kingdom. To identify disparities, we use the method of absolute β-convergence, supplemented by σ-convergence, linear regression, and cluster analysis. The results show that when evaluating public spending on tertiary education, there are disparities when economically strong European countries will diverge. When examining the share of the tertiary educated population, there is a convergence of countries. However, disparities occur in terms of employment of women and men up to 1-3 years after tertiary education.
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Trpkova-Nestorovska, Marija. "VIABLE HEALTH FUNDING IN TIME OF DEMOGRAPHIC AGEING." In Economic and Business Trends Shaping the Future. Ss Cyril and Methodius University, Faculty of Economics-Skopje, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47063/ebtsf.2021.0017.

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In the past several decades a new challenge has arisen, and it refers to the rapid demographic ageing of the population in developed and developing countries, quite opposite to the previous understanding of overpopulated planet. Increase in the older population brings its implications to different segments of the society, and the national health system and its funding is one of them. This paper tends to analyze if there is a relationship between the government health expenditure and the increase in the older population in fourteen countries from the European Union that are experiencing most intense process of demographic ageing. Also, other possible determinants of the health expenditures are included, such as government social spending, gross domestic product per capita and dummy variable to estimate the effect of the global recession onto the health expenditure.
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Mitrea, Geta. "FUNDING SOURCES FOR NEW TRENDS IN SECURITY AND DEFENSE EDUCATION." In eLSE 2020. University Publishing House, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-20-028.

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The lines of external source funding in the field of security and defense are varied, offering a multitude of possibilities for specialists in the field who wish to access projects with non-reimbursable financing for ideas that cannot be financed from internal sources. The funding opportunities come in response to the needs of the security and defense institutions and offer a precise solution on certain areas that have deficiencies both nationally and at European level. An example is the one of the higher education institutions in the field of security and defense that want to open the gates for the mutual exchanges of study experience for the students of the bachelor, master or doctorate and for which the necessity of carrying out an internship of documentation and/or research is required within a similar institution abroad. At present, the financing lines on which the national military universities can access projects are EEA Grants, ERASMUS +, structural funds without being limited to them. Higher education institutions in Iceland, Norway, Liechtenstein are an example of good practice in security and defense that can be multiplied and adapted to the needs of European Union member countries. This is one of the reasons for the possibility of financing projects for priority areas. In addition, exchanges of experience between students and teachers between institutions in these countries can help to identify sustainable long-term solutions. The projects with non-reimbursable financing represent a viable solution in the short and medium term in order to stimulate the personnel of the security and defense institutions to be creative and constructive in a society that has a constantly changing dynamic.
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Reports on the topic "Military spending – European Union countries"

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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Advancing European Union Action to Address Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rzme5933.

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The Ukraine war has added to the pressure to address the links between the environment, natural resource management and conflict. This SIPRI Research Policy Paper assesses the priorities of selected European Union (EU) member states regarding climate-related security risks, explores their strategies for pursuing these at EU level and identifies steps for further action. It finds that the appetite to tackle climate-related security risks at EU level is mixed. While maintaining the operational efficiency of the military is a red line, concentrating efforts on research, development and peacekeeping is acceptable even to countries that do not prioritize climate insecurity in their policies. Country strategies for pursuing such efforts involve spotlighting climate security during their respective rotating Council presidencies, working closely with the European External Action Service and the European Commission, and collaborating with like-minded member states. The paper recommends additional steps for action but in order to make effective adjustments to EU processes, climate security will need greater prominence on the EU agenda.
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Bunse, Simone, Elise Remling, Anniek Barnhoorn, Manon du Bus de Warnaffe, Karen Meijer, and Dominik Rehbaum. Mapping European Union Member States’ Responses to Climate-related Security Risks. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/htdn6668.

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This SIPRI Research Policy Paper identifies European Union (EU) member states’ efforts to address climate-related security risks in the short to medium term and suggests entry points for further action. Even countries making visible attempts to mainstream the linkages between climate and security are falling short of pursuing a comprehensive approach. Among the ongoing initiatives that might bear fruit in one to three years are: appointing climate security advisers; climate proofing peacebuilding and conflict proofing climate action; investing in early warning and risk mapping; reassessing climate financing and development aid; and building up the operational resilience of the military. Strengthening such efforts would involve: incorporating climate insecurity into foreign and security policy dialogues; increasing conflict-sensitive climate adaptation finance; sensitization to climate change and conflict; and improving the operationalization of early warning. To remain credible, EU member states must advance their climate security initiatives and close the gap between rhetoric and practice.
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Maletta, Giovanna, and Lauriane Héau. Funding Arms Transfers through the European Peace Facility: Preventing Risks of Diversion and Misuse. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/oelz9733.

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Since it was established in March 2021, the European Peace Facility (EPF) has become the main source of funding for European Union (EU) external actions in the field of crisis management and conflict prevention with defence and military implications. These include initiatives such as EU military missions, support to military peace operations led by other actors and assistance to strengthen third states’ military capacities. In addition, through the EPF, EU security assistance can also fund, for the first time, the supply of lethal military equipment and, thus, weapons. Arms transfers to countries that are affected by crises and conflict bear higher risks that the weapons provided may be misused or diverted to unauthorized end-users. Considering the contexts in which the EPF is already or will likely be funding the provision of weapons, these risks are particularly tangible. The EU and its member states have instruments and expertise at their disposal that they should use to minimize the potential negative consequences generated by using the EPF for addressing partners’ security needs. These include preventing overlaps in establishing relevant controls, including post-shipment controls, and coordinating EPF actions with assistance in the field of arms transfer and small arms and light weapons controls.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC: Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Martin, Matthew. The Crisis of Extreme Inequality in SADC: Fighting austerity and the pandemic. Oxfam, Development Finance International, Norwegian Church Aid, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8793.

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The COVID-19 pandemic has worsened the extreme inequality in Southern African Development Community (SADC) countries, and pushed millions into poverty. The economic crisis continues due to the obscene global vaccine inequality. As of end March 2022, a dismal 14% of SADC citizens had been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, compared with 65.5% in the United States and 73% in the European Union. In 2021, with infections rising in SADC, the critical health, social protection and economic programmes put in place by most governments in 2020 were rolled back and replaced with austerity, in the context of growing debt burdens and lack of external support for country budgets. Such austerity has been built into IMF programmes in the region. Recovering from the pandemic, however, offers SADC governments a once-in-a-generation opportunity to do what their citizens want: increase taxes on the wealthy and large corporations, boost public spending (especially on healthcare, education and social protection), and increase workers’ rights as well as tackling joblessness and precarious work. With external support, including through debt relief and aid, they could reduce inequality drastically and eliminate extreme poverty by 2030.
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Saalman, Lora. Navigating Chinese–Russian Nuclear and Space Convergence and Divergence. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/rxgl6272.

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Following the release of a China–Russia joint statement in February 2022, analysts have argued that the two countries have become strategically aligned. While both share security concerns and even use similar terminology on ‘active defence’, the manner in which they address these concerns and operationalize these concepts is not the same—at least not yet. When applied to nuclear deterrence, the Chinese version of active defence suggests retaliatory action against a nuclear attack while the Russian version indicates pre-emption in the face of either non-nuclear or nuclear aggression. In terms of space, while both are jointly pursuing a treaty on non-weaponization, China’s defence white papers tend towards a brief and vague mention of challenges, as opposed to Russia’s pervasive concerns over an attack in its military doctrines. Thus, while there is similarity between the two countries, there remain notable differences. This paper explores China’s and Russia’s most recent official documents and statements on their respective nuclear and space postures, combined with some corresponding technological advances. It then makes recommendations to European Union member states on topics that could be addressed in future strategic stability talks that include either one or both countries.
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