Academic literature on the topic 'Militant socialist movement'

A stubborn, anticapitalist movement, Maoism has persisted in the global periphery for the many past decades despite its tainted image as a progressive alterpolitical platform. This article seeks to ponder why this is the case by looking at a recent and popular example of leftist radical politics in the MLM tradition. I argue that contemporary Nepali Maoism is offering a militant, collectivist, antiliberal model for confronting capitalist and state hegemony in an effort to forge new class solidarities. Responding to a changed political environment for continuing its program of socialist revolution, I trace how the Maoist party's efforts at building a mass movement become centered on the question of organization, and in particular the requirements of what I term an ethical organization. Through an analysis of how caste and gender equalities are institutionalized within the movement, and the various ways in which collectivity becomes linked to concrete practices, the article offers an ethnographic analysis of contested egalitarian agency within a movement undergoing rapid change.

AbstractThis article explores the comparative history of land agitation and how it evolved and intersected with nationalism and socialism in Finland and Ireland between the Irish Land War and the Finnish Civil War of 1918. Drawing on current scholarship as well as contemporary newspapers and official records, the article shows that an organised land movement developed later and was markedly less violent in Finland than in Ireland. Moreover, while in Ireland the association of landlordism with British rule helped to fuse the land movement with nationalist mobilisation during the Land War, in Finland the tie between the land movement and nationalism remained weak. This was a consequence of Finnish nationalists’ strong affiliation with landowning farmers, which hindered their success in mobilising tenant farmers and agricultural workers. Consequently, the Finnish countryside witnessed a remarkable rise in the socialist movement in the early 1900s. The socialist leanings of the Finnish land movement were greatly influenced by the Russian revolutions, whereas in Ireland militant Fenianism, often emanating from Irish America, affected land agitation more than socialism. As to transnational exchanges, the article also indicates the influence of Irish rural unrest and the related land acts on Finnish public debates and legislation.

The development of theNazi Party from 1925 to 1933 serves as fertile ground for studying what social movement researchers have identified as generic issues of micromobilization, the array of processes employed by movements in attracting, enlisting, and activatingmembers. Formally known as the National Socialist German Workers’ Party (NSDAP), the Nazi Party was, of course, a political party in contention with other parties of theWeimar Republic until wresting state power in 1933. The lion’s share of empirical research on the NSDAP has been by way of electoral studies done by political sociologists, political scientists, and historians. However, if one draws back the historical frame and looks at the period from 1920 through 1933, the Nazi Party in its incipient stages (Orlow 1969: 40–45) behaved quite overtly like some of the disruptive, militant socialmovements illuminated in contemporary social movement literature, culminating in the failed November Putsch of 1923 and Hitler’s subsequent imprisonment.

The demolition of churches is a notorious episode in Soviet political history, normally discussed in the context of the history of church-state relations. Yet which prerevolutionary buildings were meant to fit into a “model socialist city” such as Leningrad and how this was to happen was also a planning issue. Soviet planners (unlike members of the militant atheist movement) drew a distinction between buildings and their (current or possible) functions. The monument protection agencies were often successful in arguing that buildings of “historic and artistic importance” should be preserved, even in the face of considerable pressure from other city departments (for example, the suggestion that Smol'nyi Cathedral be demolished for the bricks). However, they gave preference to churches that lacked an “odiously ecclesiastical appearance,” were ruthless about sacrificing churches that they deemed to be of secondary significance, and readily agreed to secular uses for “cultic buildings.” As Catriona Kelly shows in this article, most of the local intelligentsia considered these planning decisions to be appropriate; it was not until the postwar decades, and more particularly the Brezhnev era, that attitudes to “cultic buildings” began to change.

Over the last ten years, the radical right has proliferated at an alarming rate in the United States. National Socialist Black Metal (NSBM) has become an important feature of neo-Nazi, White supremacist and militant racist groups as the radical right as a whole has gained traction in American political life. Although rooted in underground music-based subculture, NSBM has become an important crypto-signifier for the radical right in the twenty-first century providing both symbolic value and ideological inspiration. The anti-racist and apolitical elements of the North American metal scene have responded in a variety of different ways, sometimes challenging racist elements directly, at other times providing ambivalent acceptance of the far right within the scene. While fans, musicians, journalists and record labels struggle to come to terms with the meaning of NSBM and how it should be addressed, NSBM-affiliated political and paramilitary groups have formed and started making their violent fantasies a reality. As many elements within the American metal scene continue to perceive NSBM as a purely artistic movement of no concern to the world outside of the metal scene, proponents of NSBM are marching in the streets of Charlottesville, burning African American churches, murdering LGBTQ people and plotting acts of domestic terrorism.

Abstract Turkey’s long sixties started with a military coup (May 27, 1960) and ended with another military coup (March 12, 1971). During this period, there was an explosion in the number of radical left and socialist movements in Turkey. One of the leading left movements of the period was the Yön-Devrim movement. The most distinctive feature of this movement was the special role it placed on the military in the transition to socialism. In this article, we will focus on the relationship between the military and left/socialist politics during this period. To this end, we will examine the Yön-Devrim movement, specifically their approach to the military. In particular, we will examine why this movement imposed a “progressive” mission on the military, what kind of a transition a possible military coup would provide for socialism, and what role they envisioned for the army, and the bureaucracy in general, in the class struggle.

For leftist movements internationalism, as a principle of Marxism-Leninism, has always been of great importance. The paper discusses Soviet internationalism in relation to foreign students in the USSR in the early 1960s. The author emphasizes some characteristics of the first stages of ideological struggle between Soviet and Chinese communists in connection with the international youth movement and dwells on three demonstrations of foreign students in the Soviet Union. The first one took place on August 5, 1962 in Red Square and was arranged by a militant leftist Japanese student organization Zengakuren against Soviet nuclear tests. After returning home, their leader Nemoto filed a lawsuit against the Soviet police. However, this campaign failed to provoke anti-Soviet hysteria, but revealed lack of unity between the movements. On December 18, 1963, a demonstration of African students took place in Red Square following the death of Assare-Addo, a medical student from Ghana. This incident is considered against the background of conflicts with African students and a diplomatic crisis in the end of 1961, caused by student demonstrations in Guinea, which were supported by Guinean students in the Soviet Union. During the third demonstration on March 17, 1964, about 50 Moroccan students broke into the Moroccan embassy in Moscow and organized a sit-in to protest the death sentences against 11 people in Morocco who had allegedly planned to assassin King Hassan II. Thus, the correlation between socialist statehood and the principle of internationalism showed a certain pattern: when there is a state, internationalism is put to a serious test. The first protests of foreign students in the USSR clearly prove this point.

This article examines Jane Cobden's campaign for the London County Council (L.C.C.) in 1888–89 and its controversial aftermath. Cobden's effort, a pioneering political venture of British feminism, illuminates late-Victorian concepts of gender. It provides at once an anticipation of, and a distinct contrast to, the militant suffragism of the Edwardian era. In addition, it suggests new ways of thinking about the connection between women's-suffragist and labor politics. Perhaps because the campaign was a comparatively obscure incident when measured against the broad sweep of British political history, however, no scholar has done much more than sketch its bare outline. Hopefully, the fuller depiction provided below will accord it the treatment it really deserves.This article approaches the subject from a tangent, however. Cobden's campaign was a significant if little-known episode not only in the history of British suffragism but also in the life of a man who went on to play a major role in British politics long after the first county council elections had been forgotten. This was George Lansbury, Cobden's political agent during 1888–89 and secretary of the Bow and Bromley Radical and Liberal Federation. Lansbury eventually became one of the main architects of the socialist movement in East London and a chief male supporter of the militant suffragettes during the Edwardian era (in 1912 he temporarily lost his seat in the House of Commons and went to prison on their behalf). He also became a founder and editor of the quintessential “rebel” newspaper, theDaily Herald(which was designated Labour's official organ after Lansbury left it in 1922), a pacifist opponent of World War I, and, from 1931 to 1935, leader of the Labour party itself.

As an introduction to this essay, three points need to be made. First, the European labor movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, on which we focus here, were part of bourgeois society. Secondly, they were a factor that challenged bourgeois society and thus contributed in several different ways to its change. Thirdly, as a result of this interaction, the labor movements themselves underwent changes. All of those were lasting changes. The systemic changes, imposed by revolutionary or military force, that accompanied the experiment in socialism, were not. In countries where the labor movement pursued socialist aims prior to the First World War on the crumbling foundations of a primarily pre-bourgeois society, such as in eastern and south-eastern Europe, it was the most radical force behind political democratization and modernization (Russia; Russian Poland: the Kingdom of Poland, Bulgaria). But it could not compensate for the society's evident lack of basic civic development, whereas the socialist experiment in Soviet Russia led not only to the demise of democratization but also to a halt of embourgeoisement.

The purpose of this critical review is to find the origin and implications for the direction of lifelong education in the future through social education studies during the Japanese colonial period. Through historical literature approach, the researcher studied the thought formation process of Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education and his social education practice. As a result of the critical review, Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education ideology would be influenced by Lee Seung-gyo's teaching, raising modern consciousness during military training and activities in the Independence Club, freedom and equality from Christian admission, and proletarian revolutionary ideology embraced socialism. It was confirmed that Lee Dong-hwi's practice of social education was a kind of revolutionary social education movement to save the country from Japanese oppression. He practiced early social education from Socialism with the building of schools actively, patriotic enlightenment movements through academic societies and social organizations, religious social education movements that carried out Christian evangelism and educational movements, and establishing the Korean Socialist Party and the Goryeo Communist Party. These changing process of Sungjae Lee Dong-hwi's social education and practicing social education that recognizes the importance of people's education and national independence as the highest value rather than socialist ideology could provide the important implications to Korean lifelong education by establishing its philosophy and presenting direction, solution of emerging challenges, and orientation of lifelong education after unification.

La presente tesis doctoral analiza cómo la resistencia al servicio militar obligatorio acaba configurándose en todo un movimiento social de carácter antimilitarista en sentido amplio. Para ello se realiza un análisis comparado con otros movimientos y organizaciones internacionales de refractarios, así como las etapas y condicionantes para el surgimiento del movimiento antimilitarista en países como Italia y Francia. Este análisis sirve para entender las dinámicas generales que influyeron en el desarrollo de la resistencia al servicio militar obligatorio y su configuración como movimiento social. Por otra parte, se hace un análisis exhaustivo de cómo el contexto propio de dictadura condiciono el desfase para la aparición de este movimiento social en el caso de Catalunya y España, en comparación con otros países europeos occidentales. Por último, la presente investigación aborda un profundo análisis de cómo se desarrolla la resistencia al servicio militar obligatorio durante la década de los setenta, vinculada a motivaciones religiosas, noviolentas y de lucha por los derechos y las libertades, para después ir transformándose durante la década siguiente en un espacio de lucha política mucho más diverso, donde las motivaciones anarquistas y socialistas fueron las que mayoritariamente acapararon los grupos antimilitaristas. Esta investigación también describe los diferentes grupos antimilitaristas que se generaron en el territorio español y catalán, sus etapas de desarrollo, debates internos y la actividad interna y externa que desarrollaron, no sólo contra el servicio militar obligatorio, también contra la OTAN, los presupuestos militares, la jurisdicción militar, etc. Por último se explica cómo estos grupos integrantes de lo que fue el movimiento antimilitarista, mantuvieron una importante relación con otros movimientos sociales afines y se convirtieron en espacios de activismo político fuera – y en muchas ocasiones en contra – de los partidos políticos.
This PhD analyzes how resistance to conscription configured just a social movement around anti-militarist character broadly. This requires a comparative analysis with other international organizations and movements refractory, and the stages and conditions for the emergence of anti-militarist movement in countries like Italy and France is performed. This analysis helps to understand the general dynamics that influenced the development of resistance to conscription and its configuration as a social movement. Moreover, a thorough analysis of how the circumstances in dictatorship determined the offset for the emergence of this social movement in the case of Catalonia and Spain, compared to other Western European countries is made. Finally, this research addresses a thorough analysis of how resistance develops to compulsory military service during the seventies, linked to religious and non-violent struggle for the rights and freedoms motivation to go after becoming the decade next in a space of more diverse political struggle, where anarchists and socialists were the motivations that cornered mostly they antimilitarists groups. This research also describes the different anti-military groups that were generated in the Spanish and Catalan territory, their stages of development, internal debates and internal and external activity developed not only against conscription, also against NATO military budgets The military jurisdiction, etc. Finally it explains how these members of what was the anti-militarist movement groups maintained a strong relationship with other related social movements and became places of political activism outside - and often against - of political parties.

Objet délaissé et relativement méconnu par le champ scientifique, le tract est relégué, le plus souvent, à un simple outil « d'illustration » des luttes politiques, qu’il s’agisse de campagnes électorales ou de mouvements sociaux. Avec leurs définitions multiples, ouvrant autant de perspectives d’analyse (historique, sociologique, linguistique), les feuilles éphémères n’ont jamais été interrogées du point de vue de leur matérialité, de leur contexte de fabrication et de diffusion encore moins de celui de la multiplicité des usages. L’objectif de cette thèse est de questionner le tract en tant que « technologie militante » au sein d’une mobilisation sociale particulière, celle dite « anti-CPE » de 2006 qui, par son caractère débouchant sur une crise politique d’abord latente, puis de plus en plus « ouverte », se présente comme un cadre idéal pour analyser tant la matérialité de l'objet que ses différents emplois et les principales pratiques militantes qui y sont reliées
As it a neglected and relatively unknown object of the scientific fields, the leaflet is most often relegated to a simple tool for illustating political struggles, wether they be electoral campaigns or social movements. With their multiple definitions, which open as many perspectives for analysis (historical, sociological, linguistic analysis), ephemeral leaflets have never been questionned from the viewpoint of their materiality, of their manufacturing and dissemination, and even less from that of the multiplicity of their uses. The aim of this thesis is to question the leaflet as a « activist technology » within a particular socia mobilization, the one called « against-CPE » of 2006. This movement, by their character leading to a « political crisis », first latent, then more and more open, presents itself as an ideal framework for analysing the materiality of this object, as well as its different uses and the main activist pratices which are related to it
Oggetto abbandonato e poco conosciuto dalla communità, il volantino é sovente ridotto a semplice mezzo di illustrazione delle lotte politiche, che si tratti di campagne elettorali o di mobilitazioni sociali. Con le loro molteplici definizioni, che aprono altrettante prospettive (storica, sociologica, linguistica), i volantini non sono stati interrogati dal punto di vista della loro materialità, del contesto nel quale sono fabbricati e distibuiti, tantomeno della plularità dei loro usi. L’obiettivo di questa tesi é di studiare il volantino come una « technologia militante » in un contesto particulare, il movimento « anti-CPE » del 2006, che, caratterizzandosi per il suo aspetto di « crisi politica » prima latente, poi sempre più aperta, appare come un quadro ideale per analizzarne la materialità, gli usi e le principali pratiche militanti che ad esso sono legate

Esta tese tem como objetivo central analisar, através das folhas operárias que circularam no Amazonas na Primeira República, como os seus militantes estabeleceram contatos, conexões e interações e, no seio dos circuitos desenhados, elaboraram e fizeram circular projetos de identidade operária que, de forma imbricada, tinham como finalidade a criação de espaços políticos legítimos de mudança social. Para isso, utilizou-se a imprensa operária como tema e objeto central de análise e reflexão histórica, abordando-a numa perspectiva que a toma como objeto e fonte de estudo concomitantemente. Desse modo, num primeiro momento, procurou-se identificar os militantes que estavam por trás dos jornais voltados aos trabalhadores para, em seguida, entender como eles costuraram relações com lideranças de outros estados e até de outros países. Nesse intento, a análise de redes sociais foi importante, pois possibilitou a visualização dos contatos, das conexões e das interações da militância operária, contribuindo, assim, para a compreensão da movimentação de ideias sociais e políticas que dinamizaram o movimento operário local Em seguida, certificou-se que, nas redes visualizadas, a fração organizada dos operários elaborou (e fez circular nelas) projetos de identidade operária que caminharam em duas direções: a primeira, de unidade do operariado em geral, vislumbrava o reconhecimento e a distinção em relação a outros setores sociais (sobretudo o patronato e as “classes perigosas”) e tinha como pilar a posição de que o trabalhador era o elemento propulsor da sociedade, criador da riqueza e do “progresso” de um país; o segundo, de diferenças e distinções internas (entre os trabalhadores), evidenciava a diversidade existente no mundo do trabalho. Para perceber esse processo foi utilizado o conceito de projeto e de identidade. Por fim, verificou-se que essas conexões e interações estabelecidas pelas lideranças e a construção de projetos de identidade direcionados aos operários surgiram no sentido de promover a constituição de espaços políticos que concorressem para mudanças sociais. Neste caso, utilizou-se a categoria de esfera pública na perspectiva habermasiana. Confirmou-se que as lideranças operárias intentavam constituir uma esfera pública, visando atingir os espaços deliberativos, de decisão política.
This thesis aims to analyze, through the workers' works that circulated in Amazonas in the First Republic, how its militants established contacts, connections and interactions and, within the circuits drawn, elaborated and circulated projects of worker identity that, in a way imbricated, aimed at creating legitimate political spaces for social change. For this, the working press was used as the central theme and object of analysis and historical reflection, approaching it in a perspective that takes it as object and source of study concomitantly. Thus, at first, we sought to identify the militants behind the workers' newspapers and then to understand how they sewed relations with leaders from other states and even from other countries. In this attempt, the analysis of social networks was important because it made possible the visualization of the contacts, connections and interactions of workers 'militancy, thus contributing to the understanding of the movement of social and political ideas that stimulated the local workers' movement Next, it was verified that in the networks seen, the organized fraction of the workers elaborated (and circulated in them) projects of workers' identity that walked in two directions: the first one, of unit of the working class in general, glimpsed the recognition and distinction in relation to other social sectors (especially the patronage and the "dangerous classes") and had as a pillar the position that the worker was the driving force of the society, creator of the wealth and "progress" of a country; the second, of internal differences and distinctions (among workers), showed the diversity in the world of work. To understand this process was used the concept of design and identity. Finally, it was verified that these connections and interactions established by the leaderships and the construction of projects of identity directed to the workers suggest in the sense of promoting the constitution of political spaces that concur for social changes. In this case, the category of public sphere in Habermasian perspective was used. It was confirmed that the workers' leaders tried to constitute a public sphere, aiming to reach the deliberative spaces, of political decision.

Cette thèse porte dans une perspective sociohistorique et ethnographique sur le mouvement piquetero en Argentine et ses transformations successives durant les années 2000 en un vaste réseau d’organisation prestataires de services. Ce mouvement est né des actions collectives des chômeurs et travailleurs précaires à la fin des années 1990 contre les effets des réformes « néolibérales » et tient son nom de l’un de ses modes de protestation privilégié, le barrage de route ou piquete. Dès ses débuts, les piqueteros ont fait l’objet d’un double traitement de la part de l’État, entre répression et récupération dans le cadre de la mise en place de programmes de transferts conditionnés des ressources (Conditional Cash Transfer Programs). Dans cette nouvelle configuration de l’action publique ciblée, il s’agit désormais pour l’État de déléguer la distribution des aides sociales aux organisations, au regard de leur proximité territoriale avec les populations précarisées. Or, cette thèse montre que ce rôle flou de guichet, qui tend à introduire d’une manière ou d’une autre de la concurrence entre les organisations, a ainsi rapidement contribué à fragmenter l’espace piquetero, et produit des effets ambivalents sur les pratiques et les trajectoires des participants. La thèse s’appuie sur des méthodes mixtes, qualitatives et quantitatives, à partir d’une enquête de terrain menée pendant 40 mois, entre 2000 et 2015, dans deux provinces argentines. D’une part, à travers une ethnographie et des entretiens biographiques approfondis auprès des leaders, des délégués et des militants de la base (N=104), nous avons observé les interactions entre ces différentes catégories. Une prosopographie des leaders (N=76) nous a, d’autre part, permis à partir des méthodes statistiques de l’analyse factorielle (ACM) et de la classification (CAH) de rendre compte de la structuration de cet espace des organisations. Dans une première partie, la thèse s’attache – à l’appui d’archives et d’entretiens – à mettre en lumière les conditions de possibilité de la cristallisation progressive d’un mouvement social en un espace d’organisations. Nous avons cherché ici à appréhender le contexte, les enjeux et les moyens d’action de ce mouvement contestataire, en rapportant son inscription à l’évolution depuis le début du XXè siècle des rapports entre État, partis politiques et syndicats. La deuxième partie de la thèse est, elle, consacrée à l’analyse des pratiques militantes et des formes d’encadrement au sein des organisations. L’ouverture de la boîte noire des organisations révèle ainsi à quel point leur fonctionnement interne résulte de la capacité d’un ensemble d’intermédiaires à mener un travail de représentation, de mobilisation et de gestion des ressources vis-à-vis de certaines fractions des classes populaires particulièrement disposées à s’engager dans la durée. L’examen statistique des trajectoires de leaders nous renseigne par ailleurs sur les ressources nécessaires à l’occupation d’un tel poste et aussi sur ce que l’engagement fait aux parcours individuels. Enfin, une troisième partie a servi à appréhender les pratiques associatives au sein des organisations. Restituer les logiques de recrutement et les profils des recrutés a donné à voir dans la durée aussi bien les conditions de l’engagement de ces chômeurs et travailleurs précaires que les effets sur leurs trajectoires. L’observation des pratiques notamment lors des assemblées permet de montrer les principes d’encadrement tendus entre militantisme et entreprenariat qui pèsent sur les participants. Si cette fraction de précaires témoigne au sein des classes populaires de formes de mobilisation et de résistance particulièrement exemplaires, ils tendent également à déployer des modalités d’accommodement aux organisations, différenciées suivant leur socialisation et le volume et la nature de leurs ressources
This thesis discusses the Piquetero movement in Argentina and its successive transformations during the 2000s into an extensive network of service provider organizations throughout the territory from a sociohistorical and ethnographic perspective. This movement was born out of the collective actions of the unemployed and precarious workers in the late 1990s against the effects of "neoliberal" reforms, and takes its name from one of their preferred modes of protest, the roadblock or picket. Since its beginnings, the Piquetero movement has been the subject of a double treatment by the State, between repression and recovery in the context of the establishment of Conditional Cash Transfer Programs. In this new configuration of targeted public action, it is now up to the State to delegate the distribution of social assistance to a network of organizations, given their territorial proximity to the underprivileged populations. However, this thesis shows that this fuzzy wicket role, which tends to introduce in one way or another the competition amid the organizations, has thus quickly contributed to fragment the piquetero space, and produces ambivalent effects on the practices and the trajectories of the participants. The thesis is based on mixed methods, qualitative and quantitative, from a large 40-month field survey conducted between 2000 and 2015 in two Argentinian provinces. On the one hand, through an ethnography and in-depth biographical interviews with leaders, delegates and grassroots activists (N=104), we observed the interactions between these different categories. A prosopography of the leaders (N=76) allowed us, on the other hand, from the statistical methods of factor analysis (ACM) and hierarchical classification (CAH), to report on the structuring of this space of organizations. In the first part, the thesis focuses – with the support of archives and interviews – on the conditions of the gradual crystallization of a social movement into a space of organizations. We sought here to understand the context, the stakes and the means of action of this protest movement, relating its inscription to the evolution since the beginning of the XXth century of the relations between State, political parties and unions. The second part of our thesis is devoted to the analysis of activist practices and forms of supervision within organizations. The opening of the black box of the organizations thus reveals to what extent their internal functioning results from the capacity of a set of intermediaries to carry out a work of representation, mobilization and management of resources among working classes particularly willing to engage in the long term. The statistical examination of the trajectories of leaders also informed us about the resources that were necessary to occupy such a position and also about the effects of their engagement to their individual trajectories. Finally, a third part serves to apprehend associative practices within organizations. Restoring the recruiting logics and the profiles of the recruits has shown in the long term both the conditions of the commitment of these unemployed and precarious workers and the effects on their trajectories. The observation of practices, especially during assemblies, shows the principles of supervision stretched between activism and entrepreneurship which weighed on the participants. If this fraction of precarious people testifies within the working classes of forms of mobilization and resistance particularly exemplary, they also tend to deploy modes of accommodation to organizations, differentiated according to their socialization, and the volume and nature of their resources

Dès la fin du dix-huitième siècle, des voix s’élèvent pour défendre la cause des femmes et dénoncer les inégalités dont elles sont victimes par rapport aux hommes au sein de la société britannique. On peut songer, notamment, à Mary Wollstonecraft dont le célèbre pamphlet, très controversé intitulé : A Vindication of the Rights of Woman est publié en 1792. Néanmoins, si les arguments avancés par Mary Wollstonecraft ont eu une influence certaine, on ne saurait parler à la fin du dix-huitième siècle, de naissance du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne. Ainsi, ce n’est que vers les années 1850-1860, dans le contexte de la Révolution Industrielle et des bouleversements qu’elle engendre au niveau de la société, que se constitue, progressivement le mouvement féministe, en tant que tel. Cette thèse a pour objet de retracer et d’analyser le cheminement qui a conduit à l’émergence du mouvement féministe en Grande-Bretagne sachant que le terme féministe appliqué à cette période pose un certain nombre de problèmes. Il s’agira également de mettre en lumière certains aspects du mouvement féministe auxquels la recherche s’est souvent moins intéressée et notamment, la contribution active de certains hommes au combat mené par les féministes pour la reconnaissance des droits des femmes en matière de droit de propriété pour les femmes mariées et de droit de vote, la question de la filiation entre la première génération de militantes féministes et les suffragettes sera aussi l'objet d'une étude approfondie
In the eighteenth century, certain women took their pen and resolved to expose the inequalities they were confronted with as women, within British society. The most famous one is probably Mary Wollstonecraft whose controversial pamphlet entitled : A Vindication of the Rights of Woman was published in 1792. However, this new awareness did not result at least in the eighteenth century, in the emergence of an organized feminist movement. How did feminist consciousnesss gradually give rise to concrete actions, leading to the emergence of an organized feminist movement? In fact, it was only around 1850-1860, within the context of the Industrial Revolution, and its consequences on British society as a whole, that an organized feminist movement gradually took shape in Great-Britain. We should nevertheless bear in mind the problematic nature of the term feminist as applied to this period.The object of this dissertation will be to identify and examine the various stages that led to the emergence of an organized feminist movement, while enhancing some of its specific aspects such as, partnership between men and women or the issue of the links between suffragists and suffragettes in terms of continuity and discontinuity

La presente investigación pretende abordar la relación entre cine y activismo. Más concretamente, la manera en que estos dos elementos se han articulado en la actual coyuntura -tras la última crisis económica y sus consecuentes protestas sociales-, en el marco de la ciudad de Barcelona. Proyectos que, adoptando diversas modalidades, coinciden en la voluntad de prescindir, lo más posible, de los mecanismos comerciales o institucionales a la hora de elaborar, distribuir o exhibir materiales fílmicos. Proponiendo, al tiempo, contenidos críticos, independientes, contrainformativos y de denuncia. ¿Cómo nacen? ¿Cuál es su conexión con los referentes del pasado? ¿Cómo es su estructura organizativa? ¿Cómo entienden la cultura?¿Por qué hacen del cine su herramienta para la praxis política?¿Qué temáticas son las que producen o difunden?¿Cuál es su incidencia en el entorno en que se sitúan? Interrogantes todas que encontrarán respuesta en la aproximación a cada uno de ellos, revelando sus experiencias, dificultades, logros y contradicciones cotidianas, así como la manera en que han asumido la labor cinematográfica desde el empoderamiento colectivo, la intercooperación y la autoorganización.
This investigation addresses the relationship between cinema and social activism. Particularly the way this two elements have been brought together nowadays in Barcelona-after the latest economic crisis and its resulting social protests. Several projects adopt different methods and agree to avoid as much as possible all commercial or institutional mechanisms when it comes to distributing or showing film material. They suggest critical, independent and denunciative content. How are they born? How they connect with past references? How are they organized? How they understand culture? Why they use cinema as a tool for politics? What topics are being produced and spread? How they affect their surroundings? All this questions will be answered reveling their experiences, difficulties, achievements, and daily contradictions, as well as the way they have assumed the cinematographic task from collective empowerment, inter cooperation and self-organization.

This thesis examines the relationship between the various left groupings that constituted the opposition to the war in Vietnam in the late 1960s and early 1970s. The focus is on how the newer radical groups of this period interacted with and influenced the established Left and peace movement. The work concentrates on opposition to the war within the Australian State of Victoria, drawing upon interviews with participants as well as written material from primary and secondary sources.

AbstractThis essay traces Rudolf Carnap’s intellectual development from a political participant in various groups of the German Youth Movement to a political activist on the left in 1918, and places this development in the context of his experiences as volunteer in World War One on both the eastern and western front as well as his time working for a military institute in Berlin. Carnap’s political turn towards socialism is discussed by presenting, for the first time, the Politische Rundbriefe (Political Circulars) he sent to a group of friends for discussion in 1918. The first four of the nine Rundbriefe consisted of excerpts from Entente newspapers that were critical of the war as well as Carnap’s comments on these clippings. The subsequent circulars dealt with general political topics, such as preserving peace, arbitration, or international law, usually with reference to a specific publication on the subject. As a result of his wartime experiences, Carnap joined the USPD in August 1918 and in December 1918 signed an appeal to the Freideutsche Jugend (Free German Youth) urging the young students to vote for the Social Democrats in the first Reichstag elections.

This chapter provides a comprehensive reassessment of the most vocal advocates of socialism in Britain at midcentury, the Christian Socialists. In the revolutionary year 1848, a group of young professionals and clergymen resolved to address working-class discontent. Inspired by the egalitarian theology of their leader, the Anglican Divine Frederick Denison Maurice, they set out to “Christianize Socialism.” Refuting the oft-repeated claim that the movement was inauthentic because it discouraged working-class political engagement, this chapter’s analysis contextualizes Christian Socialist doctrine in light of scholarship on the diversity—and, in many cases, religiosity—of nineteenth-century socialism. Moreover, it reveals that the group’s signature anti-political undertaking, the sponsorship of cooperative workshops, the “Working Men’s Associations,” owes a quiet debt to Samuel Taylor Coleridge’s aesthetic philosophy. While maintaining that the Christian Socialists deserve to be taken seriously qua socialism, this chapter nevertheless identifies several deep-seated antinomies in their project. Through a reading of Charles Kingsley’s influential social problem novel Alton Locke: Tailor and Poet (1850), it explores the fundamental incongruities between not only the group’s Anglican Christianity and its socialism, but also its militant affect and resolutely moderate intentions. These contradictions doomed the movement to be a “self-consuming socialism”—an outcome eerily prefigured by Kingsley’s predilection for the topos of cannibalism. Finally, a brief coda considers the group’s legacy and impact on Britain’s “socialist revival” at the fin de siècle.

Between 1968 and 1975, members of the Trotskyist Socialist Labour League, the International Socialists and the Militant Tendency held senior positions in factory union organisations at British Leyland factories in Birmingham, Solihull, and at Chrysler in Linwood and Coventry. This chapter consists of a detailed study of shop steward documents at Chrysler's engine factory in Stoke Aldermoor (Coventry), where the IS had a few dozen members, including Deputy Works Convenor John Worth. It looks at how politics affected IS members’ participation in everyday workplace life. Crucially, rather than looking at their contribution to shop-floor activism as an attempt to “import” ideas from outside the factory, I will show how radical militants were often politicised in ways that reflected feelings with wider resonance amongst their co-workers. The presence of an IS fraction within the plant contributed to the changing politics and social practices of the wider trade union movement within the factory, but was ultimately constrained by the constraints of working solely within the issues which the workforce defined as legitimately “industrial”.

Abstract Michels is not usually remembered as a feminist, however, he was particularly interested in the ‘woman question’, feminism, and the implications of changing sexual mores as a feature of modern society. He wrote frequently on women’s issues, contributed to a wide range of feminist publications, from Clara Zetkin’s left-Marxist Die Gleichheit, to Die Frau, on the moderate right wing of the German feminist movement, and published a book of essays on the ‘sexual question’ in 1911. He was active in the radical feminist ‘sex reform’ group, the Bund für Mutterschutz (League for Protection of Mothers), and supported the involvement in feminist activities of his wife, Gisela Michels-Lindner. In many ways, Michels’ involvement in feminism and the sex reform movement was remarkably progressive, but it was also characterized by some limitations and contradictions, and his advocacy of collaboration between middle-class and socialist feminists was curiously at odds with his support of militant class struggle in the more masculine spheres of politics, suggesting an implicitly gendered understanding of politics.

Leadership in the collegiate transition from political apathy to activism came from the Left and initially it came with a New York accent. Almost all of Depression America’s early eruptions of student protest—including the student expedition to Harlan County, the Columbia free speech strike, and the City Colleges’ anti-tuition movement during the 1932 spring semester—either occurred on or were launched from campuses in New York City. Though consisting of only a small minority of the student body in New York, the city’s campus radicals were the best organized, most politically ambitious and militant student activists in the nation. New York’s emergence as the center of the student revolt of the early 1930s was largely the work of the National Student League (NSL), the New York-based radical organization responsible for orchestrating the first political protests by collegians during the Depression decade. The birth of the NSL in December 1931 marked the organizational beginning of student activism in the Depression era. Coming at a time when nationally militant political protest did not yet exist on campus, the NSL’s founding in New York attested that the city’s student activists were ahead of their time and of the rest of American undergraduates on the road to mass protest. The role that New York’s campuses played in igniting the student movement was facilitated by the city’s unique political climate. New York was the capital city of American radicalism during the Depression decade. Here the Communist Party, which during this decade became America’s largest radical organization, had its national headquarters and strongest following. The city was also a stronghold for the Socialist Party, which had considerable influence in metropolitan area labor unions. The radical intelligentsia too made New York its home and used the city as a base for publishing the nation’s most important leftist magazines and journals. Evoking the intense radicalism and heated ideological debate in New York during the Depression, Lionel Abel recalled that intellectually the city’s leftists “went to Russia and spent most of the decade there . . . . New York became the most interesting part of the Soviet Union . . .

This chapter demonstrates the effect of the mobilization of ideas and manpower on the Zionist movement during the two world wars as well as a smaller international conflict that adumbrated World War II. During World War I, the Zionist movement sponsored the formation of Jewish units for the British armed forces, and although these units' military accomplishments were modest, they had a galvanizing effect on Jewish collective solidarity throughout the western world. A very different type of international mobilization sent thousands of Jews into the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War. Ideologically, these wars were perceived as serving Jewish interests, albeit often conflicting ones such as Zionism, on the one hand, and international socialism, on the other. Operationally, these were, for Jews, international conflicts, involving mass movements of Jews not only as refugees or inducted soldiers but also as volunteer fighters.

In 1839, an economically battered Britain teetered on the threshold of revolution. The neo-Spencean poet Capel Lofft aspired to use his anonymously circulated epic, Ernest; or, Political Regeneration, to send it over the brink. Ernest describes, in sanguinary detail, the growth and eventual triumph of an agrarian-communist insurrection. A charismatic poet leads the revolt, using fiery oratory to inspire his co-conspirators. Because Ernest was clearly intended to galvanize militant elements within the Chartist movement into action—and because its author was alarmingly eloquent—hysteria greeted the epic’s appearance. This chapter’s reading of Ernest traces how Lofft employs vanguardism, the belief that artists can lead the masses in a progressive direction, to allay his own doubts about the viability of popular self-governance. More broadly, it utilizes Ernest, a hybrid of contemporaneous radical social and political thought, as a staging ground to investigate the uneasy comingling of Chartism and Owenite socialism, the two great working-class movements of the first half of the nineteenth century. Lofft’s epic stages several questions with exemplary clarity: is revolution a political event, or the anti-political mechanism by which “politics” is definitively superseded? Are the people the heroes of the emancipatory narrative? Or does the revolutionary leader, rendered sublime by the fervency of his commitment, inevitably eclipse them? Can poetry, a literary mode increasingly defined by its detachment from practical concerns, marshal the rhetorical and conceptual resources of the aesthetic to foster national regeneration?

This chapter examines Kang Churyong's association with the communist movement in the region, which at the time was concentrating its resources on the task of organizing industrial workers into revolutionary unions. A women's movement activist, Cho Yŏngok, served as a link between Kang and communist organizers. The chapter explores how the contemporary women's movement positioned itself toward women industrial workers and labor issues and surveys the rise of a new generation of educated “new women,” some of whom were, like Cho Yŏngok, joining underground operations to organize women workers at rubber and textile factories. The surge of women worker militancy provoked intense interest not only from communist activists but also from radical writers who began to compose activist yŏgong characters in their literary works. The chapter ends with an exploration of some of these works, stories that portray rubber workers in particular.

This chapter argues that the rhetoric of “patriotism” and “treason” that dominated nationalist politics evolved in the public poetry surrounding two seminal events in modern Iraqi political history, the Bakr Sidqi coup d’état of October 1936 and the Rashid ʿAli movement of April 1941. The chapter documents the popularity of each movement and shows how partisan support for military intervention was shaped by the shared logic of anticolonial nationalism. It documents the social and political consequences that socialist and nationalist poets faced and examines how political persecution inspired the new socialist-nationalist alliance of the “national front” politics that would dominate opposition politics in the 1950s. The chapter also shows how the relaxation of state censorship of the Left during the World War II allowed leftist poets to articulate a new political vision that fused anticolonial nationalism and socialist internationalism.

Working-class antimilitarism before and during World War I was an internationalist and international movement that transcended national boundaries. In the USA and Australia, this movement argued that war disproportionately wasted working-class lives and caused particular hardship for workers and their dependents at home, while employers profited and even profiteered; workers should therefore be loyal to their class rather than their nation and refuse to fight workers of other nations. Yet American and Australian working-class antimilitarists were very much products of their respective countries. National circumstances, which varied, shaped the campaigns they conducted. Entry to the war occurred at very different moments. Conscription was imposed in the USA shortly thereafter; in Australia conscription never passed two deeply polarizing referenda on the issue, which split the governing Labor Party. The labor movement in Australia had far greater political and industrial power than in the USA, where a formidable military-industrial complex had loosened the country’s isolationist moorings. This essay compares and contrasts American and Australian labor antimilitarism with particular focus on the varying roles played by the Industrial Workers of the World, the Socialist Party of America, the Socialist Labor Party of Australia, the Australian Socialist Party, and the Australian Labor Party. On both sides of the Pacific Ocean, working-class antimilitarists suffered for their internationalist principles, but the manner of their suppression was also conducted differently.