Journal articles: 'Militarism – Germany – History'

1

Treiblmayr, Christoph. "Militarism Revisited: Masculinity and Conscription in Germany." Journal of Contemporary History 39, no. 4 (October 2004): 649–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009404046767.

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Puaca, Brian M. "Navigating the Waves of Change: Political Education and Democratic School Reform in Postwar West Berlin." History of Education Quarterly 48, no. 2 (May 2008): 244–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2008.00142.x.

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In the aftermath of the Second World War, Germany found itself defeated, destroyed, occupied, and ultimately divided. The eastern portion of Germany fell under Soviet administration, while the western part came under joint occupation by the three victorious western Allies (the United States, the United Kingdom, and France). Recognizing at an early date that rebuilding Germany would promote political stability, economic growth, and peace in central Europe, the western Allies set out to reconstruct the defeated nation. The schools were an important part of this project. Many observers argued that without substantial reform to the educational system, German nationalism, militarism, and xenophobia might once again lead to conflict. In the western zones, particularly in the American zone, democratizing the schools took on great importance by 1947. This effort, however, was short-lived. The occupation of Germany ended in 1949, leaving many Americans with the sense that school reform was incomplete.

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Welch, David, and Jeffrey Verhey. "The Spirit of 1914: Militarism, Myth, and Mobilization in Germany." American Historical Review 106, no. 4 (October 2001): 1484. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2693136.

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Reimann, A. "Book Review: The Spirit of 1914. Militarism, Myth and Mobilization in Germany." German History 19, no. 4 (October 1, 2001): 623–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635540101900422.

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Gregory, Adrian. "The Spirit of 1914: Militarism, Myth and Mobilization in Germany Jeffrey Verhey." English Historical Review 115, no. 464 (November 2000): 1238–2140. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.464.1238.

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Gregory, A. "The Spirit of 1914: Militarism, Myth and Mobilization in Germany Jeffrey Verhey." English Historical Review 115, no. 464 (November 1, 2000): 1238–2140. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.464.1238.

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Rohkrämer, Thomas. "Book Review: The Spirit of 1914. Militarism, Myth and Mobilization in Germany." War in History 8, no. 3 (July 2001): 361–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096834450100800314.

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Macartney, Alex F. "Hirohitler on the Rhine: Transnational Protest Against the Japanese Emperor’s 1971 West German State Visit." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (April 27, 2020): 622–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009420907666.

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This article explores transnational connections between anti-imperialist groups in West Germany and Japan through an examination of the protest around the Japanese Emperor’s state visit to Bonn in 1971. Although anti-imperialist movements in Japan and West Germany had many similarities and moments of contact, there are few treatments of these groups in transnational perspective. The event offers a unique moment of entanglement between New Left groups in the global 1960s and a rare moment of mutual discussion of the Japanese and German wartime past. The Showa Emperor (better known as Hirohito) traveled to Europe as a way to promote a new, peaceful, Japan; however, his role as a wartime leader complicated this image. Hirohito’s presence in West Germany presented major issues of wartime crimes that were filtered through German’s own memory of perpetration and victimhood. Radical students in and West Germany responded to the Emperor’s visit by cooperating with Japanese exchange students to analyze and protest the history of Japanese militarism and fascism – and also its postwar attempts to regain an empire, especially in Southeast Asia and Vietnam. These concepts were seen, therefore, on another level: the US war in Vietnam, and Japanese and West German complicity in this conflict.

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Whisnant, Clayton J. "Styles of Masculinity in the West German Gay Scene, 1950-1965." Central European History 39, no. 3 (September 2006): 359–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000136.

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Since the end of the 1990s, the study of masculinity within German scholarship has made considerable progress, especially in moving beyond the close association made between German manhood and militarism.1 While the figure of the soldier remains crucial for an understanding of masculinity in Germany (as well as the rest of the Western world) during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, scholars have increasingly recognized that any culture includes multiple definitions and representations of manhood—even one so thoroughly saturated by the figure of the soldier as Germany was during the Nazi era.2 Increasingly, the goal of research has been to uncover how masculinity is not only represented in official discourse, but also constructed through social interaction and “performed,” to use Judith Butler's term, in the context of everyday life. Moreover, this research has increasingly taken into account “the relations between the different kinds of masculinity,” in the words of the sociologist Robert Connell—especially the relationships of power.3 In short, recent work has increasingly recognized that the meanings of manhood are constructed within a complicated socio-cultural matrix of gender whose points of reference include not only women and cultural definitions of femininity, but also various versions of masculinity that themselves very often reflect class distinctions and other kinds of social fissures.

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Baev, V. G. "Otto von Bismarck and Germany Militarization (Legislative Formalization of the Military Reform in Germany in the 80s of the 19th century)." Lex Russica, no. 9 (September 18, 2020): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.166.9.077-087.

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The history of Germany of the second half of the 19th century and the activities of Otto von Bismarck form an integral unit, provided we bear in mind the process of Germany becoming a centralized state. The author argues that the attainment of German unity could only be achieved on the paths of war with Austria and France. This implies why military reform in Germany has been given so much attention.This study is focused on the second stage of military reform — the strengthening of the German army after the establishment of a centralized state. The author poses the question: if the “German issue” was resolved, what was the need for further armament? The Bismarck Government in 1874 and 1881 successfully sought from Parliament the adoption of septennat laws (seven years of funding for the army). But in 1887 the Parliament refused to extend the septennat. The author uses Bismarck’s collection of political speeches in the Reichstag as the main source of research. It is an important source of official origin, reflecting the approaches of not only of the subject of Bismarck’s legislative initiative, but also of Germany’s ruling elite.A point of view about Bismarck as vehicle of Germanic militarism prevails in historical literature. As a result of the analysis of the debate on the draft law, the author concludes that Bismarck’s military policy was dictated not so much by the militaristic nature of his personality, but by the necessity of strengthening the military potential of Germany, surrounded by strong adversaries, to defend its sovereignty. For the further development of events, the Chancellor who had been removed from his office, cannot be held responsible. The tragedy of Bismarck-era Germany is expressed in the fact that he failed to prepare a successor capable of leading the country during a period of crisis.

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Milenović, Živorad. "Educational activities and learning in the Lebensborn project of Nazi Germany." Zbornik radova Pedagoskog fakulteta, Uzice, no. 22 (2020): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfu2022121m.

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During the time of Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945, that is, to the end of World War II, the most horrific crimes in human history took place. Nazi Germany was based on militarism, racism, anti-Semitism, ideologism and occultism. First, the Nuremberg Laws were passed, which led to the Holocaust, and on December 12, 1935, in Munich, by the order of the commander of the SS troops, Heinrich Himmler, a secret state Lebensborn project was established. The goal of this state project was to create a pure Aryan race, which was considered a key condition for Germany to become the world's leading power in military, economic and cultural terms, and for the German people to rule the world with their sublime tradition and culture. The Lebensborn project involved the birth of children from biological mothers carefully selected from the ranks of racially pure young, beautiful and healthy German girls and biological fathers from the ranks of SS troops, who would later be housed in Lebensborn homes or in the homes of SS officers or prominent purely Aryan families. Children abducted all over Europe, who met the criteria of seemingly belonging to the members of the pure Aryan race, were also accommodated in these homes. In addition to custody and upbringing, the educational activities and teaching of these children in Lebensborn homes were carried out under strict supervision, based on the principles of fascist pedagogy the point that will be discussed in this theoretical study.

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Seligmann, Matthew S. "Militarism in a Global Age: Naval ambitions in Germany and the United States before World War I." Mariner's Mirror 99, no. 1 (February 2013): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2013.767566.

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Shulman, M. R. "Militarism in a Global Age: Naval Ambitions in Germany and the United States before World War I." Journal of American History 99, no. 4 (February 15, 2013): 1272–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas565.

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Lannik, Leonty. "“Germany Armed to the Teeth”: the Military Potential of the Kaiser's Army by the Beginning of the Great War." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023775-1.

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One of the main motives not only for the war propaganda of the Entente countries, but also for subsequent historiography was the thesis about the extreme degree of militarism of the German Empire, which reached a new level just before the First World War. In addition to a comparative analysis of the war efforts of the great powers, it is important to compare the capabilities of Germany and the results achieved by it by August 1, 1914 in military construction. Taking into account the peculiarities of the Kaiserreich, from its federal structure to subjective factors in the functioning of its higher authorities, makes it possible to significantly relativize primary statistical conclusions, once again raising the question of the ratio of objective indicators and propaganda stamps in the historiography of the causes of the Great War formed over a century and its “timeliness” for certain great powers.

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Ruger, J. "DIRK BONKER. Militarism in a Global Age: Naval Ambitions in Germany and the United States before World War I." American Historical Review 118, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/118.1.156.

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Herwig, Holger H. "The Spirit of 1914: Militarism, Myth, and Mobilization in Germany, by Jeffrey VerheyThe Spirit of 1914: Militarism, Myth, and Mobilization in Germany, by Jeffrey Verhey. (Series: Studies in the Social and Cultural History of Modern Warfare 10). New York, Cambridge University Press, 2000. xiv, 268 pp. $59.95 U.S. (cloth)." Canadian Journal of History 36, no. 2 (August 2001): 360–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.36.2.360.

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Hamerow, Theodore S. "The Spirit of 1914: Militarism, Myth, and Mobilization in Germany By Jeffrey Verhey (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2000) 268 pp. $59.95." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 32, no. 1 (July 2001): 129–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2001.32.1.129.

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Moses, John A. "The Rise and Decline of Christian Militarism in Prussia-Germany from Hegel to Bonhoeffer: The End Effect of the Fallacy of Sacred Violence." War & Society 23, no. 1 (September 2005): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/072924705791202256.

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19

Townshend, Charles. "Military Force and Civil Authority in the United Kingdom, 1914–1921." Journal of British Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1989): 262–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385937.

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If liberal England died strangely, no moment in its passing was more bizarre than the close encounter it experienced between the army and a political system from which the military had been banished since the seventeenth century. Habitually all but invisible at home, confining its exploits to lands without the law, and maintaining a political silence equal—though in easier circumstances—to that of the neighboring grande muette, the British army moved to the center of the public stage. It obtained a popular following. This was not merely the result of Britain's involvement in world war. Manifestations of popular militarism, albeit sporadic or marginal, were evident in the later nineteenth century. The second Boer War accelerated a shift in social attitudes. Hostility to “pro-Boers,” if not beginning to resemble the hysteria of 1914, adumbrated the response of a shaken community temporarily recovering cohesion through warlike solidarity. Most public energy was expended in mafficking, but vocal groups continued to campaign for national efficiency and universal military service. The scout movement was the precipitant of a considerable mass sentiment, solidarized by suspicion of Germany and giving back a faint but clear echo of the leagues formed to support the expansion of the German army and navy.Yet if a novel enthusiasm was eroding traditional aversion to the army, it was scarcely capable of creating a public tolerance for its involvement in domestic affairs. Unlike the navy, whose nature more or less precluded its domestic employment, the army was a suspect weapon. The cultivation of nonpolitical professionalism represented in part a functional response to such public suspicion. Modern major generals would not think of doing what their Cromwellian predecessors had done.

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Chickering, Roger. "The Spirit of 1914: Militarism, Myth, and Mobilization in Germany. By Jeffrey Verhey. Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press. 2000. Pp. xiv + 268. $59.95. ISBN 0-521-77137-4." Central European History 35, no. 3 (September 2002): 441–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900001709.

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Bayley, Susan. "Fictional German governesses in Edwardian popular culture: English responses to German militarism and modernity." Literature & History 28, no. 2 (September 14, 2019): 194–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306197319870372.

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Historians have tended to focus on propaganda when assessing Edwardian attitudes towards Germans, but a shift of focus to fiction reveals a rather different picture. Whereas propaganda created the cliché of ‘the Hun’, fiction produced non- and even counter-stereotypical figures of Germans. An analysis of German governess characters in a selection of short stories, performances, novels, and cartoons indicates that the Edwardian image of Germans was not purely negative but ambivalent and multifarious. Imagined German governesses appeared as patriots and spies, pacifists and warmongers, spinsters and seducers, victims and evil-doers. A close look at characterisations by Saki [H. H. Munro], M. E. Francis [Margaret Blundell], Dorothy Richardson, D. H. Lawrence, Radclyffe Hall, Frank Hart and others reveals not only their variety but also their metaphorical use as responses to Germany’s aggressive militarism and avant-garde modernity. Each governess figure conveyed a positive, negative or ambivalent message about the potential impact of German militarism and modernity on England and Englishness. The aggregate image of German governesses, and by inference Germans, was therefore equivocal and demonstrates the mixed feelings of Edwardians toward their ‘cousin’ country.

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Weigel, John Wesley. "Image Under Fire: West German Development Aid and the Ghana Press War, 1960–1966." Contemporary European History 31, no. 2 (December 13, 2021): 259–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777321000102.

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During the 1960s, development aid helped West Germany project a benign image while it discouraged diplomatic recognition of East Germany. In Ghana, however, this effort clashed with the Pan-Africanist aims of President Kwame Nkrumah. Four periodicals under his control attacked West Germany as neo-colonialist, militarist, racist, latently Nazi and a danger to world peace. West German officials resented this campaign and tried to make it stop, but none of their tactics, not even vague threats to aid, worked for long. The attacks ended with Nkrumah's overthrow in early 1966, but while they lasted, they demonstrated that a small state receiving aid could use the press to invert its asymmetric political relationship with the donor.

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Hau, Michael. "Sports in the Human Economy: “Leibesübungen,” Medicine, Psychology, and Performance Enhancement during the Weimar Republic." Central European History 41, no. 3 (August 21, 2008): 381–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000563.

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In 1926, the President of the GermanReichCommittee for Physical Exercise (Deutscher Reichsausschuss für Leibesübungen, or DRAL) Theodor Lewald discussed the significance of sports for the German economy and national health in a presentation to the Berlin Chamber of Industry and Commerce. Lewald deplored the physical state of the German population as a consequence of the lost war. Two million of the physically and mentally strongest German men had been killed, while millions of German men, women, and children were permanently physically weakened as a result of starvation during the war and the allied hunger blockade after the armistice. To make matters worse, the hygienic benefits of military service that had guaranteed the physical strength and fitness of male youth had been lost. Prior to the war about 500,000 men had served in the German army or navy where they had learned regimens of cleanliness, order, and discipline. According to Lewald, by limiting the size of the German army to 100,000 men, the victorious allies had not only weakened Germany militarily, but they had also tried to paralyze Germany economically by permanently weakening the “strength of the German people” (deutsche Volkskraft).1

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Rostislavleva, Nataliya. "Reception of the Theme of the German Empire in the Anniversary Historical Narratives of the XX Century." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 3 (2022): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020239-0.

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The article examines the reception of the subject of the German Empire by Russian/Soviet and German historians in the twentieth century as part of its anniversary celebrations. In 1921 both Russian and German historical journals discussed the resignation of Bismarck as a critical step for the fortunes of the empire and openly criticised Wilhelm IIIn the Russian narrative, the revolution that led the empire to its collapse was harshly critiqued. After the defeat of Germany in the Second World War, the subject of the creation and fortunes of the empire was radically reconsidered by historians in the FRG. In the year of its centenary, 1971, Germany was debating the “second foundation of the empire”, imperial ceremonies and rituals were being studied, the Second Empire was being called the “Bismarck State”, and the chancellor was being accused of absolutism. The historical narratives in the GDR were represented by the Marxist conception of nineteenth-century German history, above all by the ideas of F. Engels. The creation of the empire was assessed in a mixed manner, it was noted that 'the German people found their unity in the Prussian barracks', and Bismarck's rule was described as a “Bonapartist monarchy”. A similar attitude can be traced in the historical narrative in the USSR: the empire was declared a “Prussian-German militarist state”. The problem of ethnicity and the long-awaited German unity was significant for German narratives of 1921. In the twenty-first century, historians of a united Germany warn against idealising the Second Reich and debate the synthesis of the collective and the individual in the phenomenon of memory-identity.

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Petzina, Dietmar. "The Economic Dimension of the East–West Conflict and the Role of Germany." Contemporary European History 3, no. 2 (July 1994): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000771.

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A survey of the economic problems in East–West relations during the era of the Cold War is of particular interest from the German perspective. First, no other Western industrial country played a comparable role in the economic relations with East European countries; and secondly, East–West trade, especially the economic contacts with the German Democratic Republic (GDR), became an outstanding feature of German Ostpolitik under the conditions of the divided country. It appears to be an acceptable proposition to say that this form of West Germany economic and trade policy was the equivalent of the militarily defined US policy towards the Soviet Union, in so far as the famous dictum of the former Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt, that the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) was ‘an economic giant and a political dwarf only partly corresponded to reality. It therefore seems appropriate to discuss the economic dimension of the East–West conflict in the context of German interests and policies – not to the exclusion of all else, but with a certain priority.

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Mihanjo, Eginald P. A. N., and Oswald Masebo. "Maji Maji War, Ngoni Warlords and Militarism in Southern Tanzania." Journal of African Military History 1, no. 1-2 (September 6, 2017): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-00101004.

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As we come to an end of the celebration of a centenary and ten years since the end of the Maji Maji War against German colonialism, it is apparently clear that the historiography on the Maji Maji War focuses on appreciation of the Ngoni heroism against German cruelty and colonialism, as well as the loss of life caused by hunger, casualties of the war and German atrocities. It is however, noted that this view of nationalist historiography is outdated and needs to be corrected because it has outlived its usefulness as local histories and identities reveal the Ngoni atrocities, militarism, and wars against local inhabitants similar to the German rule between 1850–1890s. The nationalist historiography, like colonial historiography, pays little attention to history of victims, rather is the story of powerful state formation, states, and statism. In the nationalist case, historical investigations pay little attention on the Ngoni aggression and plunder or on this aggression’s effects on the conditions of life and the demographic dynamics on Lake Nyasa area and East to Indian Ocean from 1850s to 1907. In particular, these wars had a profound effect on the shaping of relations between 1850s and 1907. The article analyses war, militarism, and atrocities of the Ngoni on the conditions of life in East Lake Nyasa to Indian Ocean region between 1850 and 1907. The article demonstrates that during this period the people of area were harassed by Ngoni attacks and slave trade conflicts which disrupted their ways of life. And that after the German subdual of the regional powers including the Ngoni, Yao and Arab traders, relative peace and stability were restored briefly until the Maji Maji war brought further war calamities, instability and confusions. All in all, the Ngoni warlordism and militarism played large part in shaping history of modern southern Tanzania.

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Cramer, Kevin. "A World of Enemies: New Perspectives on German Military Culture and the Origins of the First World War." Central European History 39, no. 2 (May 19, 2006): 270–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000112.

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In the introduction to his 1915 book Die Hohenzollern und ihr Werk, Otto Hintze ruefully quoted an Englishman's observation that, “Prussian history is endlessly boring because it speaks so much of war and so little of revolution.” As the “Great War” entered its second year, and with Germany's hopes for a quick and decisive victory fading, Hintze saw history repeating itself. Like Frederick the Great's Prussia, he wrote, “The German Reich, under a Hohenzollern Kaiser, [now] battles for its existence against a world of enemies.” Since the beginning of the war, Entente propaganda had mobilized the home front by depicting the war as an epochal struggle against the enemy of all civilized men: the savage “Hun,” the jack-booted, spike-helmeted despoiler of innocent Belgium. The crudity of this propaganda caricature aside, its power to persuade nevertheless drew on a widespread conviction that the story of war constituted the core of German history and that the disease of “militarism” was a peculiarly German deformation of the national psyche. In response to the censure of their nation's enemies, the German intellectuals rejected that diagnosis while defending the role war had played in their nation's history. Published in the Kölnische Zeitung on October 4, 1914, the hastily drafted manifesto “To the Civilized World!” was endorsed (if not read) by ninety-three of the Second Reich's most prominent scholars, scientists, philosophers, and theologians, including Peter Behrens, Lujo Brentano, Adolph von Harnack, Max Lenz, and Gustav von Schmoller. They vehemently repudiated the distortion of Germany's history: “Were it not for German militarism, German civilization would long since have been extirpated.” “The word militarism,” the liberal jurist Gerhard Anschütz defiantly declared in 1915, “which is being used throughout the world as a swear word against us, let it be for us a badge of honor.” As Hintze, Anschütz, and their contemporaries understood the course of German unification (and Germany's rise as a great power under Prussian leadership), the modern German nation-state owed its very existence to what Hintze called “the monarchical-military factor.” If we are to advance our understanding of how a nationalist discourse obsessed with foreign and domestic threats supported a foreign policy that ignited two world wars in the space of twenty-five years, we must be prepared, I believe, to re-think the “Sonderweg thesis,” not in its relation to the putative immaturity of German liberalism or an atavistic predilection for autocratic rule, but as it was rooted in German military culture. The books under discussion in this essay reframe the militarism/“Sonderweg” debate by examining the unique connection between modern German visions of the nation and the waging of war as revealed in the experience of the First World War. Representing the maturation of the new intellectual and cultural history of war, they pose two fundamental questions: What kind of war did the Second Reich's military, political, and intellectual leadership envision that would “complete” the German nation? And how did they define Germany's enemies?

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Schneider, Jeffrey. "The Captain of Köpenick and the Uniform Fantasies of German Militarism." Central European History 55, no. 2 (June 2022): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921000893.

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Few events in Imperial Germany's forty-plus years of existence have been remembered with as much pride and hilarity as the one that took place on October 16, 1906. It began shortly after noon, when a man dressed in a captain's uniform appeared on the streets in the northern part of Berlin and commandeered two small contingents of soldiers returning to their barracks from guard duty. Claiming to be acting on instructions from the kaiser himself, the man ordered the ten soldiers to accompany him to Köpenick, a small but growing city on the southeastern outskirts of Berlin. Arriving in front of city hall around 3:30 p.m., he assigned four of the men to take up positions at the three entrances of the building to ensure that no one entered or left without his permission. The remaining troops followed him inside, where he instructed two men to secure the ground floor. Heading upstairs, he encountered an off-duty constable, who, along with other police officials, was given the task of controlling the growing crowd of curious gawkers that had begun to amass in the plaza and streets outside. With these arrangements set, he barged into the offices of the mayor and other top officials, announcing their arrest on the kaiser's orders and stationing soldiers outside their doors. Within an hour, he arranged to have the mayor and city treasurer transported by carriage to the Neue Wache, the main guardhouse in central Berlin. After issuing orders for the remaining soldiers to withdraw at 6:00 p.m., the unidentified captain disappeared into the night with the contents of the city's cash box, totaling 3557 marks and 45 pfennig.

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Echevarria, Antulio J., and Nicholas Stargardt. "The German Idea of Militarism: Radical and Socialist Critics 1866-1914." Journal of Military History 63, no. 1 (January 1999): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120360.

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Chickering, Roger, and Nicholas Stargardt. "The German Idea of Militarism: Radical and Socialist Critics, 1866-1914." American Historical Review 100, no. 5 (December 1995): 1610. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169993.

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Bosworth, R. "Prussian-German militarism 1914-18 in Australian perspective: the thought of George Arnold Wood." German History 10, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/10.1.116.

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Mazzucelli, Colette. "Changing Partners at Fifty? French Security Policy after Libya in Light of the Élysée Treaty." German Politics and Society 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2013): 116–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310107.

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The 2011 Libya campaign highlighted the divergence of interests between France and Germany within the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in matters of Middle East and global security. This divergence calls for a reassessment of the meaning of their bilateral cooperation, as defined in the Treaty of Friendship between France and Germany, otherwise known as the Élysée Treaty, signed on 22 January 1963 by Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and President Charles de Gaulle. This article focuses on France, which engaged militarily in Libya cooperating with the United Kingdom as its principal European partner. Germany, for reasons explained by its history, political culture, and the nature of its federal system, chose to abstain in the United Nations vote to authorize the campaign. These differences between France and Germany suggest a contrast in their respective security and, particularly defense, policy objectives on the fiftieth anniversary of the Élysée Treaty.

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Saunders, Anna. "Growing Up On the Front Line: Young East Germans and the Effects of Militarism During the 1980s." Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 13, no. 3 (December 2005): 283–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09651560500440520.

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Geyer, Michael. "Emilio Willems. A Way of Life and Death: Three Centuries of Prussian-German Militarism; An Anthropological Approach." American Historical Review 93, no. 1 (February 1988): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1865762.

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Whitt, Jacqueline E. "Introduction." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 42, no. 1 (May 23, 2022): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-42010001.

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Abstract While lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer people have always served in militaries, military organizations and leaders have managed the presence of sexual gender minorities in the ranks in complicated ways that were influenced by regulation, military culture, social and cultural norms, and perceptions of military effectiveness. The history of lgbt soldiers in modern western military history reveals important ways that various military organizations have addressed the question and challenges of open service by lgbt people. While many states have incorporated lgbt people into their organizations, it is not the case globally, and policies continue to change. The five essays in this collection explore various aspects of lgbt military history in West Germany, Australia, the Netherlands, the United States, and Israel and explore themes including the importance of comparative history; the differences between de jure and de facto integration; the effects of both regulation and culture on lgbtq inclusion; and the experience of lgbt people in uniform.

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Lima, Higo. "Anita Leocádia Benário Prestes: filha da revolução (parte 2)." Revista Informação em Cultura - RIC 2, no. 2 (December 17, 2020): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.21708/issn2674-6549.v2i2a9552.2020.

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Second and last part of the interview with Anita Prestes, granted during her stay in Mossoró / RN, in September 2018, and initially published by Revista Informação e Cultura - RIC in the previous edition, when we highlight her interaction with her mother's memory, the German Olga Benário Prestes. In this excerpt of the conversation, she reveals to us the circumstances that were reflected in the biography of her father, Luís Carlos Prestes, the discipline of training at Colégio Militar and the persistent dream of a communist revolution. Researcher in History, Anita Prestes offers us a detailed trajectory of Brazilian militarism, highlighting the times when she assumed a “progressive” and “reactionary” role. Finally, Anita is hopeful with the emergence of a revolutionary popular movement that, although difficult, points out to be the only path of change.

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Wittlinger, Ruth. "British-German Relations and Collective Memory." German Politics and Society 25, no. 3 (September 1, 2007): 42–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250303.

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British-German relations have undergone a considerable transformation since 1945 with both countries having to adapt to significant changes in their own status, as well as a very different international environment. Germany's status as a morally and militarily defeated and occupied power in 1945 is in stark contrast to the confident role it is playing at the beginning of the new millennium when—sixty years after the end of World War II—the German chancellor for the first time took part in the VE-Day celebrations of the victors. This article analyzes recent dynamics of collective memory in both countries and examine if and to what extent their collective memories play a role in British-German relations.

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Herwig, Holger H., and Christon I. Archer. "Global Gambit: A German General Staff Assessment of Mexican Affairs, November 1913." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 1, no. 2 (1985): 303–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1052040.

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El descubrimiento de un documento desconocido sobre el estado de México en 1913 por un oficial alemán, Coronel Eugen Zoellner, echa luz sobre la situación militar y política en la primera etapa de la Revolución Mexicana. Aunque los alemanes aceptaron varios perjuicios comunes entre observadores extranjeros de México, hay muchas áreas de interés en el estudio de asuntos estratégicos y militares, en el papel del General Victoriano Huerta, y en las relaciones entre México y los Estados Unidos del Presidente Woodrow Wilson. Zoellner ofrece una vista que puede asistir en la explicación de la diplomacia mexicana-alemana del período.

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LAQUA, DANIEL. "PACIFISM IN FIN-DE-SIÈCLE AUSTRIA: THE POLITICS AND LIMITS OF PEACE ACTIVISM." Historical Journal 57, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 199–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1300037x.

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ABSTRACTThe late Habsburg Monarchy produced two of the most renowned peace activists of their day: Bertha von Suttner and Alfred Fried. In comparison to these two Nobel Peace laureates, the main association of Austro-pacifism – theÖsterreichische Friedensgesellschaft(ÖFG) – is less well known. The article concentrates on this organization, which had been founded in 1891, and it draws attention to the political and intellectual environment in which it operated. The ÖFG originated in the milieu of Austro-German liberalism, but had an ambivalent rapport with liberal politics. The Austro-pacifists’ focus on supranational principles and dynastic loyalty sat uneasily with the national dimensions of Cisleithanian politics. The obstacles encountered by the ÖFG illustrate wider aspects of the political culture of fin-de-siècle Austria, ranging from the question of militarism in Austrian society to the challenges created by socialist and nationalist movements. As a whole, the article highlights the inherent limitations of Austro-pacifism, as reflected in its quest for respectability and its acceptance of the social and political order.

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Sea, Thomas F. "The German Princes' Responses to the Peasants' Revolt of 1525." Central European History 40, no. 2 (May 14, 2007): 219–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000520.

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The German Peasants' Revolt of 1525 represented an unprecedented challenge to the princes and other petty political rulers of the areas involved. While localized uprisings had occurred with increasing frequency in the decades prior to the 1525 revolt and an uneasy awareness of growing levels of peasant discontent was widespread among most rulers of southern and central German lands, the extent of the major rebellion that developed in early 1525 took everyone by surprise. No one was prepared to respond, either militarily or through more peaceful means. Even the Swabian League, the peacekeeping alliance of Imperial princes, prelates, nobility, and cities that eventually assumed primary responsibility for suppressing the revolt, did little to mobilize its resources for almost six months after the first appeals for help from its members against disobedient subjects reached it. When the League did mobilize, its decision created further problems for League members, since most sent their required contingents to the League's forces only to discover that they needed the troops badly themselves once the revolt spread to their own lands. Since the Council of the Swabian League adamantly refused to return any members' troops because this would hinder the League's own ability to suppress the peasant disorders, many members found themselves virtually defenseless against the rebels.

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Hoar, Aedan. "The Biopolitics of Mixing: Thai Multiracialities and Haunted Ascendancies." UnderCurrents: Journal of Critical Environmental Studies 18 (April 27, 2014): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2292-4736/38550.

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The Biopolitics of Mixing: Thai Multiracialities and Haunted Ascendancies.By JINTHANA HARITAWORN. Ashgate, 2012. $99.95Reviewed by Aedan HoarThe Biopolitics of Mixing builds upon Thai histories that were collected during Haritaworn’s qualitative research on experiences of Thai multiraciality in Britain and Germany. The narrative reaches back over a decade and maps out the connections and conclusions of Haritaworn’s journey with race and the question: “What are you?” or “Where do you come from?” By giving voice to the themes that emerged from Haritaworn’s research and interviews, this book maps a social environment that is created through the politics of mixed-raciality and its effect on our interpretations of mixed-race bodies.The book explores the celebratory nature of post-race politics which seeks to erase the history of colonization, replacing memories of oppression with a vision of a new age in which empire was simply a necessary stepping stone towards a future beyond race. Haritaworn makes the important argument that narratives of mixed-race and “tolerance” are used to drive campaigns of humanitarian militarism against “intolerant” cultures. In the process, this book exposes unsettling historical connections between the celebration of mixed-raciality as resulting in stronger genetics, and the racist, white-supremacist culture that was the driving force behind eugenics. Haritaworn’s research confronts the hegemonic narratives that effect the way that ability, gender, and race are represented in transnational politics of the body.Through weaving in histories from their interviews, Haritaworn traces connections in theory and geopolitics that let the reader critically examine the driving forces behind what makes mixed-raced people characterized as beautiful or inferior, celebrated or marginalized. The book draws on an extensive bibliography and historical examples of how mixed-raciality and multiculturalism have been used by racist cultures to re-invent state histories as progressive, inclusive, and liberating. Demonstrating the ways that mixed-race bodies are used to support hegemonic racist and heterosexual norms, this book is an eye-opening exploration of the ways that multiculturalism and “inclusivity” are being used to promote the current geopolitical power structures in neoliberalism.The Biopolitics of Mixing is wonderfully written and extremely reflexive in tone making it an essential resource for any reader who wants to critically examine the intersections of race, class, gender, sexuality, and disability. This book spends a great deal of time establishing Haritaworn’s positionality, mapping out the logic behind the research in a very accessible way. One thing that adds a great deal to the book is the use of footnotes, which seem to predict questions that the reader might have, adding yet another layer to the depth of the analysis. Haritaworn achieves an in-depth exploration of the construction of mechanisms used to place individual bodies within categories of race, gender, or sexuality. The Biopolitics of Mixing reveals how systemic racism is normalized in everyday interactions in multicultural society. The book takes readers on a journey where the assumptions we (and the author) take for granted about the intersectionalities of race, gender, poverty, ability, and sexuality are challenged in an effort to give voice to “that which had been left out” of Haritaworn’s original research model. In this way the reader is informed by Haritaworn’s personal journey that walks the book’s conclusions back through connections that were made over more than a decade of research. The Biopolitics of Mixing makes room for important discussions that challenge readers to reflect upon our own conceptualizations of the body and our relationship to geopolitical narratives. This book is a must read for students interested in Thai-histories, multi-raciality and multiculturalism, social-justice research, biopolitics or intersectional analysis.~AEDAN HOAR is a Masters Candidate in the Faculty of Environmental Studies at York University. His work examines colonization, land use planning, and social transformation through a biopolitical lens.

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Bucholz, Arden. "The German Idea of Militarism: Radical and Socialist Critics, 1866–1914. By Nicholas Stargardt. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1994. Pp. 232. $59.95. ISBN 0-521-42010-5." Central European History 27, no. 3 (September 1994): 390–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900010347.

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Berger, Stefan. "Reviews : Nicholas Stargardt, The German Idea of Militarism. Radical and Socialist Critics 1866-1914, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0521 46692X; 1994; xiv + 232 pp.; £16.95." European History Quarterly 26, no. 3 (July 1996): 473–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149602600313.

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Bosworth, R. "Book Reviews : Prussian-German militarism 1914-18 in Australian perspective: the thought of George Arnold Wood. By John A. Moses. Bern/Frankfurt-am-Main: Peter Lang. 1991. 215 pp. DM19." German History 10, no. 1 (February 1, 1992): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549201000124.

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Rudnicka-Bogusz, Marta. "The Genius loci Issue in the Revalorization of Post-Military Complexes: Selected Case Studies in Legnica (Poland)." Buildings 12, no. 2 (February 17, 2022): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/buildings12020232.

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Barracks built at the turn of the 20th century and in the 1930s in garrison towns in the Western Borderlands of Poland serve as the focal point of their cultural landscape. Traditions, which grew around these structures during three independent periods (pre-war German times, the totalitarian post-war period and the contemporary free-market economy), form a continuous narrative of how the military contributed to development and helped shape the sense of local identity. Simultaneously, historic barracks complexes are a dissonant heritage due to the complicated history of these lands, known as the Recovered Territories, which includes a change in nationality, exchange of population and the Iron Curtain. After the army was restructured, many of these barracks were decommissioned and repurposed. Some of the adaptations obscured the barracks’ typological differentiators, which diminished their value as archives of cultural and social history. The study described in this paper conducted by the author helped to identify the features that differentiate military installations from other historic architecture and diagnose which of these features must be preserved in order to maintain the genius loci of the barracks complexes, i.e., their scholastic potential and sentimental value. Based on the acquired knowledge, this paper analyzed two adaptations of barracks in Legnica, one from each period of intensified militarism. This analysis resulted in the formulation of recommendations for future restorations of other barracks that still remain in their original form.

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Hammond, Kelly A. "Managing Muslims: imperial Japan, Islamic policy, and Axis connections during the Second World War." Journal of Global History 12, no. 2 (June 8, 2017): 251–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022817000079.

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AbstractProbing into Japan’s quest to legitimize itself within the Islamic sphere, this article examines some of the lessons that imperial Japan hoped to learn from the Germans and the Italians regarding their respective handling of Muslim populations in the Middle East and North Africa. For their part, Muslims living under Japanese occupation on the mainland often benefited from Axis cooperation and were able to create relationships with Muslims beyond China. In the article, I posit that Japanese militarists used their Axis connections as a powerful rhetorical tool to position themselves as liberators from Western imperialism and communism throughout Asia. I also argue that, by examining intellectual currents circulating Eurasia through Axis-facilitated connections, we glean a more nuanced understanding of global anti-colonial movements among Muslim populations from the Maghreb to Manila in the post-war era.

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Samokhvalov, I. M., N. A. Tiniankin, S. A. Matveev, T. Yu Suprun, P. P. Liashedko, and S. L. Bechik. "On the occasion of centenary of the birth of I.I.Deriabin (1920–1987)." Bulletin of the Russian Military Medical Academy 22, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 225–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/brmma50565.

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Abstract. On the 2nd of August, 2020 marked the 100th anniversary of the birth of the famous Russian surgeon, the Head of War Surgery department of the Academy, professor, Major-General of the Medical Corps Ilia Ivanovich Deriabin. I.I. Deriabin was the participant of the Great Patriotic War and the war against militarist Japan, the warfare in Afghanistan, the first postwar postgraduate fellow under professor S.I.Banaitis, a student and associate professor of A.N. Bercutov, an officer working many years at War Surgery department, Kirov Military Medical Academy. I.I. Deriabin was also the Head Surgeon to the Group of Soviet Forces in Germany, the founding principal of War Surgery department at the Military Medical faculty, Moscow Central Institute for Advanced Medical Education, Deputy Chief Surgeon of the Soviet Army. In the history of military medicine professor I.I. Deriabin will stay as a great scientist and organizer in the field of War Surgery, a founder of traumatic disease tactical treatment concept, the author of the idea of medical-transport immobilization (anticipating popular modern tactics Damage Control). He also came up with an idea of an improvised frame for unstable pelvic fracture immobilization, developed the technique of peritoneal dialysis (in cooperation with M.N. Lizanets and E.V. Chernov), devised (coauthored with A.C. Rozhkov) multicomponent anti-inflammatory local wound blockade for injury control and septic complications prevention.

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Lukic, Reneo. "Greater Serbia: A New Reality in the Balkans." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 1 (1994): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/00905999408408309.

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“We Serbs must militarily defeat our enemies and conquer the territories we need.”Vojislav Maksimovic, MemberBosnian Serb Parliament“I don't see what's wrong with Greater Serbia. There's nothing wrong with a greater Germany, or with Great Britain.”Bosnian Serb LeaderRadovan KaradžićThe break-up of Yugoslavia has come about as a result of national, economic and political conflicts which by the end of 1987 had taken on unprecedented dimensions. At that point, latent political conflicts between various republics came into the open. More specifically, the conflict between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo had turned into a low-intensity war. Under Slobodan Miloševićs leadership in Serbia, the Serbo-Slovenian conflict over Kosovo deepened, forcing other republics and provinces to take sides. The Slovenian leadership opposed a military solution to the Serbo-Albanian conflict in Kosovo. By 1990 the Serbo-Slovenian conflict had spilled over into Croatia, completely polarizing the Yugoslav political elite into two distinct camps; one encompassed Slovenia and Croatia, the other Serbia and Montenegro, with Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina playing the role of unsuccessful mediators.

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Reynolds, Bruce. "Phibun Songkhram And Thai Nationalism in the Fascist Era." European Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 1 (2004): 99–134. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570061033004686.

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Abstract During the late 1930s a political style, generally called 'fascist,' aimed at mobilising nations in the pursuit of expansionist aims had a profound impact around the world. Based on the apparent success of Germany, Italy, and Japan and the impending victory of Francisco Franco's forces in the Spanish Civil War, by early 1939 many observers saw fascism as the wave of the future. Among the Asian political leaders strongly influenced by the success of the fascist states was Phibun Songkhram, the military strongman of Thailand, the lone independent nation in Southeast Asia. Phibun and his adviser Wichit Wathakan promoted a jingoistic version of Thai nationalism, sought to militarise the nation, and adopted an aggressive policy towards neighbouring French Indochina in the wake of France's defeat in June 1940. In the short term these actions gave momentum to Phibun's efforts to consolidate his power and his plans to transform Thai society. Phibun's involvement with Japan and the arrival of Japanese troops in Thailand in December 1941, however, would lead to his temporary political eclipse in 1944 and modification of the more extreme elements of his program.

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MuÃ±oz BolaÃ±os, Roberto. "â€œShadow armyâ€ and military terrorism in 21st century Germany. The 2017 Der Tag X conspiracy." Araucaria, no. 51 (2025): 14–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2023.i52.01.

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En 2017 se descubriÃ³ en el seno de la Bundeswehr (Fuerzas Armadas) de Alemania una conspiraciÃ³n conocida como Tag X (DÃa X). Esta operaciÃ³n se habÃa articulado a partir del embriÃ³n de un posible â€œEjÃ©rcito en la sombraâ€, apoyado por organizaciones paramilitares, y su objetivo era tomar el poder mediante el uso de la violencia y el terror Der Tag X (El DÃa X). Esta dinÃ¡mica culminarÃa con la puesta en marcha de una â€œlimpieza Ã©tnicaâ€, la eliminaciÃ³n de los â€œenemigos internosâ€ y el establecimiento de un Estado autoritario. La tesis que mantenemos es que el origen de esta conspiraciÃ³n militar estÃ¡ Ãntimamente asociada a un conjunto de transformaciones polÃticas, sociales, econÃ³micas y culturales que se han producido desde la Ãºltima dÃ©cada del siglo XX y que han creado una situaciÃ³n favorable para el ascenso de la extrema derecha en Alemania y â€œlegitimadoâ€ a militares de esta ideologÃa para intervenir en el proceso de toma de decisiones polÃticas. Para desarrollar nuestro trabajo, hemos utilizado fundamentalmente dos tipos de fuentes. Por un lado, las primarias, formadas por los decretos sobre la tradiciÃ³n en la Bundeswehr, y las investigaciones parlamentarias y los informes de los servicios de inteligencia sobre el extremismo de derechas en la Bundeswehr. Por otro, las bibliogrÃ¡ficas y hemerogrÃ¡ficas, donde se recogen los principales acontecimientos vinculados a la conspiraciÃ³n de Der Tag X.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Militarism – Germany – History'

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