Academic literature on the topic 'Militarismi'

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Journal articles on the topic "Militarismi"

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Kuvvet, Emre. "Threats to Foreign Equity Investments in International Capital Markets: Nationalism and Militarism." Review of Pacific Basin Financial Markets and Policies 16, no. 03 (September 2013): 1350018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219091513500185.

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Even though financial markets have become more integrated and international capital now moves more freely across borders, we argue that access to foreign equity investments still remains a political decision, and this policy decision is a function of the country's nationalistic and militaristic sentiments. We use military spending as a proxy for militarism and nationalism, and show that countries with high militaristic sentiments have lower foreign equity investments. We also look at bilateral equity flows and find that a pair of countries simultaneously having greater increases in militarism has lower bilateral equity investments.
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Verbal Stockmeyer, Valentina. "Soldados de la patria. Motines y representaciones militares en Chile (1825-1827)." Revista de Historia y Geografía, no. 34 (September 13, 2016): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.34.355.

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ResumenEste artículo apunta a explicar el significado político de algunos motines y representaciones militares de carácter gremial, acontecidos en Chile durante el período 1823-1830, conocido como de anarquía o aprendizaje, según la interpretación historiográfica de que se trate. En términos generales, busca acercarse a la cuestión del militarismo en la formación de la República, fenómeno poco estudiado, negado o minimizado por gran parte de la historiografía tradicional y reciente.Palabras clave: Período 1823-1830, militarismo, motines militares, representacionesmilitares.Soldiers of the homeland. Riots and military representations in Chile (1825-1827)AbstractThis article aims to explain the political significance of some riots and military representations with characteristics of a labor union, occurred in Chile during the 1823-1830 period, known as anarchy or learning, according to the historiographical interpretation applied. Generally speaking, it seeks to approach the question of militarism in the formation of the Republic, a phenomenon little studied, denied or downplayed by much of the traditional and recent historiography.Keywords: 1823-1830 period, militarism, military riots, military representations.Soldados da pátria. Tumultos e representaçõesmilitares no chile (1825-1827)ResumoEste artigo tem como objetivo explicar o significado político de alguns tumultos e representações militares de caráter gremial, acontecidos no Chile durante o período de 1823-1830, conhecido como anarquia ou aprendizagem, segundo a interpretação historiográfica em questão. De modo geral, procura abordar a questão do militarismo na formação da República, fenômeno pouco estudado, negado ou minimizado por grande parte da historiografia tradicional e recente.Palavras-chave: Período 1823-1830, militarismo, motins militares, representações militares.
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Sherzer, Adi. "Israeli Militarism Reconsidered." Israel Studies Review 36, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360207.

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This article seeks to challenge conventional arguments about Israel’s ‘cultural militarism’ through a comparative analysis of Independence Day parades of the 1950s. Using media reports, newsreels, and archival documentation, it examines the parades and compares them to other cases from around the world. The discussion focuses on three features of the Israeli parades: the widespread civil criticism of the place of the military in Independence Day celebrations; the role of the crowds and their proximity to the marchers; and the partly militaristic character of the parades themselves. While the article does not deny the obvious militaristic connotations of soldiers marching in the streets, it stresses the unique relationship between the armed forces and society in Israel and argues that militarism alone is not a sufficient analytic framework for analyzing Israeli society.
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Beier, J. Marshall, and Jana Tabak. "Children, childhoods, and everyday militarisms." Childhood 27, no. 3 (July 30, 2020): 281–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568220923902.

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Like childhood, thinking critically about militarism can entail a great deal of unlearning before coming to a more nuanced understanding of what lies beyond the signifier. Just as childhoods are multiple, overlapping, contingent, and bound up in many more aspects of our social worlds than is apparent if we look only for the child, so too militarism. The ways in which militarisms intersect childhoods and vice versa, therefore, call us to reflect not only on the conspicuous presence of militaries as institutions or on life in zones of conflict, but on the everyday lives of children everywhere in all their complexity and diversity.
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Wibben, Annick TR. "Why we need to study (US) militarism: A critical feminist lens." Security Dialogue 49, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2018): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617742006.

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Responding to the special issue call to examine security and militarism alongside one another, this article adopts a critical feminist lens to explore what is at stake when critical scholars study security rather than militarism – and why, for critical feminists in particular, studying one without attention to the other is not helpful. Anchoring the discussion of (US) militarism in ongoing debates about women in combat, the article proposes that studying security without attention to militarism leads scholars to miss the deeply militarist orientation of security studies. It further suggests that feminist scholarship, because it treats militarism and militarization as an integral part of feminist security studies and considers the everyday a crucial site for inquiry, is well suited to studying militarism and security alongside one another. The article then lays out what a critical feminist approach to studying militarism entails and presents some feminist insights on militarization, focusing in particular on what attention to gender can reveal about shared norms of manliness and war. Overall, the article shows why feminist perspectives offer such strikingly different insights into the relationship between militarism and security and what we miss when feminist scholarship is ignored or marginalized in scholarship on these issues.
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Taber, Nancy. "Generals, colonels, and captains: Discourses of militarism, education, and learning in the Canadian university context." Canadian Journal of Higher Education 44, no. 2 (August 31, 2014): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v44i2.183828.

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This article discusses a feminist discourse analysis that explores the ways in which discourses of learning interact with discourses of militarism at four Canadian civilian universities named for military leaders. I discuss how this particular research topic became apparent to me and explore the current national context where it can be argued that Canada is exchanging an identity of a peace-making country for one of war-making. I examine literature that connects education with militarism, taking a feminist anti-militarist approach, and discuss issues relating to academic freedom in critiquing one’s own institution. I explain my methodology and detail my findings, concluding that educators should continue to contest gendered militarism in higher education and society.
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Gómez, Carlos A. "Opinión pública, militarismo e ideologías en Venezuela." GACETA DE PEDAGOGÍA, no. 38 (December 1, 2019): 21–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.56219/rgp.vi38.753.

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Este artículo estudia la formación de la opinión pública y de las ideologías en Venezuela durante el siglo XIX, en una sociedad profundamente inclinada al militarismo como forma de liderazgo, en lo que jugó un papel eminentemente crítico la prensa nacional, contribuyendo de manera clave en el proceso político[1] que surgió a partir de la Independencia. En la investigación efectuada se hizo especial énfasis en el modo cómo se ejerció el periodismo en esa época, tanto en lo relativo a las fuentes como en los conceptos emitidos por los líderes de opinión durante los sucesos que transformaron la nación venezolana. A tal efecto, se aceptó como premisa el concepto emitido por Ralph Linton en su libro Cultura y Personalidad[2], en el cual sostiene que la cultura abarca todo lo producido por el hombre, diferenciándolo de su entorno. ABSTRACT This article is dedicated to study public opinion, and the ideologies formation in Venezuela during the XIX century, in a society deeply inclined to militarism as a way of leadership, in which played a critical role the national press, contributing to impulse changes since the moment Independence was achieved. During the research it was made special emphasis on the way journalism was exercised during that period, such on the sources as well as on the concepts emitted by opinion leaders around the ideas that transformed the country. Consequently, it was accepted as a fact the concept expressed by Ralph Linton on his book “Culture and Personality”, in which he established the differences between man and environment. Key Words: Ideology; Leadership; Militarism; Public Opinion; Politics; Press. RÉSUMÉ Cet article étudie la formation de l'opinion publique et des idéologies au Venezuela au cours du XIXe siècle, dans une société profondément encline au militarisme en tant que forme de leadership, dans laquelle la presse nationale a joué un rôle éminemment critique, contribuant de manière essentielle au processus politique né de l’indépendance. Dans l'enquête menée, un accent particulier a été mis sur la manière dont le journalisme était exercé à cette époque, tant en ce qui concerne les sources que les concepts émis par les leaders d'opinion lors des événements qui ont transformé la nation vénézuélienne. À cette fin, le concept émis par Ralph Linton dans son livre Culture and Personality a été accepté comme une prémisse, dans laquelle il soutient que la culture englobe tout ce qui est produit par l'homme, en le différenciant de son environnement. Mots Clés: idéologie; Leadership; Militarisme; Opinion publique; Politique; Appuyez sur
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Gani, Jasmine K. "Racial militarism and civilizational anxiety at the imperial encounter: From metropole to the postcolonial state." Security Dialogue 52, no. 6 (November 11, 2021): 546–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09670106211054901.

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In this article, I ask three key questions: First, what is the relationship between militarism and race? Second, how does colonialism shape that relationship to produce racial militarism on both sides of the imperial encounter? And, third, what is the function of racial militarism? I build on Fanon’s psychoanalytic work on the production of racial hierarchies and internalization of stigma to argue that militarism became a means through which the European imperial nation-state sought to mitigate its civilizational anxiety and assert itself at the top of a constructed hierarchy. In particular, I argue that European militarism is constituted by its colonization and historical constructions of the so-called Muslim Orient, stigmatized as a rival, a threat and an inferior neighbour. However, this racial militarism and civilizational anxiety is not only a feature of the colonial metropole, but also transferred onto colonized and postcolonial states. Drawing on examples of racial militarism practised by the Syrian regime, I argue Europe’s racial-militarist stigmas are also internalized and instrumentalized by postcolonial states via fleeing and transferral. Throughout the article, I demonstrate that racial militarism has three main functions in both metropole and postcolony: the performance of racial chauvinism and superiority; demarcation of boundaries of exclusion; and dehumanization of racialized dissent in order to legitimate violence.
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Stavrianakis, Anna. "Controlling weapons circulation in a postcolonial militarised world." Review of International Studies 45, no. 1 (July 25, 2018): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210518000190.

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AbstractWhat are the politics of, and prospects for, contemporary weapons control? Human rights and humanitarian activists and scholars celebrate the gains made in the UN Arms Trade Treaty as a step towards greater human security. Critics counter that the treaty represents an accommodation with global militarism. Taking the tensions between arms transfer control and militarism as my starting point, I argue that the negotiating process and eventual treaty text demonstrate competing modes of militarism. Expressed in terms of sovereignty, political economy, or human security, all three modes are underpinned by ongoing imperial relations: racial, gendered, and classed relations of asymmetry and hierarchy that persist despite formal sovereign equality. This means human security is a form of militarism rather than the antithesis of it. Drawing on primary sources from negotiations and participant observation with actors involved in the campaign for the ATT, the argument challenges the idea that human security has scored a victory over militarism. It also complicates our understanding of the nature of the accommodation with it, demonstrating the transformation as well as entrenchment of contemporary militarism. The argument reframes the challenges for controlling weapons circulation, placing the necessity for feminist, postcolonial anti-militarist critique front and centre.
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Eastwood, James. "Rethinking militarism as ideology: The critique of violence after security." Security Dialogue 49, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2018): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617730949.

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This article argues for a reformulation of the concept of ‘militarism’ as ideology. Although existing sociological approaches have been suspicious of an understanding of militarism as ideology, these criticisms have misrepresented the implications of adopting such a concept. By returning to Althusser’s classic study of ideology, and complementing it with more recent psychoanalytic approaches that emphasize the centrality of desire, the article shows that thinking of militarism as ideology can be complementary to existing sociological studies. Moreover, though, it argues that such a reformulation brings with it key advantages. This is because it foregrounds the task of anti-militarist critique in a way that has hitherto been lacking. To demonstrate this point, the article considers the contribution that a concept of militarism as ideology could make to existing debates in critical security studies. Recent debates in this subfield have examined the ethical ramifications of various understandings of security for the pursuit of violence. However, these arguments have frequently reached a deadlock because of an inadequate understanding of the nature of militarism, one that borrows implicitly from prevalent sociological definitions of the concept. Instead, the article presents an understanding of militarism as ideology as a way out of these difficulties, showing how a critique of violence based on this concept of militarism rather than security can be more effective.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Militarismi"

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Silva, Karina da. "Os recrutamentos militares e as relações sociedade-Estado na Capitania/Província de São Paulo (1765-1828) /." Franca : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93301.

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Orientador: Marisa Saenz Leme
Banca: Wilma Peres Costa
Banca: Denise Aparecida Soares de Moura
Resumo: Os recrutamentos militares foram uma realidade na Capitania de São Paulo, desde o século XVIII. Os conflitos na Bacia do Prata, na busca de delimitar as fronteiras da América portuguesa e espanhola, exigiram a organização de uma estrutura militar no Brasil. Para sediar essa estrutura foi escolhida a referida Capitania. A união de interesses, de segmentos da elite paulista e da Coroa portuguesa, possibilitou a consolidação da militarização da Capitania ao longo da segunda metade do século XVIII. Todavia, a dinamização da economia e da sociedade paulista, a partir das últimas décadas do século XVIII e início do XIX, entrou em conflito com a militarização ali desenvolvida. O presente trabalho buscou analisar as diferenças entre os recrutamentos realizados em São Paulo nesses dois momentos, focando as relações entre a sociedade e o Estado na organização e manutenção da estrutura militar.
Abstract: The military recruitment had been a reality in São Paulo, since the 18th century. The conflicts at the Silver Drainage Basin, in search to delimit the Portuguese and Spanish America borders, they had demanded to orgazine the military structure in Brazil. Hosting this structure São Paulo Captainship was chosen. The union of interests, segments of São Paulo’s elite and the Portuguese Crown, made it possible the militarization of Captainship consolidation throughout the second half of 18th century. However, the joining of the economy and the paulista society, from the last decades from the 18th and beginning of 19th century, it got in conflict with the militarization developed there. The current paper searched to analyze the differences between the recruitment fulfilled in São Paulo at these two moments, focusing the relations between the society and the State over the organization and maintenance of the military structure.
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Cevedon, Herrera Laura Carolina. "Análisis de la cobertura periodística de la Hípica peruana en el diario “El Comercio” en los años 30’." Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/651645.

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Esta investigación analiza la cobertura periodística sobre hípica del diario “El Comercio” en los años 30, cuando el contexto político peruano era protagonizado por el tercer militarismo. La historia peruana toma un giro en esta época donde el militarismo hacía un pacto con la oligarquía para permanecer en el poder indirectamente. Las revisiones de textos periodísticos comprueban que el hipódromo, más que ser un centro deportivo, era un espacio de reunión social; asimismo, la prensa cubría al personaje más que a la noticia. Para el análisis se realizó revisión bibliográfica, la búsqueda y lectura de archivos periodísticos de aquellos años en el ya mencionado diario que, en aquella época, cubría a la hípica como deporte importante. El objetivo de este trabajo es conocer el uso de recursos periodísticos en aquellos años para señalar el vínculo entre el poder, el Estado y la prensa peruana en ese contexto.
This research analyzes the journalistic coverage on equestrian of the newspaper "El Comercio" in the 1930s, when the Peruvian political context was led by the third militarism. Peruvian history takes a turn in this era where militarism made a pact with the oligarchy to remain in power indirectly. Journalistic text reviews prove that the racecourse rather than being a sports center was a space for social gathering, the press itself covered the character rather than the news. For the analysis, a literature review was carried out, the search and reading of journalistic archives of those years in the before mentioned newspaper that at that time covered horse riding as an important sport. The objective of this work is to know the use of journalistic resources in those years to indicate the link between the power, the state and the Peruvian press.
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Maia, Paulo Roberto de Azevedo. "Canal 100 : a trajetoria de um cinejornal." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/284259.

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Orientador: Nuno Cesar Pereira de Abreu
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes
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Resumo: Esse trabalho procura discutir a trajetória histórica e a constituição da linguagem do cinejornal Canal 100. A abordagem cinematográfica desse periódico foi, de forma não oficial, condizente com a proposta de leitura do Brasil feita pelo projeto de propaganda política do regime militar que procurou se distanciar dos tipos clássicos de propaganda. A história do cinejornalismo foi motivo de discussão, verificando a presença de vários governos no incentivo a produção e na sua utilização política. A história do Canal 100 (1959-1986) foi abordada com ênfase na figura do seu criador Carlos Niemeyer e suas relações com os governos militares. O formato do cinejornal foi estudado para uma melhor compreensão da sua estrutura narrativa e, particularmente, as imagens relativas ao futebol, responsáveis pela manutenção do Canal 100 na memória de algumas gerações
Abstract: This document discusses the historical route and the establishment of language of Canal 100, a movie news periodical. The movie approach of this series was conducted in non-official form according to the proposal of interpretation of Brazil made by the political propaganda project of the military regime which attempted to distinguish itself from classical forms of propaganda. The history of news movies was discussed, confirming the presence of various governments in the sponsoring of production and its political use. The history of Canal 100 (1959-1986) was remarkably emphasized by the figure of its director, Carlos Niemeyer and his relations with the military Governments. The format of the news movie series was studied for a better understanding of its narrative structure and especially the images related to soccer, responsible for the permanence of Canal 100 in the memory of several generations
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Mestre em Multimeios
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Garcia, Felipe Ramos. "Esquerda policial e ação política em São Paulo (1946-1964) /." Marília, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/191131.

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Orientador: Paulo Ribeiro Rodrigues da Cunha
Resumo: Na última década, alguns trabalhos foram produzidos com objetivo de investigar e resgatar um campo pouco explorado: a Esquerda Policial. Nesse sentido, esse projeto tem como objetivo investigar a presença de uma Esquerda Policial em São Paulo entre 1946 e 1964, atuante na Força Pública e na Guarda Civil e vinculada com o Antimil, o Setor Militar do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB). Embora pouco se saiba em relação a esse grupo específico, documentos do Departamento de Ordem Política e Social, dos arquivos oficiais da Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo e do Relatório Final da Comissão Nacional da Verdade, apontam para relação política entre policiais da Força Pública e da Guarda Civil, cuja atuação estava atrelada a um pensamento à esquerda, que se expressava no engajamento com a luta pelas causas nacionais e a defesa de pautas corporativas e na luta pela democracia. Tal fato, analisado sob o prisma da “Esquerda Militar”, fornece pistas importantes para compreensão da intervenção política desempenhada pelas corporações policiais paulistas, entre 1946 e 1964.
Abstract: In the last decade, some works have been produced aiming to investigate and rescue a little explored field: the Police Left Wing. In this sense, this project aims to investigate the presence of a Police Left Wing in São Paulo between 1946 and 1964, active in the Public Force and Civil Guard and linked with Antimil, the Military Sector of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB). Although little is known about this specific group, documents from the Department of Political and Social Order, the official archives of the São Paulo State Military Police and the Final Report of the National Truth Commission point to a political relationship between law enforcement officers. And of the Civil Guard, whose action was linked to a left thinking, which was expressed in the engagement with the struggle for national causes and the defense of corporate agendas and in the struggle for democracy. This fact, analyzed from the perspective of the “Military Left”, provides important clues for understanding the political intervention performed by the São Paulo police corporations between 1946 and 1964.
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Palmer, R. William. "Twenty-first century celebrations of the British Armed Forces : the rise of the biopolitical military professional." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/twentyfirst-century-celebrations-of-the-british-armed-forces--the-rise-of-the-biopolitical-military-professional(0eae07bc-4aee-40cd-9e2b-86a8889d2365).html.

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Over the past decade, the United Kingdom has witnessed a proliferation of civil-military initiatives that have engendered overt and celebratory displays of support for the British Armed Forces. This thesis interrogates two of these initiatives: the annual public relations event Armed Forces Day and the military charity Help for Heroes. Significantly, these initiatives have emerged against a backdrop of morally and politically contentious military violence, notably in Iraq and Afghanistan. Hence, these initiatives raise important questions about the type of politics which underwrite them. In this thesis, I address these questions by critically engaging with a figure who occupies a key position within this UK civil-military landscape: the professional soldier. Adopting a Foucauldian approach, I place this figure within a broader political, social and historical context and show how, since the end of the Second World War, the professional soldier has continually remerged to rewrite the conditions of possibility for liberal war-fighting. Drawing on this insight, I identify a professional soldier, I label the biopolitical military professional, who greatly informs the contours of this contemporary UK civil-military landscape. The biopolitical military professional is an important figure because they are able to co-opt "civilian" political subjects into the service of liberal-warfighting despite a conflict's political context. This is made possible because the biopolitical military professional is a figure who incorporates their military expertise and professional concerns within a wider set of life-administering knowledges concerned with the health and well-being of the population. Crucially, the most overt expressions of biopolitical military professionalism are produced through these UK civil-military initiatives. I demonstrate this by showing how these initiatives mobilise a whole host of "civilian" proto-professional subjects into the active service of liberal war-fighting through an appeal to both their military "obligations" and their fitness and wellbeing. An effect of this is that participating in one of these initiatives becomes more than an act of military support it also becomes a way of partaking in a healthy and life-enriching activity. For example, a day out at Armed Forces Day is a way to get children to take part in active play and educational activities. Supporting the armed forces through Help for Heroes may involve running a marathon or taking part in a long-distance cycle ride. Consequently, via the presence of the biopolitical military professional these initiatives achieve a certain resonance with a civilian population disinterested in the politics of war but increasingly concerned with their health and wellbeing.
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Inacio, Fatima Pacheco de Santana. "A política de formação de professores em Goiás no contexto dos acordos MEC-USAID (1961-1983)." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/251183.

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Orientador: Ediogenes Aragão Santos
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Este texto analisa a formação de professores, realizada no âmbito das políticas públicas decorrentes dos acordos MEC/USAID/UNESCO, no pós Segunda Guerra Mundial, que resultaram na criação dos Centros de Formação de Professores Primários, entre 1961 e 1983, no município de Catalão, Goiás. Estes cursos de formação, de orientação tecnicista na educação, foram iniciados no Governo Mauro Borges após o Golpe Militar de 1964, com o intuito de planejar, racionalizar os investimentos no setor educacional. Os acordos firmados tinham como elemento chave a formação de uma sociedade "massificada" através da democratização da educação, de bens e de consumo para o mercado. O material didático utilizado nesse processo de formação era elaborado por equipes de trabalho orientadas e vinculadas ao Programa Brasileiro-Americano para o Ensino Primário (PABAEE). As especificidades desta formação, em tempo integral, em regime de internato, se propunha a melhorar a produtividade e a qualidade do ensino do 1º grau e Normal. As principais fontes primárias, inéditas, utilizadas nesta pesquisa foram localizadas no arquivo do Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas em Educação de Catalão (NEPEDUCA), da Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG), Campus Catalão, onde pudemos ter acesso aos projetos para instalação dos Centros Experimentais de Formação de Professores, aos planos de cursos, planilhas, avaliações e textos produzidos pelos professores e bolsistas. A análise das referidas fontes evidenciaram conluio de interesses no período de internacionalização da economia brasileira, criando as condições materiais, técnicas e humanas para a execução dos acordos Brasil/USAID. A interpretação das fontes revelaram-nos que as teorias e metodologias usadas pelos Centro reproduzia uma orientação escolanovista, já ultrapassada nos Estados Unidos, mas que passa a ser usada durante a Ditadura Militar como mecanismo de controle social sem recorrer a violência explícita, pois aplicadas nas escolas, lócus de preservação e distribuição cultural. Os relatos dos bolsistas indicam que mudanças foram sutilmente introduzidas alterando seus valores, comportamentos e práticas pedagógicas, assim como sua percepção de escola, da cidade e das relações socioculturais e políticas engendradas entre as instâncias do poder constituído e a sociedade catalana. As representações construídas pelos bolsistas revelam que os conteúdos transmitidos foram assimilados e condicionaram sua percepção de mundo, de sociedade, e que para o bom funcionamento da cidade havia uma hierarquia entre poderes e posições sociais a ser respeitado, sem contestação e cabia ao indivíduo, agora identificado com os valores da pátria, assumir para si os encargos públicos antes atribuídos ao Estado.
Abstract: This text analyses the teacher training, carried out according to the public policies reached in MEC/USAID/UNESCO agreements, in the post Second World War, which resulted in the creation of Primary Teaching Training Centers, from 1961 to 1983, in Catalão, Goiás. These training courses, with technical orientation on education, started to run during Mauro Borges' Government after the Military Coup in 1964, in order to plan and rationalize the investments in education. The key element of the agreements signed, was the formation of a "mass" society through the democratization of education, of material goods and through the acquisition of things, the market. The material used in this teaching process was developed by teams which were orientated and linked to the Brazilian-American Program for the Primary Education (PABAEE). The specifics of this formation which took place in boarding schools in a full-time period aimed to improve the productivity and the quality of the Elementary School and the "Normal" School. The main primary sources used in this research were found in the files of the "Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas em Educação de Catalão (NEPEDUCA) (Study and Research Center for Education, in Catalão), located in the Federal University of Goiás (UFG), Catalão Campus, where it was allowed our access not only to the projects to set up the Experimental Centers for Teaching Training, but also to the lesson plans, worksheets, evaluations and texts created by teachers and scholars with a scholarship. The analysis of the aforementioned sources made it quite clear that during the period of internationalization of the Brazilian economy, the technical, human and material conditions were settled in order to reach Brazil / USAID agreement. The interpretation of the sources showed that the theories and methodologies used by the Centers reproduced a "escolanovista" orientation which wasn't popular in the United States anymore, but which started being used during Military Coup as a social control mechanism without the necessity to make use of explicit violence, as applied in schools, locus of cultural preservation and distribution. The scholars with a scholarship reported that changes were subtly introduced altering values, behaviors and pedagogical practices. Their perception of the school, of the city and of the political and socio-cultural relationships engendered between the power which was constituted and the Catalana society was also altered. The representations built by the scholars with a scholarship show that the contents taught were learnt and understood. Their perception of the world, and the society were conditioned and in order to make the city works and operates well there was an hierarchy of power and social positions to be respected, without any kind of objection, and the individuals, now identified according to the values of the homeland, had to take over public charges previously attributed to the State.
Doutorado
Historia, Filosofia e Educação
Doutor em Educação
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Missiato, Victor Augusto Ramos. "Entre a nova república e as velhas autonomias : as relações civis-militares nos governos FHC e LULA (1996-2008) /." Franca : [s.n.], 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93189.

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Orientador: Héctor Luis Saint-Pierre
Banca: Érica Cristina Alexandre Winand
Banca: Eduardo Mei
Resumo: Neste trabalho analisamos e comparamos as políticas para a Defesa no Brasil durante os governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008), levando em consideração as relações entre o poder público e os militares no decorrer desses anos. Nos dois períodos, abordamos as questões conjunturais na formação da Política de Defesa Nacional (1996) e do Ministério da Defesa (1999) durante o governo FHC e, no governo Lula, a atualização da PDN (2005) e a publicação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008). Nesse processo, focamos a posição de militares do Exército sobre os temas referentes à defesa nacional, refletidas nas dissertações dos cursos da Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME), entre os anos 1996-2008. A partir dessas análises, nosso objetivo é identificar a maneira como foram conduzidas as relações civis-militares na Nova República
Abstract: This work intends to compare and to analyze the Brazilian defense policies during the presidencies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008). Our approach will emphasize the conjunctural questions in the formation of Politica de Defesa Nacional (1996) and of the Ministério da Defesa (1999) - during FHC administration -, and during the presidency of Lula we will point out the update of PDN (2005) and the creation of Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008). In this process, our focus will be the positions of military personnel from the Army concerning national defense - theme presented in the works developed in Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME) between 1996-2008. From these analyses, our goal is to identify the way were conducted civil-military relations in the new Republic
Mestre
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Costa, Davisson Henrique Araújo da. "O que é ser policial militar?: Percepções de integrantes da polícia militar da Paraíba sobre o "militarismo" na instituição." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2016. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/9526.

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The current social situation is characterized by a significant increase in crime rates, demanding an increasingly effective operation of the agencies responsible for public security. In this context, the military police are seen by the media and by human rights organizations as one of the institutions that are most responsible for violating fundamental rights. Experts argue that one of the causes of such violations is the militarization of the police and the consequent authoritarianism present in their practices, which reveals the need to investigate this phenomenon. Therefore, to effectively understand the institution, it is necessary also to know the views of its members. In this sense, this research investigates the perceptions of military policemen of Paraíba about what is militarism for them and for the organization. It is discussed, then, the existing duality between militarism maintenance discourse and the demilitarization discourse, in order to identify and relate to each other perceptions and positions of the military policemen about the role of militarism for the institution, its positive and negative aspects. Thus, the study was characterized as a field research and documentary research of qualitative nature, being conducted semi-structured interviews with thirty military police. Based on the literature that addresses the issue, it broke the hypothesis that the military police, for the most part, which is composed mainly of soldiers, they see militarism as an inadequate model for the effective performance of the public safety services, since it is filled with relations of domination that prevent the configuration of a truly citizen police. As a result, the hypothesis was confirmed, and also was revealed a clear distinction between the ways of seeing the militarism of the soldiers and the officers. The soldiers reject the militarism widely while the officers only suggest an adaptation of the organization to democratic context without, however, removing the militarized structure.
A atual conjuntura social é caracterizada por um aumento significativo nos índices de criminalidade, demandando uma atuação cada vez mais efetiva dos órgãos responsáveis pela segurança pública. Nesse contexto, as polícias militares são apontadas pela mídia e organizações de defesa dos Direitos Humanos como uma das instituições que mais violam esses direitos fundamentais. Teóricos argumentam que uma das causas de tais violações é a militarização da polícia e consequente autoritarismo presente em suas práticas, o que revela a necessidade de se investigar tal fenômeno. Sendo assim, para se compreender efetivamente a instituição, faz-se necessário conhecer também os pontos de vista dos seus integrantes. Nesse sentido, a presente pesquisa investiga as percepções dos policiais militares da Paraíba acerca do que representa o militarismo para eles e para a organização. Questiona-se, pois, a dualidade existente entre os discursos de manutenção do militarismo e o discurso da desmilitarização, de modo a identificar e relacionar entre si as percepções e posicionamentos dos policiais militares sobre o papel do militarismo para a instituição, seus aspectos positivos e negativos. Assim, o estudo se caracterizou como uma pesquisa de campo e documental de cunho qualitativo, sendo realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com trinta policiais militares, sendo vinte praças e dez oficiais. Com base na literatura que aborda o tema, partiu-se da hipótese de que os policiais militares, em sua maior parte, sendo esta composta majoritariamente por praças, veem o militarismo como um modelo inadequado para uma efetiva prestação dos serviços de Segurança Pública, uma vez que se encontra preenchido por relações de dominação que impedem a configuração de uma polícia realmente cidadã. Como resultados, a hipótese pôde ser comprovada, sendo revelada ainda uma evidente distinção entre os modos de ver o militarismo dos praças e dos oficiais. Os primeiros o rejeitam amplamente enquanto os últimos apenas sugerem uma adaptação da organização ao contexto democrático, sem, contudo, retirar a estrutura militarizada.
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Silva, Karina da [UNESP]. "Os recrutamentos militares e as relações sociedade-Estado na Capitania/Província de São Paulo (1765-1828)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93301.

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Os recrutamentos militares foram uma realidade na Capitania de São Paulo, desde o século XVIII. Os conflitos na Bacia do Prata, na busca de delimitar as fronteiras da América portuguesa e espanhola, exigiram a organização de uma estrutura militar no Brasil. Para sediar essa estrutura foi escolhida a referida Capitania. A união de interesses, de segmentos da elite paulista e da Coroa portuguesa, possibilitou a consolidação da militarização da Capitania ao longo da segunda metade do século XVIII. Todavia, a dinamização da economia e da sociedade paulista, a partir das últimas décadas do século XVIII e início do XIX, entrou em conflito com a militarização ali desenvolvida. O presente trabalho buscou analisar as diferenças entre os recrutamentos realizados em São Paulo nesses dois momentos, focando as relações entre a sociedade e o Estado na organização e manutenção da estrutura militar.
The military recruitment had been a reality in São Paulo, since the 18th century. The conflicts at the Silver Drainage Basin, in search to delimit the Portuguese and Spanish America borders, they had demanded to orgazine the military structure in Brazil. Hosting this structure São Paulo Captainship was chosen. The union of interests, segments of São Paulo s elite and the Portuguese Crown, made it possible the militarization of Captainship consolidation throughout the second half of 18th century. However, the joining of the economy and the paulista society, from the last decades from the 18th and beginning of 19th century, it got in conflict with the militarization developed there. The current paper searched to analyze the differences between the recruitment fulfilled in São Paulo at these two moments, focusing the relations between the society and the State over the organization and maintenance of the military structure.
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Talamante, Pérez Manuel. "Las élites socioeconómicas del Uruguay en la época de la modernización y del militarismo : análisis de redes (1876-1903)." Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOU20028.

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Cette recherche analyse le fonctionnement et les dynamiques d’un réseau social qui a soutenu la mise en place en Uruguay du Gouvernement militariste de Lorenzo Latorre en 1876. Ce gouvernement s’est perpétué pendant quatre ans jusqu’à l’arrivée de la figure de Maximo Santos, qui a poursuivi ce modèle politique. Cette thèse se propose d’analyser comment s’est articulé le groupe de soutien issu de deux réunions qui ont favorisé ce processus politique, c’est-à-dire, une première réunion, qui a eu lieu le 10 mars 1876, à laquelle ont participé 38 acteurs, et une seconde, à laquelle ont participé 21 individus dont Latorre lui-même. L’objectif principal de ce travail est de montrer les différents liens qu’entretenaient les différents membres du groupe de soutien au militarisme et les éléments internes de celui-ci. De même, il s’agit de visualiser les réseaux qui ont été tissés en dehors du groupe et les intérêts qui rendirent possibles ces événements manrquants l’histoire uruguayenne. D’un point de vue social, politique et économique, nous analysons les dynamiques qui se déroulent à l’intérieur du groupe et qui aident à comprendre le fonctionnement d’une partie de la société orientale. Les motivations et les approches de travail différenciées donnant des résultats très intéressants des stratégies adoptées dans ce contexte. Pour répondre à cet objetif, diverses sources et ressources ont été analysées en Uruguay, aussi bien des archives publiques que des fonds privés et des collections d’institutions sociales, commerciales et politiques qui selon moi ont été et sont pertinentes pour comprendre le fonctionnement de la structure relationnelle étudiée. Pour travailler sur ce sujet et ses sources, nous avons priviliégié la méthodologie de l’analyse des réseaux sociaux et de la prosopographie afin de proposer une nouvelle approche de l’historiographie uruguayenne et de faire connaître le parcours d’acteurs inconnus jusqu’à présent
This research analyses the functioning and dynamics of a social network that supported the establishment in Uruguay of the Lorenzo Latorre Military Government in 1876. This government was perpetuated for four years until the arrival of the figure of Máximo Santos, who continued with this political model. The analysis focuses on the articulation of the support group resulting from two meetings that have fostered this political process, that is, an initial meeting, which took place on 10 March 1876, in which 38 stakeholders participated, and one second, in which 21 individuals took part, counting Latorre himself. In total, 59 actors are working on relationships. The main objective of this work is to show the different ties, links and social relations between the various members of the group supporting militarism and the internal intricacies of it. Similarly, it is intended to visualize the networks that were woven outside the group and the interests that made possible those events that marked the Uruguayan history. From a social, political and economic point of view, one reflects on the dynamics which take place within the group and which help to understand the functioning of a part of Eastern society. As well as the different motivations and approaches to work giving very interesting results of the strategies adopted in this context. In response to the above, various sources and resources have been implemented in Uruguay, ranging from public archives to private funds to collections of social institutions, the trade and political policies that we believe have been and are relevant to understanding the functioning of the relationship structure being studied. To work on this subject and its sources, we used the methodology of the Analysis of social networks and prosopography by bringing a new approach to Uruguayan historiography, and to make known the realities of actors unknown until now
Esta investigación analiza el funcionamiento y las dinámicas de una red social que apoyó la instauración en Uruguay, del gobierno militarista de Lorenzo Latorre en 1876. Dicho gobierno, se perpetuó durante cuatro años hasta la llegada de la figura de Máximo Santos, que continuó con dicho modelo político. El análisis se centra en la articulación del grupo de apoyo obtenido de dos reuniones que favorecieron este proceso político, es decir, una primera reunión acontecida en 10 de marzo de 1876, en la que participaron 38 actores; y una segunda, en la que confluyeron 21 individuos contando al propio Latorre. En total, se trabajan las relaciones de 59 actores. El objetivo principal de este trabajo es mostrar los diferentes lazos, vínculos y relaciones sociales entre los diversos miembros del grupo de apoyo al militarismo y los entresijos internos del mismo. De igual forma, se pretende visualizar las redes que se tejieron fuera del grupo y los intereses que hicieron posible tuvieran lugar dichos eventos que marcaron la historia uruguaya. Desde un prisma social, político y económico, se reflexiona sobre las dinámicas acontecidas en el interior del grupo y que ayudan a comprender el funcionamiento de una parte de la sociedad oriental. Así como las motivaciones y enfoques de trabajo diferenciados dando unos resultados muy interesantes de las estrategias adoptadas durante este contexto. Para responder a lo aquí expuesto, se han trabajado diversas fuentes y recursos en Uruguay, desde archivos públicos pasando por acervos privados, hasta colecciones de instituciones sociales, comerciales y políticas que creemos han sido y son relevantes para comprender el funcionamiento de la estructura relacional estudiada. Para trabajar este sujeto y fuentes, se ha usado la metodología del Análisis de Redes Sociales y la prosopografía aportando un enfoque novedoso a la historiografía uruguaya, y dando a conocer las realidades de unos actores desconocidos hasta el momento
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Books on the topic "Militarismi"

1

Karl Paul August Friedrich Liebknecht. Militarismi ja antimilitarismi. Helsinki: Into, 2017.

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1889-1957, Ogden C. K., Florence, Mary Sargant, b. 1857, Kamester Margaret, and Vellacott Jo, eds. Militarism versus feminism: Writings on women and war. London: Virago, 1987.

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Hoyt, Edwin Palmer. The militarists: The rise of Japanese militarism since WW II. New York: D.I. Fine, 1985.

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Samotin, Laura Resnick. The Militarist Trap: Linking Militarism, (Dis)Integrated Grand Strategy, and Military Efficacy. [New York, N.Y.?]: [publisher not identified], 2022.

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Ferrán, Iniesta, ed. El Militarismo. Madrid: Iepala, 1986.

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Krutskikh, A. V. US militarism. Ahmedabad: Allied Publishers, 1987.

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Violent Buddhism: Militarism and Buddhism in modern Asia. New York: Routledge, 2012.

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Son, Ki-ung. Umweltmilitarismus: Sozio-Militarismus und Öko-Militarismus. Münster: Lit, 1992.

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Knowles, Sebastian D. G. (Sebastian David Guy), ed. Joyce and militarism. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2012.

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Borisov, Viktor Vasil'evich. Militarism and science. Moscow: Progress, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Militarismi"

1

Lippert, Ekkehard. "Militarismus." In Frieden, 258–66. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-85630-2_25.

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Reeves, Madeleine. "Intimate militarism." In Routledge Handbook of Asian Borderlands, 42–55. New York : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315688978-5.

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Peck, John. "Kipling’s Militarism." In War, the Army and Victorian Literature, 141–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230378803_7.

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Castrodale, Mark Anthony. "Disabling militarism." In Manifestos for the Future of Critical Disability Studies, 65–76. 1st Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351053341-7.

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Young, Nigel. "Beyond militarism?" In Postnational Memory, Peace and War, 228–61. 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429024801-13.

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Rossdale, Chris. "Feminist and Queer Anti-Militarism." In Resisting Militarism, 65–81. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474443036.003.0004.

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This chapter looks at how feminist and queer anti-militarists have understood the relationship between militarism, gender and sexuality. Those relationships have been theorised in some detail by academics working at these intersections, and have occasionally taken centre-stage in British anti-militarist politics, most notably at the time of the Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp in the early 1980s. However, they are not often highlighted in contemporary British anti-militarism. The chapter considers the politics of this limited attention, before turning to a series of cases where anti-militarists have focused on the militarised politics of gender and sexuality. Across three vignettes, the chapter shows activists challenging central dynamics of militarism while also calling attention to the reproduction of militarised gender orders within anti-militarism.
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Rossdale, Chris. "Contestations." In Resisting Militarism, 139–72. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474443036.003.0007.

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This chapter considers how anti-militarists challenge militarised forms of contestation by prefiguring alternatives. The chapter opens by introducing again the concept of prefiguration, which holds that the means used to achieve political change will shape or become the ends that result. It then considers three distinct anti-militarist practices – peace camps, die-ins, and the use of humour – showing how each of these is guided by a desire to generate subjectivities and relationalities which do not reproduce militarism. In contrast, the last part of the chapter considers how anti-militarism is shaped not simply by opposition to militarism, but also by desire for it. Drawing on auto-ethnographic reflections, the discussion outlines how acknowledging the role of desire in social movements deepens the radical promise of prefiguration.
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Rossdale, Chris. "Agents of Security." In Resisting Militarism, 82–107. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474443036.003.0005.

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This is the first of two chapters to reflect on how anti-militarists relate to the politics of security. This chapter begins by outlining the intimate relationships between militarism and security, before showing how Critical Security Studies has called for alternative/non-militarised practices of security. The second part of the chapter suggests that anti-militarist direct action could be read as an alternative, anti-hegemonic practice of security where, faced with indifferent or complicit states, activists seek to combat insecurity themselves. The third part of the chapter complicates this story, introducing three more vignettes to reflect on the ways that, even as they seek to ‘do’ security differently, activists remain entangled within hegemonic logics and practices.
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Rossdale, Chris. "Conceptualising Militarism." In Resisting Militarism, 45–64. Edinburgh University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474443036.003.0003.

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This chapter sets out in broad terms how militarism has been conceptualised, both by anti-militarists and by social theorists. The chapter looks first at how anti-militarist activists recognise militarism as an institutional formation, a (localised) network encompassing militaries, branches of government, the arms industry, public institutions and more. The second part of the chapter draws on International Relations, Critical Military Studies and cognate disciplines to show how militarism can be understood as a complex of value systems, rationalities, social practices and subjectivities which tend towards the production and legitimisation of political violence. The final part of the chapter introduces two anti-militarist organisations, Veterans for Peace UK and the Peace Pledge Union, showing how they resist various forms of militarism.
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Marcuse, Herbert, and Felix Gilbert. "The Significance of Prussian Militarism for Nazi Imperialism: Potential Tensions in United Nations Psychological Warfare." In Secret Reports on Nazi Germany. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0006.

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This chapter discusses the significance of Prussian militarism for Nazi imperialism, arguing that the destruction of Prussian militarism was a crucial problem for the United Nations' psychological warfare against Nazi Germany. The term “Prussian militarism” referred to a definite social and political complex in German society. This complex contained roughly geographical, economic, social, and ideological elements. The chapter first provides an overview of Prussia under German imperialism, under the Weimar Republic, and under Nazi regime before discussing the position of Prussian militarists in the Union of German Officers in Moscow.
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Conference papers on the topic "Militarismi"

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Wang, Ying, and Yaochun Hai. "Historical Path of Japanese Militarism." In 3rd International Conference on Science and Social Research (ICSSR 2014). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icssr-14.2014.237.

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Kaldor, Mary H. "Beyond Militarism, Arms Races and Arms Control." In The Conflicts of the 20th Century and the Solutions for the 21st Century. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789812795496_0008.

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Tsybenov, Bazar. "The Daur People of Buteha Region and Creation of a Self-Defense Squad (The Middle of the 20s — The Beginning of the 30s XX c.)." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.45.

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The article is devoted to the study of the ethno-territorial group of Daur people, who living in the Buteha region. The work studied the creation of a self-defense detachment in the late 1920s. The purpose of its creation was to protect against attacks by Chinese militarists and bandits. The author described a series of battles of the self-defense detachment of Daur people with the Chinese militarists.
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Xiao, Qijun, Jianping Chen, and Zhonghui Luo. "Design of Cordyceps Militaris Automatic Cultivation Management System." In 2019 14th IEEE Conference on Industrial Electronics and Applications (ICIEA). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iciea.2019.8834100.

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Soisuwan, T., A. Hokpunna, and M. Saedan. "Growth analysis of Cordyceps Militaris by machine vision." In THE 12TH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE ON MECHANICAL ENGINEERING (TSME-ICoME 2022). AIP Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/5.0206892.

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Koshkin, Andrey, Egor Moroz, Aleksandr Yankilevich, and Daria Andreeva. "Russian Experience of Patriotic Education: Generalization Tendencies of the Consensus around Militarism." In VIII International Scientific and Practical Conference 'Current problems of social and labour relations' (ISPC-CPSLR 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210322.145.

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Podliesna, Vasylyna. "Cyclicality Influence on the Global Trend of Turbulence for Business." In 8th FEB International Scientific Conference. University of Maribor Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/um.epf.5.2024.24.

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The purpose of this article is to investigate, in the context of global military-economic cyclicality, the impact of cyclical processes of societal development on the global trend of turbulence that determines the current business environment. The study is based on the combination of logical and historical methods, as well as on the dialectical ascent from the abstract to the concrete. The main results of the study: the essence of military-economic cycles is defined, the role of their crisis-militaristic phases in the formation of business conditions, in particular in the resolution of contradictions of competing societal organisms, and thus - reducing turbulence is substantiated; the actualization of militarization of the economy, industrialization of war and economic policy of military Keynesianism in the conditions of local-global conflict in Ukraine is shown. The value of the study lies in the forecast of the modern world-system approaching the beginning of crisis-militaristic phases in the deployment of global military-economic cycles. This process lays the foundation for the reduction of global turbulence, and thus for the transition to an upward economic environment and more favorable conditions for business.
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Spridzans, Martins, and Janis Dzerviniks. "PECULIARITIES OF DEVELOPING E-LEARNING SYSTEMS IN MILITARISED EDUCATION INSTITUTION." In 12th International Conference on Education and New Learning Technologies. IATED, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/edulearn.2020.0821.

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Nandan, Arshita. "Reflections on Preliminary Fieldwork: The Militarisation of Public Space in Srinagar and its Impact on Rhythms of Everyday Life." In 8th Peace and Conflict Resolution Conference [PCRC2021]. Tomorrow People Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52987/pcrc.2021.009.

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Abstract This project focuses on the conflict in Indian administered Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). This conflict is characterised by the militarised occupation of the region and resistance for self- determination by indigenous populations. In 2019, there were over 500,000 military and police force stationed in the state of J&K and over the years the forces have become a permanent fixture of the day-to-day life of people in the region. The use of civilian infrastructure by the military apparatus to control the rhythms of everyday life has evolved to its current form as an integral aspect of the conflict itself. This paper is focused on two interrelated aspects i.e., the impact of militarisation, magnified by Covid-19 pandemic on the fieldwork itself and its relationship to the larger impact of militarisation on everyday life in Srinagar. The methodology is inspired by rhythmanalysis which focuses on space of interaction. The rhythmanalysis is in two parts, it explores the rhythms as viewed and investigated by the researcher as opposed to the rhythms of everyday life for research participants. The aim here is to contextualise the questions of ethics and positionality as a researcher, conducting fieldwork during covid 19, in a militarised conflict region. Key Words: Military; Public Space; Rhythmanalysis; Resistance, Critical Architecture
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Luo, Qing. "Marxist Innovation Education Exemplified in the Automatic Culture of Cordyceps Militaris." In 2016 International Seminar on Education Innovation and Economic Management (SEIEM 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/seiem-16.2016.25.

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Reports on the topic "Militarismi"

1

Sánchez, Lisa, and Gerardo Álvarez. Militarización y militarismo en México. Fundación Carolina, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_22.2022.

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La presencia de procesos complejos de militarización es un común denominador en gran parte de América Latina. Este documento busca dar cuenta de las particularidades del caso mexicano, ofreciendo un acercamiento teórico a conceptos como militarización y militarismo, así como un recuento histórico de las relaciones cívico-militares en México y de las decisiones políticas que han desembocado en el estado de cosas en marcha. Se argumenta, de esta forma, que si bien es cierto que México vive un proceso de militarización de larga data que hasta hace poco se había circunscrito a la seguridad pública, las dinámicas recientes, que se extienden a otras áreas de la Administración Pública Federal, constituyen ya una forma de nuevo militarismo que está teniendo repercusiones en la democracia mexicana y en la calidad del gobierno civil.
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Jácome, Francine. Militarismo y militarización: el caso venezolano. Fundación Carolina, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_03.2022.

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En este análisis se desarrollan tres puntos centrales. En el primero, se identifican cuatro indicadores principales de la militarización de la sociedad venezolana. En el segundo, se describe el contexto internacional, en general, y se consideran las relaciones con la Unión Europea (UE) y España, en particular. En el tercero, se presentan los escenarios previstos a corto plazo, con especial énfasis en el papel de los militares en un posible proceso de transición y en las negociaciones que se iniciaron en agosto de 2021 en México entre el gobierno de Venezuela y la Plataforma Unitaria de Venezuela, suspendidas en octubre por decisión unilateral del gobierno.
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Tickner, Arlene. Hacia una lectura crítica del militarismo y la militarización. Fundación Carolina, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_04.2022.

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El siguiente trabajo analiza la militarización y sus vínculos con la ideología del militarismo desde distintos enfoques críticos de la seguridad. Para ello, se ofrecen varias definiciones de ambos términos con miras a establecer su carácter general, la interconexión que existe entre ellos y su anclaje en las políticas estatales de seguridad. Asimismo, el texto se interroga sobre la relación cívico-militar presente en la mayoría de los análisis sobre los procesos militarización a fin de evidenciar sus carencias como guía práctica para limitar la influencia castrense en la política y la vida civil. En su lugar, se argumenta que una aproximación crí- tica al militarismo y la militarización exige comprender cómo “lo militar” está envuelto en “lo civil”, incluso en las democracias, y de qué manera distintas inseguridades y violencias basadas en el género, la raza y la clase social se incrustan y se normalizan en los órdenes sociales, políticos y económicos militarizados.
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Fila, Brian D. Militarism and American Foreign Policy: A Matter of Balance. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada432931.

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Isacson, Adam. Estados Unidos y su influencia en el nuevo militarismo latinoamericano. Fundación Carolina, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/ac_28.2021.

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Robledo, Marcos. Militarización, emergencia del militarismo civil y erosión democrática en América Latina. Fundación Carolina, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dt74.

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El presente trabajo examina las consecuencias de la prolongada militarización de la seguridad pública y de la sostenida expansión de los roles y prerrogativas de las fuerzas armadas en América Latina, y propone que la región ha ingresado en una etapa de creciente militarismo civil. Enfrentadas a una crisis de seguridad pública y a Estados débiles, las élites políticas de la mayor parte de las democracias latinoamericanas han optado por la militarización del policiamiento debido a la mejor aprobación de las fuerzas armadas, a pesar de su escaso —y a veces contraproducente— impacto en la seguridad pública. Se trata de una estrategia política para obtener o mantener el poder a partir de la naturalización de la militarización. En una cantidad importante de países el militarismo civil está desplazando la gobernanza del policiamiento y de la relación civil militar, desde un eje democrático hacia otro híbrido y, en algunos casos, autoritario. Ello contribuye a la erosión de las democracias latinoamericanas mediante su deslegitimación, y el debilitamiento del control civil y del Estado de derecho. El militarismo civil puede constituir un preludio y un camino a través del cual los países de la región transiten hacia nuevas regresiones democráticas.
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Abenheim, Donald. United Germany, Nationalism and Militarism: Potsdam and the Maintenance of Tradition. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada252809.

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Balda, Taras. ISSUES OF PACIFISM AND MILITARISM OF LIBERATION STRUGGLE IN UKRAINIAN DIASPORA PUBLICATIONS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11390.

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Subject of the article’s study – journalism of Ukrainian diaspora publications on the topic of liberation struggle of Ukrainian nation. The author emphasizes on variations of such a struggle, in particular on traditions of militarism and pacifism. A lot of Ukrainians who lived outside of Ukraine, because of third wave of emigration, used to believe that the USA will start another world war, will deal with the USSR and in this way will help Ukraine become independent. Similar thoughts were fundamental thesis of so-called «liberation conception». Such theories and hopes were outlined in columns of such magazines as «Visti Combatanta», «Vyzvolnyi Shliakh». But another part of political emigrants, concentrated around OUN (w) and URDP, positions of which were represented in such publications as «Ukrainskyi samostiynyk» and «Nashi posytsii», problem of Ukrainian independence tried not to deceive to war between the USA and the USSR and considered nonviolent methods of government change. Similar thoughts had the authors of «Suchasnist» and «Lysty do Pryiateliv». Time and historical realities showed that were right those journalists who believed in evolutionary, not revolutionary, theory of state development. Ukraine was able to become independent peacefully after the USSR decay and creation of sovereign states. Among this, modern Ukrainian society still lacks respect to Ukrainian army, nurturing of traditions of military valor, honor and justice, to which even diaspora journalists paid attention in the previous century.
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Pulaev, A. V. Formation of militaristic foreign policy in Japan, as the convergence condition with Nazi Germany in the 30s. XX century. Гуманитарные научные исследования, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.18411/a-2018-33.

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Biscaia, Afonso, and Susana Salgado. The Ukraine-Russia war and the Far Right in Portugal: Minimal impacts on the rising populist Chega party. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0026.

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The effects of the Russia-Ukraine war on Portuguese politics have been negligible, leading to only minor changes in political positions or the relative popularity of the parties. Chega was the first right-wing populist political party to achieve a parliamentary breakthrough in Portugal, emerging as the third-largest political force after elections in January 2022. It shares rhetorical features and positions with European counterparts but distinguishes itself by its flexibility. Unencumbered by association with the Russian regime, Chega has been free to take the more popular position among voters, supporting Ukraine. Furthermore, one of its foremost adversaries, the Portuguese Communist Party, took an ambiguous position regarding the invasion of Ukraine, making Chega’s decision about positioning clearer. Nevertheless, Chega has used the war instrumentally in service of its established priorities—namely, nationalism, opposition to immigration, and militarism. Moreover, after temporarily setting aside welfare chauvinism, the party reverted to this staple as the war continued. We shed light on the rhetoric and positioning of Chega and its leader, André Ventura, by analysing 47 parliamentary commentaries by Chega MPs in 2021 and 2022 and 28 tweets mentioning Ukraine, Russia, nationals from both countries, or the war posted by Ventura during the same period.
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