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1
Saliba, Peter. "Exploiting the weather gap : meteorology and naval operations in the 20th Century." Thesis, Hanover, N.H. : Dartmouth College, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02May%5Fsaliba.pdf.
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McGovern, Jeffrey. ""Seeing" an Everyday State: The Geopolitics of 20th Century United States Military Veterans." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/293481.
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This dissertation is a critical engagement with the myth of the reified modern state - that Leviathan that seemingly exists outside of the social while residing within the natural. In doing so it joins an effort to move the field of critical geopolitics beyond critiquing classical geopolitics to one that includes a transformative component, as expressed in the overarching field of critical theory. The undergirding methodological and theoretical approaches of this dissertation are rooted in the interplay between the semiotic, the performative, and the visual, an eclectic framework that grapples with the shifting representational practices of geopolitics - practices that are centered on maintaining a particular meta-narrative of the state - i.e., the myth of the state as a reified subject. As a means to demystify this particular paradigm of the state I look at the contradictions and the challenges proffered by a unique set of actors, soldiers and veterans. I accomplish this: military actors. This is accomplished by bringing to the forefront, through imagery, the visual and communicative performances of their everyday geopolitical practices as military actors and citizens. The three cases that make up this dissertation each address particular interconnections between soldiers, veterans, and the myth of "the state," with each employing an approach that visually interrogates the spatial and material relationships as a means to explore "the everyday" performances of their geopolitical practices. Soldiers and veterans are uniquely situated in geopolitical discourses about the state, as they are framed and/or frame themselves, depending on the context, as both "state" and "non-state" actors and, as such, through their conjoined identities can collapse the meta-narrative of the state-as-object by their very "being." In this interrogation, therefore, I add to an effort to push for a reconceptualization of the state, arguing that "it" should be re-imaged or reframed as an everyday relationship between citizens - a state as relationship rather than a state as object. This shift moves a critical geopolitical inquiry away from reproducing what it critiques, to critically engaging with the practices that produce the representations that help to constitute it.
3
Jones, Alexander David. "Pinchbeck regulars? : the role and organisation of the Territorial Army, 1919-1940." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:38dc5164-f858-4bba-9bfb-a1c4b4a59550.
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This thesis examines how Britain's government and military establishment conceptualised the role of the voluntary Territorial Army (TA) between the World Wars, and explores the relationship with British defence policy during the period. It also evaluates whether or not the TA was capable of carrying out its ascribed role, through a balanced assessment of its organisation, training and military efficiency. It posits that the TA was integral to British defence planning and played a key part in the Army's mobilisation plans, although the priority given to its role shifted throughout the period in accordance with the direction of Britain's strategic focus. Additionally, this thesis will emphasise that the Territorial Army had not one purpose but several. Alongside its central function as the framework for a conscript National Army it held key responsibilities for both home and imperial defence. This thesis examines the TA's role and organisation in a thematic and broadly chronological manner. Part I deals with the TA's expeditionary role and its function as the framework for all future military expansion, as well as its role as a voluntary imperial reserve for any medium scale wars conducted without resorting to conscription. Part II focuses on the Territorial Army's home defence responsibilities, in particular its domestic role in aiding the civil power and its contribution to Britain's increasingly important air defence capabilities.
4
Festa, Janice. "Anschluss 1938 : Austria's potential for military resistance." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0004/MQ43863.pdf.
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Alphin, Judson Wayne. "The early military thought of Winston S. Churchill." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:be81c453-5166-4e6a-b4ce-c443706e2dd9.
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Winston S. Churchill was a war leader during two world wars, and yet there are few substantive studies of his younger years when he was a practising soldier. This thesis aims to study the early intellectual development of Churchill in those areas which have direct impact on the art of war. The chapters are arranged narratively (Chapters 2-3) and thematically (Chapters 4-8). The introduction covers the scope and methodology of the work. Chapters 2-3 give an account of Churchill's early years, and trace the development of several prominent features of his character that helped form and inform the presuppositions of his later military intellectual development. Chapter 4 addresses Churchill's interactions with late Victorian cavalry doctrine and debate. Chapters 5-7 each address themes of an expanding scope of influence and conceptualization: first, the tactics of war; second, the policy and strategy of war; and finally, Churchill's conceptions of war. The conclusion summarizes the hallmarks and syntheses of Churchill's early military intellectual development, and identifies judgments which can be drawn about his perspicacity as soldier and commander.
6
Witherspoon, Ralph Pomeroy. "The military draft and the all-volunteer force: a case study of a shift in public policy." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/40408.
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This dissertation is a case study of a public policy decision, the decision to shift the military manpower policy of the United States from conscription to a policy of complete volunteerism--the all-volunteer force. The case study approach is largely historical and is concentrated on the turbulent period between 1965, when the United States' combat role in South Vietnam escalated sharply, and 1973, the year of American withdrawal from the war and the last Selective Service System draft call. A brief history of the military manpower policy of the United States is outlined in order to set the case study period within the proper context and to permit a fuller understanding and appreciation of the policy decision.
In order that the case study may have potential application to the study of other public policy decisions, a theoretical model for changes in public policy-making is developed based on the research of public policy-making theorists. This model, which is largely adapted from the theoretical work of ~he Agenda-Building Theorists, is compared to the events and inter-actions of key players in the case study. Although conclusions about a wider applicability of the model is not possible, it can be concluded that the theoretical model does fit the events and circumstances contained in the case study.
In addition to attempting to derive a working theoretical model of change in public policy-making, a secondary purpose of the research is to address the nonnative aspects of the shift in policy from conscription to volunteerism. Based on the pattern of American military manpower policy, it appears that Anglo-Saxon liberalism, rooted in the freedom of the individual, is an extremely strong strain in American thinking, and that the relatively long period of conscription in the United States after World War II was an anomaly in the history of American military manpower policies.<br>Ph. D.
7
Von, Herff Michael. ""They walk through the fire like the blondest German" : African soldiers serving the Kaiser in German East Africa (1888-1914)." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60565.
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The maintenance of German colonial rule in East Africa depended on a strong military presence. The Kaiserliche Schutztruppe fur Deutsch Ostafrika was established to meet this need, but financial and political constraints dictated that this force be manned by an African rank and file. Initially, most of the African recruits came from outside of the colony, but, as time passed, the Germans began recruiting from a few specific ethnic groups in the colony.<br>The relationship between the African soldiers and their German employers yielded military successes for the new colonial government and, by extension, an enhanced status for the soldiers themselves. Over time, the Africans within the Schutztruppe distanced themselves from other Africans in the colony and began to develop separate communities at the government stations, which in turn fostered the growth of an askari group identity. The interests of these communities became inextricably linked to the German presence in the region. The development of this relationship helps to explain the askaris' support of the German campaign against the British during the First World War.
8
O'Keeffe, Eleanor Katherine. "Localities of memory, localities of mobilisation : British military communities and the Great War, 1919-1939." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2015. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/13035.
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This thesis examines the role of British localities in the production of military force during the 1920s and 1930s. I argue that, during an era so disenfranchising for the armed forces in national politics and culture, the 'Local' provided a haven for servicemen and military units. Rather than theorising mobilisation as a set of state centred economic or technocratic proscriptions, this research takes the social and cultural renewal of military units as a starting point. Drawing on a range of historical and anthropological methodologies, I have set out to uncover what were - to borrow Foucault's phrase - 'regimes of truth': multiple ideological currents and social contexts that legitimised service identities during this period. Local spaces are not only useful arenas for dissecting these operations; local people and identities were crucial formative elements in these processes. Two case studies have provided the ground for this investigation: Newcastle and Glasgow. The thesis dissects the body of the British military machine at these entry points, viewing the configuration of military and naval power at ground level and the emergence of manpower from the collision between state directives and local society. It also examines the communities (soldiers, veterans) that arose through this. Focus moves from military to urban spaces, revealing the characters (pressmen, politicians) and practices (sociability, ritual, performance) that legitimised these communities. Much of this cultural work evoked the memory of the Great War and here the thesis intervenes in academic debates surrounding Commemoration after 1918. The final chapter unites these perspectives in a chronological elaboration of the period 1935-1939, detailing the ground level effort for national and civil defence. As well as enlivening our understanding of 20th century mobilisation, this research explores the depths of British local and national identities and the intricate ways in which the armed forces were framed within both.
9
Deupree, William Erik. "Innovation on a budget the development of military technology during the interwar period, 1919-1939." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4934.
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This thesis investigates the progress of technological development during the interwar period of 1919 to 1939. The interwar period was a time of slashed military budgets and isolationist policies. However, despite political, financial, and organizational handicaps, each branch of the military made significant progress in the development of military technology, and the air corps and navy achieved significantly better results. The reason these two branches were able succeed was through a combination of organizational policy and the development of an overarching goal for their respective branch. Within this thesis, I investigated each of the major military branches during the interwar period, specifically the United States Army, Army Air Corps, and Navy. The air corps is considered a separate branch despite being a segment of the army due to its different strategic goal and its growing independence during the interwar period. In my research I found that the army made by far the least technological progress, but did make significant strides in terms of the development of individual components for larger projects. For example, the army developed the M1 rifle and state-of-the-art shock absorbers for tanks. The air corps succeeded in transforming from a small army auxiliary made up of wood-and-fabric biplanes into a largely independent branch of the military made up of all-metal monoplane bombers. The navy developed the aircraft carrier and aircraft to accompany the new ships, in addition to making substantial upgrades to existing ships. These upgrades included strengthening ships against torpedo attacks, making engines more efficient, and adding anti-aircraft guns to the ships' arsenals.<br>ID: 030422712; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 98-105).<br>M.A.<br>Masters<br>History<br>Arts and Humanities
10
Coates, Oliver Richard. "A social history of military service in South-Western Nigeria, 1939-1955." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.607779.
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Cole, Laura A. "Civil-military relations in Guatemala during the Cerezo presidency." FIU Digital Commons, 1992. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2404.
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In 1986 Guatemala experienced a transition from authoritarian rule. Many issues affected the democratization process, but I argue that an essential aspect was civil- military relations. Thus, the principal question answered in this thesis is: How have civil-military relations determined the extent and nature of transition towards democracy in Guatemala from 1986-1990?
Adopting Alfred Stepan’s model to examine civil-military relations, the prerogatives and contestation of the Guatemalan military were examined. Prerogatives exist when the military assumes the right to control an issue, while contestation involves open articulated conflict with civilian government. High military prerogatives and low contestation indicate a situation of unequal civilian accommodation, where civilians do not effectively control the military.
Civil-military relations in Guatemala from 1986-1990 reflect a pattern of unequal civilian accommodation. This illustrates the lack of civilian control over the military and continued military dominance of the political system in Guatemala.
12
Martin, Stephen. "Did your country need you? : an oral history of the National Service experience in Britain, 1945-1963." Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683142.
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Jungdahl, Adam. "'The Sky's the Limit'| A Comparative Assessment of the Global Proliferation of Military Airpower in the Early and Late 20th Century." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3680573.
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<p> The purpose of this dissertation is to compare and assess the national-level determinants of military airpower diffusion in the early and late 20<sup> th</sup> century. To do so I look at the invention of military airpower, its initial adoption patterns, and the intensity of adoption over time. I find that there are two principal determinants of airpower diffusion. The first, and most consistent, determinant is resources, specifically national levels of military power. States with high levels of military capability, as determined by the Composite Index of National Capability (CINC) score, are more likely to adopt airpower earlier and with greater intensity. The second determinant, national status, has had a more complex effect on airpower diffusion. In the early 20<sup>th</sup> century national status, or a desire to adhere to the norm of technological modernity, increased the speed and intensity with which states adopted airpower. In the late 20<sup>th </sup> century, though, pressure to acquire airpower capabilities for status purposes no longer held. Instead, it appears that states concerned about their relative levels of status became slightly less likely to pursue airpower. </p><p> I also find that external threats are an important underlying cause for increasing airpower adoption intensity, that population constraints affected airpower adoption in the late 20<sup>th</sup> century, and that among the very earliest airpower adopters the presence of public advocacy groups in favor of aviation increased the rate of airpower adoption. In both the early and late 20<sup>th</sup> century the airpower diffusion process was facilitated by diplomatic communication channels which allowed for the rapid dissemination of information on aircraft performance and capabilities. These findings are synthesized into two proposed models of airpower diffusion in the final chapter. These models are intended to guide future research into military innovation diffusion.</p>
14
Freeman, Jonathan. "Military assistance as a tool of 20th Century American grand strategy : the American experience in Korea and Vietnam after World War II." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3816/.
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Military Assistance, the development and training of capacity and capability of foreign security forces, has largely been ignored by the research community, including the security studies research community. Military Assistance, as a tool, creates the possibility of both positive and negative outcomes for both recipient and providing nations, and as such it should be examined within the broader framework of international relations, with regards to the projection and perception of power. This research is timely and important, since Military Assistance is an actively pursued security solution within the international system. With the growth of Military Assistance missions around the world, from Iraq and Afghanistan to the Central African Republic, understanding the dynamics that can create or facilitate successful Military Assistance and its broader implications has become more critical. As a tool of United States foreign policy, Military Assistance missions extend United States power, while at the same time minimizing the risk of protracted United States military involvement. Consequently, reliance on Military Assistance has become the preferred method for pursuing strategic military direction and the development of strategic alliances. This will be explored in two case studies: South Korea and Vietnam. This research study seeks to recognize and define the dynamics of successful Military Assistance missions: more specifically, by defining its role in possibly linking the development of an army and a broader strategic alliance between states. I trace how the creation of capacities and capabilities establishes a more integrated relationship between two states, and acts as a prime process to extrapolate and test an applicable theory that can be used in multiple contexts. The goal of this research is a better understanding of Military Assistance as an international relations tool which can further strategic alliances and American Grand Strategy.
15
Moukambi, Victor. "Relations between South Africa and France with special reference to military matters, 1960-1990." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1228.
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Floto, Mark Edward 1959, and Mark Edward 1959 Floto. "France 1940: the anatomy of a rout." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/558055.
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Duke, Simon. "United States defence bases in the United Kingdom." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5f7987f7-8286-48b0-9595-d60413ef6fc6.
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The main concerns of the study, covering the years 1945-84, are arrangements that have been made for the use of military bases in the United Kingdom by United States forces. The subject is examined within a chronological framework. The development of the United States military presence is traced, from the earliest Joint Chiefs of Staff plans in 1945 and the Spaatz- Tedder agreement in 1946, which gave the United States permission to deploy certain forces in the United Kingdom in time of emergency. The 1948 Berlin Crisis led to the arrival of bombers in East Anglia which was the first major post-war deployment of United States forces to Britain. It was stated that it would be for a period of temporary duty. In fact the bases have remained from that day to this, though their number and types have varied over time. The Korean War proved to be the next major turning point. It increased demands upon the Attlee government for an agreement defining the conditions of use of United States bases in the United Kingdom. The subsequent Truman- Attlee, and later Truman-Churchill, meetings resulted in the key phrase: the use of bases would be 'a matter for joint decision ... in the light of circumstances prevailing at the time.' Different interpretations have been placed on these words at different times. The years 1950-57 saw a consolidation of the United States military presence, with Britain's importance as an intelligence base also growing. The dawning of the missile age symbolised by the first Soviet earth satellite in 1957, the agreement in the same year to deploy Thor missiles, and the deployment of Polaris to Holy Loch in 1960, raised questions regarding the adequacy of the earlier agreements on the conditions of use. This factor, alongside the development of a distinct European identity of which Britain has become a part, has led to a questioning of American hegemony within NATO. The arrival of cruise missiles in 1983 gave added urgency to the debate. Whilst it may be generally recognized that the bases make a substantial contribution to the United Kingdom's defences, the need for clarification of the uses to which the bases can be put by United States forces remains.
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Turner, Barry John, and barry turner@rmit edu au. "Nasution total people's resistance and organicist thinking in Indonesia." Swinburne University of Technology, 2005. http://adt.lib.swin.edu.au./public/adt-VSWT20060227.095349.
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This thesis argues that General Abdul Haris Nasution, the most influential military strategist
that Indonesia has produced, developed an elective affinity between his strategies for 'people�s
resistance' and an organicist vision of the proper relations between the state (including the
military) and society that led to the Indonesian Army�s formulation of a unique, pervasive and
highly durable means of military intervention in politics, the economy and society.
Organicism is a stream of political thinking that views state and society as a single organic
unity. Corporatist / functional modes of interest representation are often associated with
organicist thinking.
Nasution�s 'people�s resistance' strategies emerged during the armed struggle for national
independence (from the Dutch) in the second half of the 1940s. The thesis argues that unlike the
'people�s war' strategies that emanated from the political left at roughly the same time,
Nasution�s concepts were designed to uphold organic 'traditional' authority structures and
depoliticise the national struggle. Associated with these strategies was a system of territorial
commands that shadowed and supervised the aristocratically led civilian administration.
The form of military intervention that grew out of this elective affinity reached its peak during
the New Order regime of former President Suharto (1966 � 1998), when the army used its
'people�s resistance' doctrines and their associated territorial commands to control the
population and the regime championed state-sanctioned corporatist / functional modes of
interest representation.
The identification of this elective affinity is a major point of departure from previous political
biographies of Nasution. Another is the emphasis placed on Nasution�s family and personal life,
particularly in the early chapters.
This thesis explains how personal and family influences encouraged Nasution towards organicist
thinking. It identifies how, in the early 1950s, Nasution idealised his 'people�s resistance'
strategies and the support given to him during the armed struggle by organic 'traditional'
authority figures. It shows how Nasution�s elective affinity between organicist thinking and
'people�s resistance' infused the interventionist doctrines that the army began to develop in the
mid-to-late 1950s.
In recent years the Indonesian Army has distanced itself from corporatist / functional forms of
interest representation and has largely retreated from an active involvement in politics.
Nevertheless, the thesis identifies a continuing adherence within the Army leadership to
Nasution�s system of territorial commands and concepts of 'people�s resistance' that cannot
readily be reconciled with democratic processes.
19
Farrell, Brian P. (Brian Padair) 1960. "War by consensus : power, perceptions and British grand strategy 1940-1943." Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39350.
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From 1940 through 1943, British grand strategy was shaped by a broad consensus, generally accepted and understood in the central direction of the war. This consensus was based on the assumption of relative weakness, and was expressed by what may be termed the "wear down" approach: "to knock out the props" from under Axis military power by a combination of blockade, bombing, raids, subversion and sabotage, and peripheral campaigns. An ultimate direct assault would only be launched after enemy power had visibly declined. The balance, emphasis, and specific thrust of this outline changed; its essence did not. Even as a powerful Grand Alliance emerged, the British remained convinced that the assumption of relative weakness must continue to guide its grand strategy. This assumption was finally rejected by the coalition as a whole, but it proved well founded for the British themselves. Ultimately, however, this formulation of grand strategy by consensus was, in general, a sober and responsible interpretation of the overall British situation.
20
Clyne, Steven S. "The debates surrounding America's hegemonic decline : a critical assessment." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/116111.
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As the United States led the military, economic and diplomatic response to Iraq's
invasion of Kuwait, Secretary of State James Baker was asked whether the
determined American leadership discredited the frequently asserted notion tha t
America had been toppled from its hegemonic pedestal. He responded th a t he never
believed such theories.1 To many people, Secretary Baker's assessment would seem
fairly reasonable. After all, in the previous year he--along with the rest of the worldhad
witnessed the collapse of Soviet power in Eastern Europe, the rejection of
communist controlled command economies in favour of democracy and market-based
economies, and the heralding of the 'end of the Cold War.' The obvious implication was
th a t the U.S., as the leader of the non-communist world, had 'won' the Cold War.
Furthermore, the Kuwaiti crisis was proving th a t global leadership could not be based
exclusively upon a vibrant national economy. Though endowed with flourishing
economies, Germany (or the European Community for th a t ma tte r2) and Japan
appeared incapable of assuming the mantle of world leadership. The United States,
alone, demonstrated the capability and willingness to project its military might into
the Persian Gulf to deter further Iraqi aggression and, ultimately, to eject Iraq from
Kuwait.
21
Schwarz, Jeremiah William. "American defence policy and the Bosnian War 1991-1995." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648517.
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Ali, Ahmed Hassan Elhag. "The Rise and Fall of Military Regimes in the Sudan, 1956-1989." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278382/.
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This study attempts to explore the factors that contributed to the rise and fall of military regimes in the Sudan from independence in 1956 to 1989. Further, the study tries to identify the factors that led to the collapse of either or both civilian and military regimes. Most of the studies on military politics have focused their research on either military coups or, more recently, on military withdrawal from politics. This work tries to synthesize the study of military coups and military withdrawal from politics into a single theoretical framework.
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Miller, Aaron Michael. "The Duality of the Hitler Youth: Ideological Indoctrination and Premilitary Education." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc955087/.
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This thesis examines the National Socialists' ultimate designs for Germany's youth, conveniently organized within the Hitlerjugend. Prevailing scholarship portrays the Hitler Youth as a place for ideological indoctrination and activities akin to the modern Boy Scouts. Furthermore, it often implies that the Hitler Youth was paramilitary but always lacks support for this claim. These claims are not incorrect, but in regard to the paramilitary nature of the organization, they do not delve nearly deeply enough. The National Socialists ultimately desired to consolidate their control over the nation and to prepare the nation for a future war. Therefore, they needed to simultaneously indoctrinate German youth, securing the future existence of National Socialism but also ensuring that German youth carry out their orders and defend Germany, and train the youth in premilitary skills, deliberately attempting to increase the quality of the Wehrmacht and furnish it with a massive, trained reserve in case of war. This paper relies on published training manuals, translated propaganda, memoirs of former Hitler Youth members and secondary literature to examine the form and extent of the ideological indoctrination and premilitary training--which included the general Hitler Youth, special Hitler Youth subdivisions, military preparedness camps akin to boot camp, and elaborate war games which tested the youths' military knowledge. This thesis clearly demonstrates that the National Socialists desired to train the youth in skills that assisted them later in the Wehrmacht and reveals the process implemented by the National Socialists to instill these abilities in Germany's impressionable youth.
24
Han, Nackhoon. "The Troubled Relationship between Suharto and the Indonesian Armed Forces from the Mid 1960s to the Early 1990s." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2007. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/HanN2007.pdf.
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Ramuhala, Mashudu Godfrey. "Military Intervention in Africa after the Cold War." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4186.
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Thesis (MMil (Military Strategy))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Military intervention remains controversial when it happens, as well as when it fails to. Since
the end of the Cold War, military intervention has attracted much scholarly interest, and it was
demonstrated that several instances of the use of force or the threat to use force without
Security Council endorsement were acceptable and necessary. Matters of national sovereignty
are the fundamental principle on which the international order was founded since the Treaty of
Westphalia. Territorial integrity of states and non-interference in their domestic affairs, remain
the foundation of international law, codified by the United Nations Charter, and one of the
international community’s decisive factors in choosing between action and non-intervention.
Nonetheless, since the end of the Cold War matters of sovereignty and non-interference have
been challenged by the emergent human rights discourse amidst genocide and war crimes.
The aim of this study is to explain the extent to which military intervention in Africa has
evolved since the end of the Cold War, in terms of theory, practice and how it unfolded upon
the African continent. This will be achieved, by focusing on both successful and unsuccessful
cases of military intervention in Africa. The unsuccessful cases being Somalia in 1992,
Rwanda in 1994, and Darfur in 2003; and the successful cases being Sierra Leone in 2000 and
the Comoros in 2008. The objective of this study is fourfold: firstly it seeks to examine the
theoretical developments underpinning military intervention after the end of the Cold War;
secondly, to describe the evolution of military intervention from a unilateral realist to a more
multilateral idealist profile; thirdly, to demarcate the involvement in military intervention in
Africa by states as well as organisations such as the AU and the UN and finally, discerning the
contributions and the dilemmas presented by interventions in African conflicts and how Africa
can emerge and benefit from military interventions.
The intervention in Somalia produced a litmus test for post-Cold War interventions and the
departure point for their ensuing evolution. Rwanda ensued after Somalia, illustrating the
disinclination to intervene that featured during this episode. Darfur marked the keenness of the
AU to intervene in contrast with the ensuing debates at the Security Council over naming the
crime whether or not “genocide” was unfolding in Darfur. Positively though, the intervention
by Britain in Sierra Leone and the AU intervention in the Comoros are clear illustrations of
how those intervening, were articulate in what they intend to do and their subsequent success.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Militêre intervensie, of die afwesigheid daarvan wanneer nodig, bly ‘n twispunt binne
internasionale verhoudinge. Namate die impak van die Koue Oorlog begin vervaag het, het
militêre intervensie besonder prominent in die literatuur begin figureer en is soms so dringend
geag dat dit soms sonder die goedkeuring van die Veiligheidsraad van die Verenigde Nasies
(VN) kon plaasvind. Aspekte van nasionale soewereiniteit bly nietemin ‘n grondbeginsel van
die internasionale orde soos dit sedert die Verdrag van Wesfale beslag gevind het. Territoriale
integriteit van state en die beginsel van geen-inmenging in die binnelandse aangeleenthede van
‘n staat nie bly ook ‘n grondslag van die Internasionale Reg soos deur die VN erken word en dit
rig steeds standpunte van die internasionale gemeenskap vir of teen intervensie. Sedert die
einde van die Koue Oorlog het soewereiniteit en beginsel van geen-intervensie egter
toenemende druk ervaar met groeiende klem op menseregte midde in ‘n opkomende diskoers
oor volksmoord en oorlogsmisdade.
Die klem van hierdie studie val op militêre intervensie en veral hoe dit na die Koue Oorlog
ontvou het in terme van teorie en praktyk, in die besonder op die Afrikakontinent. Die
bespreking wentel om suksesvolle en onsuksesvolle gevalle van militêre intervensie in Afrika.
Die onsuksesvolle gevalle wat bespreek word is Somalië (1992), Rwanda (1994), en Darfur
(2003). Die meer suksesvolle gevalle wat bespreek word is Sierra Leone (2000) en die Komoro
Eilande in (2008). Die studie omvat vier aspekte van bespreking: eerstens, die teoretiese
ontwikkelinge wat militêre intervensie na die Koue Oorlog onderlê, tweedens, die ewolusie van
militêre intervensie vanaf ‘n eensydige realisme tot ‘n meer multilaterale idealistiese
verskynsel, derdens, die betrokkenheid in militêre intervensie in Afrika deur state en
organisasies soos die VN en Afrika-Unie (AU) en laastens, die bydraes en dilemmas van
intervensies in Afrika.
Die betrokkenheid in Somalië was ‘n kritieke toets vir intervensies na die Koue Oorlog en het
baie stukrag verleen aan die daaropvolgende debat. Rwanda het die huiwerigheid ontbloot om
in te gryp waar dit werklik nodig was. Darfur vertoon weer die gewilligheid van die AU om in
te gryp in weerwil van lang debatte in die VN oor volksmoord en die gebeure in Darfur. Aan
die positiewe kant figureer die Britse optredes in Sierra Leone en optredes deur ‘n AU-mag in
die Komoro Eilande as gevalle wat toon hoe die vasberadenheid van partye om in te gryp en
bedreigings in die kiem te smoor, suksesvolle militêre intervensies kan bevorder.
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Garner, Christian A. "Forgotten Legacies: The U.S. Glider Pilot Training Program and Lamesa Field, Texas, During World War II." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849715/.
Full textAbstract:
Rapidly initiated at the national, regional, and local levels, the American glider pilot training program came about due to a perceived need after successful German operations at the outset of World War II. Although the national program successfully produced the required number of pilots to facilitate combat operations, numerous changes and improvisation came to characterize the program. Like other American military initiatives in the twentieth century, the War Department applied massive amounts of effort, dollars, and time to a program that proved to be short-lived in duration because it was quickly discarded when new technologies appeared. At the local level, the real loser was Lamesa, Texas. Bearing the brunt of these changes by military decision makers, the citizens of Lamesa saw their hard-fought efforts to secure an airfield fall quickly by the wayside in the wake of changing national defense priorities. As generations continue to pass and memories gradually fade, it is important to document and understand the relationship between this military platform that saw limited action and a small Texas town that had a similarly short period of significance to train the pilots who flew the aircraft.
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Lovric, Ivo Mark. "Ghost Wars : the Politics of War Commemoration." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150317.
Full textAbstract:
Ghost Wars: the politics of war commemoration: research into dissenting views to war and other aspects of the Australian experience of war that are marginalised by the Australian War Memorial. A study taking the form of an exhibition of a filmic (video) essay, which comprises the outcome of the Studio Practice component, together with the Exegesis which documents the nature of the course of study undertaken, and the Dissertation, which comprises 33% of the Thesis.
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Bentz, Gustav. "Fighting Springboks : C Company, Royal Natal carbineers : from Premier Mine to Po Valley, 1939 - 1945." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85636.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MMil)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Germany’s declaration of war on Poland on 1 September 1939 and the consequent war in Europe not only found the Union of South Africa politically divided but militarily unprepared to fight a modern war let alone make any worthwhile contribution toward its European allies’ war effort. The task of getting South Africa into the fight fell to newly appointed Prime Minister J.C. Smuts who cleverly outmanoeuvred J.B.M. Hertzog as leader of the nation. Not only was the Union Defence Force (UDF) severely ravaged by several budget cuts during and after the depression but it seemed to have no inclination of embracing the kind of mechanisation that was the hallmark of most European armies. Within the space of a year Smuts managed to transform the UDF and on 17 July 1940 the 1st South African Infantry Brigade set sail for East Africa where Mussolini’s Italians reigned supreme after brushing aside a couple of British border guards and laying claim to a few miles of British territory. One of the units dispatched by Smuts was the 1st Royal Natal Carbineers from Pietermaritzburg in Natal. Throughout the campaign the Regiment’s C Company fought with distinction but had the dubious honour of being the South African unit that suffered the most casualties during the whole campaign. Several of C Company’s men then become the vehicles through which the remainder of the war is experienced as the men were moved from one theatre of battle to another. Through their eyes the hunting trips into the East African bush and the death of their Commanding Officer, among other things, are relived. The victorious Springboks are then sent to Egypt where they were needed in an effort to break the deadlock that existed between the British 8th Army and the German Afrika Korps. Amidst the ebb and flow of the battle the men of C Company still found time to experience the sights and sounds of Africa’s most populous cities, Cairo and Alexandria. Here many young soldiers were exposed to pleasures and pastimes not to be had back in the Union. In spite of the eventual defeat of the German forces North Africa C Company witnessed the destruction of the 5th South African Brigade at Sidi Rezegh and suffered the loss of a combined platoon when Tobruk capitulated on 21 June 1942. After a brief period on home leave in 1943 C Company was back in action, this time in Italy as part of the 6th South African Armoured Division. Here they faced mountains, heavy snow and an enemy desperately fighting for every hill, stream and building. In the months which followed C Company were often in the midst of the action and many men lost close friends on the slopes of the Italian mountains. As final victory became apparent during the first months of 1945, C Company’s men began preparing for their post-war lives and when the first planes and ships left for the union at the end of April 1945 the men felt that they have served their country well and did their regiment proud.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ten tyde van Duitsland se oorlogsverklaring Pole op 1 September 1939 wat die weg gebaan het het vir die gevolglike oorlog in Europa was die Unie van Suid-Afrika nie net polities verdeel nie maar ook militêr onvoorbereid op 'n moderne oorlog. Die kans dat Suid Afrika n beduidende bydrae tot sy Europese bondgenote se oorlogspoging sou kon maak was ook skraal. Die taak om Suid-Afrika voor te berei vir die komende stryd het op die skouers van die nuutaangestelde premier J.C. Smuts gerus wat deur middel van politieke manuvrering vir J.B.M. Hertzog uitoorlê het as leier van die volk. Nie net was die Unie Verdedigings Mag (UVM) erg uitgemergel deur verskeie besnoeings in sy begroting tydens en ná die depressie nie, maar daar was klaarblyklik geen begrip vir die proses van meganisasie gehad waarmee die meeste Europese weermagte doenig was nie. Binne die bestek van 'n jaar het Smuts daarin geslaag om die UVM te transformeer en op 17 Julie 1940 seil die 1ste Suid-Afrikaanse Infanterie Brigade Oos-Afrika toe waar Mussolini se magte die kruin van die golf ry nadat hulle ‘n paar Britse grensposte eenkant toe gevee het en 'n paar myl Britse grondgebied beset het. Die 1st Royal Natal Carbineers van Pietermaritzburg was een van die eenhede wat in Oos Afrika teen die Italianers sou veg. Tydens die veldtog veg die Regiment met onderskeiding, maar verwerf ook die twyfelagtige eer om die Suid-Afrikaanse eenheid te wees wat die meeste ongevalle gely het gedurende die hele veldtog. Verskeie van C Kompanie se manne word gebruik as ‘n lens waardeur die res van die oorlog ervaar word soos die troepe van een front na die ander verskuif word. Deur middel van hul wedervaringe word, onder andere, die jagtogte in die Oos-Afrikaanse bos en die dood van hul bevelvoerder herleef. Na Oos-Afrika word die seëvierende Springbokke na Egipte gestuur waar hulle benodig word om die Britse 8ste Leër by te staan in in die stryd teen die Duitse Afrika Korps. Te midde van die stryd kom die manne van C Kompanie nog tyd vind om Afrika se mees digbevolkte stede, Kaïro en Alexandrië te besoek waar baie jong soldate blootgestel is aan genot en tydverdryf wat nie beskikbaar was in die Unie nie. Ten spyte van die uiteindelike nederlaag van die Duitse magte in Noord-Afrika was C Kompanie teenwoordig tydens die vernietiging van die 5de Suid-Afrikaanse Brigade by Sidi Rezegh en ervaar ook die verlies van 'n gekombineerde peloton toe Tobruk oorgegee op 21 Junie 1942. Na 'n kort tydperk in Suid Afrika is C Kompanie terug in aksie, hierdie keer in Italië as deel van die 6de Suid-Afrikaanse Pantserdivisie. Hier word hulle gekonfronteer deur berge, swaar sneeu en 'n vyand wat desperaat veg vir elke heuwel, stroom en bouval. In die daaropvolgende maande bevind C Kompanie hom dikwels te midde van die aksie sterf vele goeie vriende teen die hange van die Italiaanse bergreekse. Namate dit duidelik begin raak dat die Duitsers die oorlog gaan verloor begin C Kompanie se manne hulself voorberei vir hul na-oorlogse lewens. Met die vertrek van die eerste vliegtuie en skepe na die Unie teen die einde van April 1945 was die manne van Natal oortuig daarvan dat hulle hul land na die beste van hulle vermoë gedien het en dat hulle die goeie naam van hulle regiment gestand gedoen het.
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Luce, Alexandra Isabella. "British intelligence in the Portuguese world, 1939-1945 : operations against German Intelligence and relations with the Polícia de Vigilância e Defesa do Estado (PVDE)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608984.
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Fokkens, Andries Marius. "The role and application of the Union Defence Force in the suppression of internal unrest, 1912-1945." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/17352.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2006.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African
history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force.
Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying
areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in
North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to
1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of
white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907,
1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes
of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force
when the police failed to maintain law and order. Public reaction to the use of force was strong
and the government, particularly Gen. J.C. Smuts, was severely criticised resulting in a defeat in
the 1924 election. Over the period 1921 to 1932 indigenous populations in South Africa and South
West Africa such as the Israelites (1921), the Bondelswarts (1922), the Rehoboth Basters (1925)
and the Ukuambi (1932), were suppressed through punitive expeditions by the police and military
forces of the Union of South Africa. The indigenous populations were a.o. grieved by the
government’s implementation of branding laws, enforced indentured labour, dog and hut tax. The
government’s prevailing racial policy of that time, manifested in a master and servant attitude
towards the indigenous populations, exacerbated an existing grievance of restrictive political rights.
The government reacted quickly and economically in suppressing any indigenous population’s
protests involving militant action. Although the use of aeroplanes was criticised, it was a force
multiplier and greatly assisted the small number of police and military forces deployed in
minimising casualties on both sides. The government also had to suppress militant Afrikaner
uprisings during the First and Second World Wars. In 1914 and 1915, prominent Afrikaner leaders
and veterans of the Anglo-Boer War reacted militantly against the government’s participation in the
First World War. Gen. L. Botha and Gen. Smuts were the architects of their suppression through
quick mobilisation of the Active Citizen Force, using mostly Afrikaans speaking volunteers. The
period between the two world wars saw the growth of the Afrikaners on a political, social and
limited economical level. This gave rise to further dispute on political and social levels when the
government once again opted to fight alongside Britain in the Second World War. Old animosities
between the Afrikaners and British were relived and militant elements within Afrikaner society
mobilised to impede this participation. The government resorted to using the Union Defence
Forces and SA Police to facilitate internment, for spying and to guard strategic objectives in an
effort to prevent sabotage and other serious damage to the war effort. Smuts received severe
criticism from mostly Afrikaners who were against participation in the war, and the general public
who had to suffer under the conditions of martial law.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die gebruik van militêre mag in die onderdrukking van interne onrus is ‘n algemene verskynsel in
die geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika. Sedert 1652 het die Europese koloniale besetting van Suid-Afrika
gepaard gegaan met geweld. Boerekommando’s en Britse militêre regimente en
vrywilligereenhede het die vrede in verafgeleë gebiede gehandhaaf en die plaaslike bevolkings
onderwerp, net soos ander koloniale moondhede, byvoorbeeld, Frankryk in Noord-Afrika en
Duitsland in Duits-Suidwes-Afrika gedoen het. Die periode van 1912 tot 1945 was geen
uitsondering nie, maar met die verskil dat opstande ook onder die blanke bevolking onderdruk is.
In 1907, 1913, 1914 en 1922 het die blanke industriële werkers sodanige onderdrukking ervaar.
Werksonsekerheid en loongeskille was die dryfkrag agter die stakings en die stakers se militante
optrede het die regering gedwing om militêre mag te gebruik om die opstande te onderdruk, nadat
die polisie se pogings om wet en orde te handhaaf, misluk het. Die publiek was sterk gekant teen
sulke hardhandige optrede en Genl. J.C. Smuts het veral onder kritiek deurgeloop, wat tot sy
politieke nederlaag gelei het. Opstandige inheemse bevolkings in Suid-Afrika en Suidwes-Afrika
soos die Israeliete (1921), die Bondelswarts (1922), die Rehoboth Basters (1925) en die Ukuambi
(1932) het deurgeloop onder strafekspidisies van elemente van die Unie van Suid-Afrika se polisie
en weermag. Die inheemse bevolking is gegrief deur die regering se implimentering van
brandmerkwette, geforseerde kontrakarbeid, hut- en hondebelasting. Die regering se rassebeleid
van die tyd het ‘n meester-en-onderdaan-houding teenoor die inheemse bevolkings geskep, wat
die teer kwessie van beperkte politieke regte vererger het. Opstande deur inheemse bevolkings
wat militant van aard was, is op ‘n vinnige en ekonomiese manier onderdruk, dog het skerp kritiek
uitgelok. Die benutting van vliegtuie om die opstande te onderdruk was ‘n magsvermenigvuldiger
wat die klein polisie- en weermag gehelp het om verliese tydens die onderdukking van opstande
aan beide kante te beperk. Die regering het ook opstande van Afrikanergroepe tydens die Eerste
en Tweede Wêreldoorlog onderdruk. In 1914-1915 het prominente Afrikanerleiers en veterane van
die Anglo-Boereoorlog militant opgeruk teen die regering in verset oor die regering se deelname
aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Genl. L. Botha en Genl. Smuts was die argitekte van die vinnige
onderdrukking van die opstande deur die Aktiewe Burgermag op te roep en hoofsaaklik
Afrikaanssprekende vrywilligers te gebruik. Die periode tussen die twee Wêreldoorloë is
gekenmerk deur die groei van die Afrikaner op politieke, sosiale en in ‘n beperkte mate, ook
ekonomiese gebied. Hieruit het verdere onenigheid op politieke en sosiale vlak onstaan toe die
regering weer besluit het aand die kant van Brittanje tot die Tweede Wêreldoorlog toe te tree. Ou
vyandighede tussen Afrikaans- en Engelssprekendes het herleef en militante elemente binne die
Afrikanersamelewing het gemobiliseer om die deelname te belemmer. Die regering het die
Unieverdedigingsmag en die SA Polisie gebruik vir internering, spioenering en die beveiliging van
strategiese doelwitte teen sabotasie en ander aktiwiteite wat die oorlogsdeelname sou belemmer.
Smuts het die meeste kritiek ontvang van Afrikaners wat gekant was teen die oorlog, asook die
publiek in die algemeen wat gebuk gegaan het onder krygswet.
31
Sivilich, Anjanette U. "Wheeler/Portage Nike missile launch site C-47 : historic structure report." Virtual Press, 2000. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1175435.
Full textAbstract:
This is a historic structure report for the C-47 Nike missile launch site in Wheeler, Indiana. This report provides a description, condition assessment, and recommendation for restoration of the site since it has sustained damage from weather, fire, and vandals. The site is listed on the State Register and National Register of Historic Places and the Nike Preservation Group desires to turn the site into a Cold War museum and memorial.A history of the Cold War and development of the Nike missile systems and C-47 site provides the background of the project. Each structure and feature is described and the condition recorded. Recommendations for treatment and maintenance are provided. Suggestions are made for a phased restoration of the site to accommodate a Cold War museum. Since it is recommended the site be open to the public, issues regarding public health, safety, security, and handicap accessibility are addressed. This project does not provide a full management and preservation plan, measured HABS/HAER drawings, or a structural analysis.<br>Department of Architecture
32
Harvey, Matt. "Bread, Bullets, and Brotherhood: Masculine Ideologies in the Mid-Century Black Freedom Struggle, 1950-1975." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1248506/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the ways that African Americans in the mid-twentieth century thought about and practiced masculinity. Important contemporary events such as the struggle for civil rights and the Vietnam War influenced the ways that black Americans sought not only to construct masculine identities, but to use these identities to achieve a higher social purpose. The thesis argues that while mainstream American society had specific prescriptions for how men should behave, black Americans were able to select which of these prescriptions they valued and wanted to pursue while simultaneously rejecting those that they found untenable. Masculinity in the mid-century was not based on one thing, but rather was an amalgamation of different ideals that black men (and women) sought to utilize to achieve communal goals of equality, opportunity, and family.
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Borges, Cristóbal A. "Vieques: Island of Conflict and Dreams." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4436/.
Full textAbstract:
This written thesis is a companion to a 30-minute documentary video of the same title. The documentary is a presentation of the historical conflict between the United States Navy and the people of the island of Vieques, Puerto Rico. For over 60 years the island was used by the United States Navy as a military training facility. The documentary attempts to present an analysis of the struggle between citizens of the island and the Navy. This written component presents a summarized history of Puerto Rico, Vieques and the conflict with the United States Navy. In addition, the preproduction, production and post-production process of the documentary are discussed. A theoretical analysis of the filmmaker's approach and technique are addressed and analyzed as well. The thesis's goal is to provide a clear understanding of the Vieques conflict to United States audiences who do not a familiarity with the topic. The thesis is presented from the perspective of a person who grew up in Puerto Rico.
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Bines, Jeffrey. "The Polish country section of the Special Operations Executive 1940-1946 : a British perspective." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/929.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is a history of the Polish Country Section of the Special Operations Executive (SOE), a British organisation whose purpose was to infiltrate agents behind enemy lines during World War II. The thesis covers the period 1940 – 1946, the entire period that SOE existed, and its close connection with the Polish special department, formally known as the Sixth Bureau of the Polish Government in Exile. Chapters contained herein each cover a full year of operations from 1941 -1943, followed by two chapters for 1944, and one chapter for 1945-1946. Covered are details of agent training, information on the first flight to Poland to drop agents and couriers and the problems encountered. The German invasion of the Soviet Union and SOE’s thoughts on the predicted outcome is covered, as are also Polish operations in France and indications of support for Polish operations in other parts of the world. Throughout, is evidence of the difficulties in obtaining sufficient air support for flights to Poland which, although inadequate for Polish requirements, were more abundant than many realised at the time. This is especially true with reference to supplies dropped to Warsaw during the rising of 1944. Brief accounts of the meetings between the ‘Big Three’, Churchill, Roosevelt and Stalin, at Teheran and Yalta in as much as they affected SOE/Polish relations. The thesis finishes with appendices detailing agent/courier parachute drops, lists of personnel involved, a bibliography and glossary.
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Clarke, Robert. "Landscape, memory and secrecy : the Cold War archaeology of the Royal Observer Corps." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/27937.
Full textAbstract:
This project covers the development of a model framework intended to allow researchers of the archaeology of the Cold War to recognise a range of behaviours played out on military sites. The order and chaos model developed and utilised in this thesis introduces a heterotopian landscape populated by the Royal Observer Corps. Through a process of archaeological fieldwork a number of behavioural traits are recognised and discussed here for the first time. The group in question is fully researched, providing a historiography of the practice played out during the groups life-cycle. The landscape archaeology is discussed and contextualised by narration from the volunteers who once operated the posts. A range of case studies are introduced confirming the validity of the order and chaos model and potential for application elsewhere. Finally, the findings are discussed in detail and a proposal for the next step in the research are revealed.
36
Shamberg, Neil S. "Shell shock in the origins of British psychiatry." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1045637.
Full textAbstract:
This study has presented a comprehensive overview of the origins of modern British and American military psychiatry, chiefly in response to World War I shell shock. The study examined the state of British psychiatry during the nineteenth century, as the new railroads, mines, and factories produced accident victims with post-traumatic stress disorders. As World War I began, psychoanalysis was in its infancy, and most British psychiatrists faced with a victim of shell shock fell back on an eclectic mix of treatments, including electro-shock therapy, hot baths, massages, moral persuasion, lectures, exhortation, etc. While a few British and American psychiatrists practiced either psychotherapy or disciplinary methods exclusively, the majority of practitioners used a variety of methods, depending on the doctor's point of view and the circumstances of the case at, hand. Psychotherapeutic developments in the inter-war period are also explored and discussed.<br>Department of History
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Bridges, Jennifer. "Reclaiming Female Virtue: Social Hygiene, Venereal Disease and Texas Reclamation Centers during World War I." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2018. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1404551/.
Full textAbstract:
During the Progressive Era in the United States, social hygiene reformers underwent a fundamental change in their stance toward women accused of prostitution or promiscuous behavior. Rather than viewing such women as unfortunate victims of circumstance who were worthy of compassion, many Progressives deemed them as predatory villains who instead deserved incarceration, forced rehabilitation, and non-consenting medical interference. Texas, due to the many military bases within its borders, became a key battleground in this moral crusade against women as the carriers and proliferators of VD. "Promiscuous" women were seen as not only dangerous to the soldiers but also as a threat to the nation's security, creating an environment that led Texas Progressives to suppress women's civil liberties in the name of protecting soldiers. The catalyst for this change in attitude was World War I. The Great War brought to the forefront an unpleasant reality facing a significant percentage of America's fighting men: venereal disease. While combating sexually transmitted diseases was a serious medical and manpower concern for the military in the era before penicillin, the sole focus on women as the carriers and proliferators of VD led to a nationwide campaign against the "social evil" that demonized women and led to the suspension of thousands of women's habeas corpus rights. This dissertation examines how the twin crusades of Progressivism and the War to End All Wars created conditions in Texas that for many women meant appalling repression rather than progress toward the enjoyment of greater equality.
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West, Kieran Martin. "Intelligence and the development of British grand strategy in the First World War." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609487.
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Jenkins, Ellen Janet. ""Organizing Victory:" Great Britain, the United States, and the Instruments of War, 1914-1916." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279079/.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation examines British munitions procurement chronologically from 1914 through early 1916, the period in which Britain's war effort grew to encompass the nation's entire industrial capacity, as well as much of the industrial capacity of the neutral United States. The focus shifts from the political struggle in the British Cabinet between Kitchener and Lloyd George, to Britain's Commercial Agency Agreement with the American banking firm of J. P. Morgan and Company, and to British and German propaganda in the United States.
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Matsubara, Nao. "The prospect for Okinawa's initiative : towards getting rid of the U.S. Military presence in Okinawa." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm4344.pdf.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves [56]-[62]) Focusses on issues concerning the U.S. military presence on the island. Elaborates on Okinawa's suffering due to the military bases which have hindered Okinawa's economic development, created serious pollution and encouraged crime
41
Camerin, Federico [Verfasser], Mora Alfonso [Akademischer Betreuer] Álvarez, Guerra Max [Akademischer Betreuer] Welch, et al. "The role of the great property in the european city-making process in the last third of the 20th century. Military property as reference / Federico Camerin ; Gutachter: Max Welch Guerra, Mario Paris, Laurent Coudroy de Lille, Alfonso Álvarez Mora, Víctor Pérez Eguíluz ; Alfonso Álvarez Mora, Max Welch Guerra, Víctor Pérez Eguíluz." Weimar : Bauhaus-Universität Weimar, 2020. http://d-nb.info/121459414X/34.
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Krapf, Elizabeth Maria. "Euthanasia, the Ethics of Patient Care and the Language of Propaganda." PDXScholar, 2012. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/606.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is an examination of euthanasia, eugenics, the ethic of patient care, and linguistic propaganda in the Second World War. The examination of euthanasia discusses not only the history and involvement of the facility at Hadamar in Germany, but also discuss the current euthanasia debate. Euthanasia in World War II arose out of the Nazi desire to cleanse the Reich and was greatly influenced by the American eugenics movement of the early 20th century. Eugenics was built up to include anyone considered undesirable and unworthy of life and killed many thousands of people before the invasion of allied troops in 1944. Paramount to euthanasia is forced sterilization, the ethic of patient care, and how the results of the research conducted on euthanasia victims before their deaths should be used. The Nazis were able to change the generally accepted terms that researchers use to describe their experiments and this change affected how modern doctors and researchers use the terms in current research. This thesis includes research conducted in Germany and the United States from varied resources.
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Mecum, Mark M. "Solving Alliance Cohesion: NATO Cohesion After the Cold War." Ohio : Ohio University, 2007. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1180549294.
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Foisy, Cory A. "Soviet war-readiness and the road to war : 1937-41." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79938.
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This is a study of the foreign and domestic policies of the USSR as they pertain to its war-readiness, as well as the degree to which these policies presumably opened the door to the European conflagration and, in 1941, to the Nazi-Soviet war. Topics to be discussed include: (1) the crash industrialization of the Soviet Union and industrial war preparations from 1928--41; (2) the development of Soviet military doctrine before and after 12 June 1937; (3) a critical re-examination of the popularly accepted reasons for the devolution of the Soviet armed forces; and (4) Soviet foreign policy from 1937--41. The chronological end of the paper (1941) is followed by a brief epilogue discussing the evident success of the Soviet industrialization program by reference to Soviet industrial performance during the Nazi-Soviet war. Furthermore, the epilogue will challenge the popular depiction of the German invasion as an effortless, seamless advance into the Soviet heartland.
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Edlmann, Tessa Margaret. "Negotiating historical continuities in contested terrain : a narrative-based reflection on the post-apartheid psychosocial legacies of conscription into the South African Defence Force." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1012811.
Full textAbstract:
For a 25-year period during the apartheid era in South Africa, all school-leaving white men were issued with a compulsory call-up to national military service in the South African Defence Force. It is estimated that 600 000 men were conscripted between 1968 and 1993, undergoing military training and being deployed in Namibia, Angola and South Africa. The purpose of this system of military conscription was to support both the apartheid state’s role in the “Border War” in Namibia and Angola and the suppression of anti-apartheid resistance within South Africa. It formed part of the National Party’s strategy of a “total response” to what it perceived as the “total onslaught” of communism and African nationalism. While recruiting and training young white men was the focus of the apartheid government’s strategy, all of white South African society was caught up in supporting, contesting, avoiding and resisting this system in one way or another. Rather than being a purely military endeavour, conscription into the SADF therefore comprised a social and political system with wide-ranging ramifications. The 1994 democratic elections in South Africa heralded the advent of a very different political, social and economic system to what had gone before. The focus of this research is SADF conscripts’ narrations of identity in the contested narrative terrain of post-apartheid South Africa. The thesis begins with a contextual framing of the historical, social and political systems of which conscription was a part. Drawing on narrative psychology as a theoretical framework, the thesis explores discursive resources of whiteness, masculinities and perceptions of threat in conscripts’ narrations of identity, the construction of memory fields in narrating memories of war and possible trauma, and the notions of moral injury and moral repair in dealing with legacies of war. Using a narrative discursive approach, the thesis then reflects on historical temporal threads, and narrative patterns that emerge when analysing a range of texts about the psychosocial legacies of conscription, including interviews, research, memoirs, plays, media reports, video documentaries, blogs and photographic exhibitions. Throughout the thesis, conscripts’ and others’ accounts of conscription and its legacies are regarded as cultural texts. This serves as a means to highlight both contextual narrative negotiations and the narrative-discursive patterns of conscripts’ personal accounts of their identities in the post-apartheid narrative terrain. The original contribution of this research is the development of conceptual and theoretical framings of the post-apartheid legacies of conscription. Key to this has been the use of narrative-based approaches to highlight the narrative-discursive patterns, memory fields and negotiations of narrative terrains at work in texts that focus on various aspects of conscription and its ongoing aftereffects. The concept of temporal threads has been developed to account for the emergence and shifts in these patterns over time. Existing narrative-discursive theory has formed the basis for conscripts’ negotiations of identity being identified as acts of narrative reinforcement and narrative repair. The thesis concludes with reflections on the future possibilities for articulating and supporting narrative repair that enables a shift away from historical discursive laagers and a reconfiguration of the narrative terrain within which conscripts narrate their identities.<br>Also known as: Edlmann, Theresa
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Burke, Edward. "Understanding small infantry unit behaviour and cohesion : the case of the Scots Guards and the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders (Princess Louise's) in Northern Ireland, 1971-1972." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8507.
Full textAbstract:
This is the first such study of Operation Banner: taking three Battalions as case studies, drawing upon extensive interviews with former soldiers, primary archival sources including unpublished diaries, this thesis closely examines soldiers' behaviour at the small infantry-unit level (Battalion downwards), including the leadership, cohesion, orientation and motivation that sustained, restrained and occasionally obstructed soldiers in Northern Ireland. It contends that there are aspects of wider scholarly literatures - from sociology, anthropology, criminology, and psychology - that can throw new light on our understanding of the British Army in Northern Ireland. The thesis will also contribute fresh insights and analysis of important events during the early years of Operation Banner, including the murders of two men in County Fermanagh, Michael Naan and Andrew Murray, and that of Warrenpoint hotel owner Edmund Woolsey in South Armagh in the autumn of 1972. The central argument of this thesis is that British Army small infantry units enjoyed considerable autonomy during the early years of Operation Banner and could behave in a vengeful, highly aggressive or benign and conciliatory way as their local commanders saw fit. The strain of civil-military relations at a senior level was replicated operationally â as soldiers came to resent the limitations of waging war in the UK. The unwillingness of the Army's senior leadership to thoroughly investigate and punish serious transgressions of standard operating procedures in Northern Ireland created uncertainty among soldiers over expected behaviour and desired outcomes. Mid-ranking officers and NCOs often played important roles in restraining soldiers in Northern Ireland. The degree of violence used in Northern was much less that that seen in the colonial wars fought since the end of World War II. But overly aggressive groups of soldiers could also be mistaken for high-functioning units â with negative consequences for the Army's overall strategy in Northern Ireland.
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Macfarlane, J. Allan C. "A naval travesty : the dismissal of Admiral Sir John Jellicoe, 1917." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5022.
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This dissertation relates to the dismissal of Admiral Jellicoe, First Sea Lord from November 1916 to December 1917, by Sir Eric Geddes, First Lord of the Admiralty, at the behest of the Prime Minister, David Lloyd George. The dismissal was peremptory and effected without rational explanation, despite Jellicoe having largely fulfilled his primary mission of combating the German U-boat threat to British merchant shipping. The outcome of the war may well have been affected if the level of shipping losses sustained through U-boat attack in April 1917 had continued unabated. The central argument of the dissertation is that the dismissal was unjustified. As an adjunct, it argues that the received view of certain historians that Jellicoe was not successful as First Sea Lord is unwarranted and originates from severe post war critism of Jellicoe by those with a vested interest in justifying the dismissal, notably Lloyd George. Supporting these arguments, the following assertions are made. Firstly, given the legacy Jellicoe inherited when joining the Admiralty, through the strategies adopted, organisational changes made and initiatives undertaken in anti-submarine weapons development, the progress made in countering the U-boat threat was notable. Secondly, the universal criticism directed at the Admiralty over the perceived delay in introducing a general convoy system for merchant shipping is not sustainable having regard to primary source documentation. Thirdly, incidents that occurred during the latter part of 1917, and suggested as being factors which contributed to the dismissal, can be discounted. Fourthly, Lloyd George conspired to involve General Haig, Commander of the British Forces France, and the press baron, Lord Northcliffe, in his efforts to mitigate any potential controversy that might result from Jellicoe's removal from office. Finally, the arguments made by a number of commentators that the Admiralty performed better under Jellicoe's successor, Admiral Wemyss, is misconceived.
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Quaintance, Michael Kimo. "From bad weapons to bad states : the evolution of U.S. counterproliferation policy." Thesis, St Andrews, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/820.
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Sager, John. "A weak link in the chain: The Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Truman-MacArthur controversy during the Korean War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc6058/.
Full textAbstract:
This work examines the actions of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the first year of the Korean War. Officially created in 1947, the Joint Chiefs saw their first true test as an institution during the conflict. At various times, the members of the JCS failed to issue direct orders to their subordinate, resulting in a divide between the wishes of President Truman and General MacArthur over the conduct of the war. By analyzing the interaction between the Joint Chiefs and General Douglas MacArthur, the flaws of both the individual Chiefs as well as the organization as a whole become apparent. The tactical and strategic decisions faced by the JCS are framed within the three main stages of the Korean War.
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Nouat, Romaric. "Soigner la Grande Guerre : Le Service de Santé aux Armées dans la 9e région militaire durant la Première Guerre mondiale." Thesis, Tours, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016TOUR2002/document.
Full textAbstract:
Lors de la Première Guerre mondiale, les soins des malades et des blessés ainsi que la surveillance médicale des soldats et des civils sont indispensables pour la poursuite du conflit. L’étude de l’organisation hospitalière dans la 9e région militaire, dirigée par le Service de Santé aux Armées, lève le voile sur cette thématique loin du front. Elle permet de montrer toutes les adaptations de ce système hospitalier face aux réalités de la Grande Guerre où l’armée française compte environ 1 400 000 morts et des millions de malades et blessés. Elle montre toutes les interactions entre les acteurs de ce système hospitalier : le Service de Santé aux Armées, la Croix-Rouge, les autorités civiles et la population. Enfin, elle dévoile comment sont soignés les soldats dans une région éloignée du front qui devient peu à peu un front médical secondaire dans la chirurgie d’urgence mais indispensable pour la préservation des effectifs et pour la prise en charge des mutilés de cette guerre<br>During the World War I, health care and supervision of soldiers are essential for the continuation of the war. Indeed, the French Army has millions of seek and wounded people during the battles and 1,400,000 dead people. The study of the hospital’s organization in the 9th French Military District shows an unknown history: those of soldier’s care in areas far from the battlefront. This study demonstrates the adaptation of this hospital’s organization to the evolution of the conflict and the care. It shows the function of each person who participates in these care: Red Cross “Croix Rouge”, Army Health Service, inhabitants, and civilian authorities. This study is showing which care are given to seek and wounded soldiers in this area and who are the medical practitioners who are giving the care. During the World War I, the 9th French Military District steadily becomes a secondary area in the chirurgical emergencies, but an important area for the soldier’s medical supervision