Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Migrant labor – South Africa – History'

Bibliography: pages 368-396.<br>This thesis examines how Lesotho came to depend on the export of its men to South African mines; what the experiences of these men were; and how all this impacted on Basotho society during the years between c.1890 and 1940. The thesis is divided into three parts. Part I focuses on the context and dynamics of labour migration and recruitment in Lesotho during the late 1880s to the late 1930s. This Part lays the basis for subsequent sections by showing which sections of Basotho opted for labour migrancy; and why it was men and not women who, initially at least, became migrants. In discussing the decline of the Basotho economy in the 1920s and 1930s, this section also shows how this was characterised not only by dependence on migrants' earnings, but also by the orientation to and concentration of Basotho labour on the Witwatersrand gold mines. Part II discusses various themes relating to life and conditions on the mines and in the compounds during the period up to c.1940. While specific note is taken of the African miners' death and accident rate, most attention is devoted to the various ways which Basotho miners developed for dealing with the sickness, death and destitution befalling their compatriots in the compounds and on the mines. Conversion to Christianity was an important part of some miners experience, as church forums and the bible could be used for recreational purposes, while literacy classes imparted many with essential skills which could lead to promotion on the mine. But competition for promotion and favours, as well as conflicting survival strategies, often resulted in violent conflict among African miners. Although some scholars have mistakenly attributed such conflict to ethnic factors alone, this thesis argues for an approach which is simultaneously historically and materially grounded. Part III, by using the case of infectious and occupational diseases, and prostitution and commercial beer-brewing, traces and analyses the impact of the migrant labour system on Lesotho. The thesis shows how the spread to Lesotho of such diseases as syphilis and tuberculosis was directly linked to contact with South African towns and mining centres through wage labour. Beer canteens and brothels emerged and flourished in colonial Lesotho not only because of the decline of the country's economy and the breakdown of Basotho social structures, but also because these establishments serviced the migrant labour traffic itself. The significance of this study lies in two areas. Historiographically, this study seeks to contribute to migrant labour studies in Lesotho in particular and Southern Africa in general. Its approach stands between economism which attributes the causes of labour migrancy solely to economic factors, and those paradigms which privilege ideas and culture over material factors. There is a dialectical interplay between material factors and ideas, although the former ultimately determines the latter. Secondly, the significance of this study lies in the fact that many of the issues raised, especially those in Part III, continue to pose serious problems for Basotho people and their government to this day. Knowing something about the origins and history of these problems may contribute to finding lasting solutions. This study, therefore, is about Lesotho, Basotho, and the mines.

This paper presents the findings of part of a research project entitled "Population Mobility and Settlement Patterns in the Eastern Cape, 1950 to 1990", which was funded by the Human Sciences Research Council. The part of the project with which this paper is concerned, is the study of resettlement in the Border/Ciskei area of the (new) Eastern Cape Province. It involves two main foci: a) the Whittlesea district of the former Ciskei, where research was done in the resettlement area of Sada (where findings are compared with research done there in 1981) and Dongwe; and b) the Fort Beaufort area, where we looked at the two 'black spot' communities of Upisdraai and Gqugesi which were uprooted and moved to the Fort Beaufort township of Bhofolo in the 1960s, and at the establishment of black citrus farmers in the Kat River Valley in the late 1980s, on previously White owned farms which were bought out by the (then) Ciskei government. In the Conclusion, some important differences are suggested between resettlement in the Eastern Cape and in QwaQwa, one of the areas of South Africa that has been most severely affected by resettlement. Ways in which the South African material may be seen in terms of prevailing models for the analysis of resettlement, and may provide an input for the modification of these approaches, are briefly considered.<br>Digitised by Rhodes University Library on behalf of the Institute of Social and Economic Research (ISER)

The aim of the thesis is to identify the pressures that contributed to the rise in international labour migration in Lesotho, and to investigate how these pressures are impacting upon the modernization process in the country, particularly at a time when employment opportunities are scarce in the southern African region. International labour migration has been used as a development tool throughout history, but especially in the 20th century by developing countries with dual labour markets. Newly independent developing countries with dual labour markets adapted the strategy of import substitution industrialization (lSI), with an emphasis on protecting infant industries and promoting pro-labour policies. In the post-colonial period the international demand for lowskilled workers rose, particularly in the North (developed countries), and in mineral rich countries including the oil exporters and South Africa, and the newly industrialising countries in East Asia. International labour migration to these countries was adapted as an integral development tool by the governments of the lSI countries. Most migrants were low-skilled and temporary workers in the destination countries. Although no multilateral institutional framework existed, usually both the sending and receiving countries adapted unilateral and bilateral migration policies to guarantee the gains from migration. Workers were thus "protected" to varying degrees under such agreements. From the 1970s, the North experienced a slowdown in the growth in demand for unskilled workers. In the 1980s, many lSI countries experienced devastating economic crises that forced them to abandon the lSI policy and adapt the export-led industrialisation (EOI) policy with an emphasis on trade liberalization. The switch from lSI to EOI in developing countries with dual labour markets led to the downsizing of public sector employment, the removal of marketing boards formally used by small-scale agricultural farmers, and the expansion of export processing zones (EPZs). These outcomes resulted in a rise in push internal migration, and international migration from these countries especially to other developing countries. At the same time, since the late 1980s, capital has acquired greatly enhanced mobility at the global level. The adaptation of EOI and the full mobility of capital at the global level altered the institutional structure within which labour migration was governed both nationally, and internationally. At the national level stricter unilateral policies were reinforced by receiving countries for low-skilled labour, while less strict policies applied for skilled labour. These remain in operation in conjunction with the earlier bilateral agreements. At the international level, there remains a lack of policy to regulate international labour migration. Under the current enhanced mobility of capital, international migrants are thus left vulnerable. Lesotho fits this pattern. Faced with a dual economy and an abundance of semi-skilled labour, Lesotho has been a principal supplier of labour to the South Africa's mining industry since its independence. Lesotho's industrial diversification thus mirrors South Africa's industrial diversification. In the lSI phase (1968 - 1987), international labour migration became the most important tool of economic welfare generation in Lesotho. Bilateral agreements were signed in the early 1970s between Lesotho and South Africa to guarantee the gains from migration. Since the late I980s, the mining industry in South Africa began to downsize production and employment. Fewer novice miners from Lesotho were recruited to work in South Africa. The adaptation of the EOI policy in Lesotho in 1987 introduced EPZ industrialization and trade liberalization. Nevertheless, the retrenchment of mine workers from South Africa is occurring at a time when Lesotho is experiencing an employment crisis. The political independence of South Africa in 1994 was accompanied by stricter international migration policies by the new democratic government of South Africa. Most migrant workers in South Africa are thus now faced with a two-door policy (of the earlier bilateral agreements and the amendments to the Aliens Control Act). This system has left migrant workers vulnerable to exploitation by both employers and the law (police) in South Africa. Nevertheless, international migration from Lesotho to South Africa continues to expand, particularly of the new type of migration - semiskilled female workers in the services sector. At the same time, South Africa is also experiencing an employment crisis. The most important policy implications are, firstly, that migration is subject to the same "casualisation" as other work, with the effects made worse by the "statelessness" of migrants, who are most vulnerable to exploitation. Secondly, multilateralism is needed (e.g., SADC) and holistic, multilateral policies are required. It is clear that under the new global division of labour ad hoc policy towards international labour migration is ineffective.

Migration is recognised as an escalating phenomenon of human behaviour worldwide. In the Southern African region African migrations and migrants have remained a focal point of discussion amongst politicians, citizens and migrants themselves in recent years. In South Africa, a major destination of migrants from various African Diasporas, this renewed interest in the topic has occurred in the context of xenophobic related violence aimed at foreigners within the broader economic, political and social arena. These factors extend to South Africa’s relationships with her near neighbours. Thus, Zimbabwe’s political, economic and social crisis has overflowed into South African borders, contributing large numbers of migrants to her population. Previous research has underrepresented the perspectives of migrants and Zimbabwean migrants in particular. Zimbabwean migrants seek economic opportunities to better themselves and maintain the survival of their families who remain in their country of origin. They are transnationals who engage in continuous movement between one place and the next, supporting various livelihoods. Little is understood about migrant adaptation to their complex contexts. In this research project, content analysis was conducted of data gathered during interviews and participant-observation of Zimbabwean migrant traders on the beachfront informal market in Port Elizabeth. The maintenance of the cultural values and identity of the myth of the hero as upholder of household honour was found to be significant in the adaptation of migrants to their multi-faceted lives. The findings indicate that migrant life is indeed uncertain and ever-changing. Their resilience in the face of continual change illustrated both conflict and compromise between “social cohesiveness (and) social flexibility” (Bauman, 1998: 15-16)

Thesis (M.A.) --University of Limpopo, 2014<br>Problem Statement This proposal investigates the life of men who left their beloved families with the aim of seeking jobs in order to support them. Most of the men when they get employed, they forget about where they come from and start new families by marrying another wives in urban areas. Furthermore this study will seek to find out how these men could get help and to restore their dignity. Methodology In order to achieve the aim and objectives of this proposal, the researcher will utilise textual analysis and interview method. Significance This study will act as wake-up call to the new generation to take into consideration the importance of where they original come from. In addition, the study will contribute to the existing knowledge and understanding the purpose of living their homes to seek employment not to start new families.

This thesis examines indentured and apprenticed labor in Cape Town between the years 1808 and 1840. Through analysis of primary material such as the South African Commercial Advertiser, the Colonist, and the Mediator, as well as contemporary travel accounts, contracts of indenture and apprenticeship, and an examination of the records of the Cape Town Magistrates, this study explores the attitudes and perceptions towards indentured and apprenticed labor by both employers and indentured and apprenticed servants.This study hopes to add to the existing literature pertaining to nineteenth-century Cape Colony labor. This thesis commences with an examination of the different indenture and apprenticeship systems which existed in Cape Town between the years 1808 and 1840. It explores the issue of how employers and the government sought to maintain a constant supply of labor in the city as the prominence of urban slavery declined. It also discusses the important issue of how employers defined the terms apprentice and indenture. Chapter two explores the topic of child apprenticeship in Cape Town between the years 1812 to 1840, and illustrates that the notion of child apprenticeship was understood in different ways between employers and parents of apprenticed children. Chapter three investigates the stereotypes Cape Town's English speaking employers held towards the city's indentured and apprenticed laborers. The final chapter explores the question of status and incorporation into Cape Town society for the city's indentured and apprenticed laborers, and demonstrates that laborers did not enjoy equal status to the city's slaves.

Bibliography: pages 231-239.<br>The thesis examines the 'making' of an african working class in Port Elizabeth. It offers an alternative interpretation to conventional histories which emphasize continuity both in the idea of a strong industrial working class and in a tradition of militant and effective worker organisation. At the same time, it posits the idea that there was a working-class movement which developed among Port Elizabeth's african community in the late 1940's and 1950's. Chapter 1 examines population growth in Port Elizabeth, the growth of secondary industry, and employment opportunities for africans. It is argued that limited opportunities for african employment in secondary industry affected the forms of working-class organisation that emerged. Chapter 2 examines the situation of the urban african population in the 1920's and 1930's, looking at factors which influenced its organisation and consciousness. The low wages paid to african workers were not challenged effectively in this period by the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union which had declined by the mid-1920's, or the Trades and Labour Council which did not organise african workers. However, the permanently urbanised status of the majority of the african population laid the basis for a militant community consciousness. Chapter 3 analyses attempts to organise african workers during the Second World War. It focusses on Wage Board determinations. the first african trade unions formed by the Ballingers and Max Gordon, the organisation of the Council of Non-European Trade Unions and the Trades and Labour Council, and the organisation of railway workers. It is argued that these attempts at organising african labour were largely unsuccessful in building strong industrial unions with an african leadership. Chapter 4 looks at the rise of the 'new unions' in the post-war period, when african workers were drawn into manufacturing on a large scale, and an african working-class leadership began to emerge. The response to this from the state, capital and other trade unions is examined through looking at the struggles of workers in four sectors: stevedoring, laundry, textiles and food. These sectors are contrasted with the tertiary sector where organisation of african workers was weak. Chapter 5 examines the politics of reproduction of the african working class between 1 945 and 1960. It looks at changes in the nature of the African National Congress and the Communist Party of South Africa, and at innovative strategies around issues of reproduction. The role of women's organisation and their struggle against the extension of pass laws is highlighted, and it is posited that a working class movement developed in this period. Chapter 6 analyses the application of influx control in Port Elizabeth in the 1950's, and the conflict of interests over the implementation of the labour bureau system. It examines the divisions in the african working class between migrants and non-migrants, and the response of different sections of the working class. Chapter 7 looks at the role of the South African Congress of Trade Unions. It is argued that the integration of point-of-production struggles with community and political struggles was the outcome of the position of african workers in industry combined with strong political organisation in the 'sphere of reproduction'. Changes in the structural position of african workers combined with political repression led to the collapse of this working class movement in the early 1960's.

Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Master of Technology: Business Administration (Entrepreneurship) in the Faculty of Business at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology 2014<br>The primary objective of this study was to analyse the challenges in operating micro-enterprises faced by African foreign entrepreneurs in Cape Town. The rationale behind the study is the fact that foreign entrepreneurs are faced with different challenges in operating micro-enterprises; some of these challenges are detrimental to the enterprises and lead some entrepreneurs to stop doing business. South African entrepreneurs and African foreign entrepreneurs share similar challenges to some extent. However, African foreign entrepreneurs are faced with challenges such as xenophobia and problems obtaining capital from banks, which increases the stressors on these entrepreneurs. The literature review is divided into two sections, namely: Small-, medium- and micro-enterprises (SMMEs) and immigrant entrepreneurship. Convenience sampling (which falls under non-probability sampling) was employed; resulting in sample of 93 respondents. The study used mixed methods, where data were collected by conducting semi-structured personal interviews and from self-administered questionnaires. The study was limited to the Cape Town central business district (CBD) and surrounding suburbs that host a high number of African foreign entrepreneurs, including Bellville, Mowbray, Woodstock, Salt River and Wynberg. The findings show that though xenophobia is not a frequent challenge to African foreign entrepreneurs in Cape Town, it is detrimental to their enterprises. Lack of knowledge of local languages also appears to be a problem, making it difficult for African foreign entrepreneurs to converse with local customers. These immigrant-owned micro-enterprises are also affected by sales fluctuations. Competition is a constraint as there are many businesses of the same nature servicing the same market. Obtaining start-up and growth funding is not easy, especially for micro-enterprises owned by African foreign entrepreneurs, as it is extremely difficult to obtain funding from banks and financial institutions. Hence, these entrepreneurs use their own capital or capital from family and friends. Obtaining a business location is also a challenge; it can take as long as 10 years or more to secure a good business premises. High rent and crime are also obstacles to the enterprises. The recommendations of the study are based on the research objectives aimed at answering the research questions. Recommendations are directed to government departments dealing with African immigrant entrepreneurs and immigrant entrepreneurs themselves.

Regular strike action has become a central characteristic of the South African industrial relations system. Whilst in the 1950s strikes were mostly isolated outbursts of relatively short duration, strikes in the 1980s were challenges of unprecedented duration and intensity. It is argued that despite this dramatic change, reflecting a series of discontinuities in both the political and economic arenas, strike action in South Africa does follow distinct patterns, and can be ascribed to a combination of identifiable causes. Principal causal factors include wage aspirations, past experiences and the subjective interpretation thereof, and the role of the union movement. Contingent factors include the prevailing political climate, industrial relations legislation, the amount of information opposing sides possess of their adversaries' intentions as well as spatial issues, such as the internal dynamics of individual communities. Partially as a result of South Africa's political transformation, the late 1980s and early 1990s saw further changes in the industrial relations environment. Reflecting these developments, it is argued that a new type of trade unionism has developed, "coterminous unionism" . This will have far-reaching implications for the nature of industrial conflict. However, it falls fully within the theoretical parameters outlined in this thesis. Despite significant developments in social theory in the 1980s and 1990s, there have been few attempts accordingly to update theories of strike action. One of the objectives of this thesis has been to attempt such an update. It is hoped that the constructs developed will shed light on a widely prevalent form of social conflict, assist in the analysis of future outbreaks, and enable the identification of those situations where a high propensity to engage in strike action may exist.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During the course of the 20th century the press played an absolutely crucial role as a source of information, a medium of communication and propaganda, educator, critic, public watchdog and in forming and influencing opinion. In this respect the press may also be regarded as a reflection of South African society. This study investigates the role that the press played and the influence that it exercised in the political and economic mobilisation of the organised labour movement during the period 1908 to 1924. In view of the racial divisions that have prevailed in South Africa, the focus here is specifically on the white labour movement, because it was this manifestation of the organised labour force that virtually dominated the first few decades of the twentieth century. During this time the black labour movement was still to a large extent under-developed and began to emerge only around the 1920s. Organised labour flourished during the period under review. This period is characterised as one of political turbulence, as well as of large scale and serious industrial unrest, as part of the cathartic process in which the relationship between the state and its subjects in the field of labour took shape. The study adopts as its point of departure the year 1908, when the National Convention began its deliberations on the unification of South Africa, which in turn led to the official founding of the South African Labour Party in October 1909. The Labour Party operated independently until 1924, when the alliance between the National Party and the Labour Party won the election held in that year and formed the Pact coalition government. From an economic point of view there were two clear positions. On the one hand, there were the so-called establishment press organizations. These included Afrikaans-language newspapers, although - because of their ethnic commitments - they were strongly in favour of the protection of the economic position of the Afrikaner workers. On the other hand, there were anti-capitalist press organisations that wished to promote proactive steps in favour of the workers, which in tum often resulted in industrial conflict in the form of strikes. These tensions in the economic terrain spilled over into the political sphere elections, and here too the press played a central role in the often tense relationship between state and subject. In order to understand a meaningful analysis of the social role of the press, the following press organs and study materials were selected: The Star was the mouthpiece of the powerful Witwatersrand gold-mining industry. Die Burger and Ons Vaderland played a great role in the political and economic mobilisation of the Afrikaner working class whose sympathies lay with the National Party. The following labour-orientated and socialist papers reflected and interpreted the political and economic points of view of the labour movement in the period 1908 - 1924: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record, The Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World, The Bolshevik and The Guardian. In addition, the role of a number of extremist strike newspapers In mobilising workers during the strikes of 1913, 1914 and 1922, is also investigated. The press played an important role in exposing a number of cardinal issues that dominated the discourse within the labour movement to greater public criticism and discussion. The effect of this was to raise the struggle between labour and capital for hegemony in the political and economic life of South Africa - as happened every time during election campaigns - to the level of the national political debate. Furthermore, the press, and specifically the right-wing labour and left-wing socialist press organs, also reflected the deep ideological divisions in the labour movement. In this respect, it was particularly the views of these press organs on race and the place of black people in the industrial dispensation that determined and influenced their political creeds. The mobilising power of the press was vividly illustrated by the strike papers. By propounding militant extremism these papers often succeeded in sweeping up industrial unrest among workers to the level of violence, which meant that the authorities were compelled to suppress these publications by means of martial law proclamations. It is probable that the SALP, and especially the socialist organisations, on the periphery of the political spectrum, would not have survived for long in South African politics without the communicative support of their mouthpieces.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gedurende die 20ste eeu het die pers, as bron van inligting, kommunikasie- en propagandamedium, opvoeder, kritikus, openbare waghond en meningsvormer en -beihvloeder, 'n uiters belangrike samelewingsrol vertolk. In hierdie opsig kan die pers ook as 'n weerspieeling van die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing beskou word. Hierdie studie ondersoek die rol wat die pers gespeel het en die invloed wat dit as openbare memngsvormer met betrekking tot die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die georganiseerde arbeiderbeweging gedurende die tydperk 1908 tot 1924 uitgeoefen het. Gegewe die historiese rasseverdeeldheid in Suid-Afrika, is daar spesifiek op die blanke arbeiderbeweging gekonsentreer, aangesien dit die arbeidsterrein gedurende die eerste paar dekades van die twintigste eeu feitlik oorheers het. Die swart arbeiderbeweging was in daardie stadium nog grootliks onderontwikkeld en het eers om en by die twintigerjare begin ontwaak. Die betrokke tydperk was 'n tydperk van hoogbloei VIr die georganiseerde blanke arbeiderbeweging. Dit word veral gekenmerk as 'n tydperk van politieke onstuirnigheid, asook van groot en ernstige endemiese nywerheidsonrus en konflik, as dee 1van 'n katarsis waardeur die verhouding tussen staat en onderdaan op die arbeidsterrein uitgekristalliseer het. Die vertrekpunt van die studie is 1908, toe die sittings van die Nasionale Konvensie met die oog op die unifikasie van Suid-Afrika 'n aanvang geneem het en ook aanleiding gegee het tot die amptelike stigting van die Suid-Afrikaanse Arbeidersparty in Oktober 1909. Dit strek tot 1924, toe die verkiesingsalliansie van die Nasionale Party en die Arbeidersparty die oorwinning by die stembus behaal en die Pakt-koalisieregering gevorm het. Vanuit 'n ekonomiese oogpunt gesien, was daar twee duidelike stellingnamens. Enersyds was daar die sogenaamde establishment-persorgane. Hieronder ressorteer ook Afrikaanstalige koerante, alhoewel hulle as gevolg van 'n etniese verbondenheid sterk ten gunste van die beskerming van die ekonomiese posisie van die Afrikanerwerkers was. Andersyds was daar anti-kapitalistiese persorgane wat 'n pro-aktiewe optrede ten behoewe van die werkers, wat dikwels op nywerheidskonflik in die vorm van stakings uitgeloop het wou bevorder. Hierdie gespannenheid op ekonomiese terrein het oorgespoel na die politieke sfeer van verkiesings en ook daarin het die pers, in die dikwels gespanne verhouding tussen owerheid en onderdaan, 'n sentrale rol gespeel. Ten einde 'n sinvolle ontleding van die samelewingsrol van die pers te kon doen, is die volgende persorgane as studiemateriaal geselekteer: The Star was die mondstuk van die magtige kapitalistiese, Witwatersrandse goudmynindustrie. Die Burger en Ons Vaderland het 'n groot rol in die politieke en ekonomiese mobilisasie van die Nasionaalgesinde Afrikanerwerkersklas vervul. Die volgende arbeider- en sosialistiese blaaie het die politieke en ekonomiese uitgangspunte van die arbeiderbeweging in die tydperk 1908 tot 1924 weerspieel en vertolk: Voice of Labour, The Worker, The Eastern Record, The Evening Chronicle, The War on War Gazette, The International, The Labour World, The Bolshevik en The Guardian. Daarby is ook die mobiliseringsrol wat 'n aantal ekstremistiese stakersblaaie in die stakings van 1913, 1914 en 1922 gespeel het, ondersoek. Die pers het 'n belangrike rol gespeel om 'n aantal kardinale kwessies, wat die diskoers binne die arbeidergeledere oorheers het, ook aan groter openbare kritiek en bespreking bloot te stel. Sodoende is die stryd tussen arbeid en kapitaal om die hegemonie van die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke en ekonomiese lewe byvoorbeeld telkens tydens verkiesingsveldtogte tot die nasionale debat verhef. Daarbenewens het die pers, spesifiek by monde van die regse arbeider- en linkse sosialistiese persorgane, ook die diepe ideologiese verdeeldheid in arbeidergeledere weerspieel. In hierdie opsig was dit veral hulle rassebeskouings en die posisie van die swart man in die nywerheidsbestel wat die politieke credo van hierdie persorgane bepaal en befuvloed het. Die mobiliseringsmag van die pers is treffend dem stakerblaaie gemustreer. Dem militante ekstremisme te verkondig, kon sodanige blaaie dikwels daarin slaag om nywerheidsonrus onder werkers tot die vlak van geweld op te sweep sodat die owerheid dan genoop was om hierdie publikasies dem middel van Krygswetproklamasies te onderdruk. Synde op die periferie van die politieke spektrum, sou die SAAP, en veral die sosia1istiese organisasies, sonder kommunikatiewe ondersteuning van hulle spreekbuise waarskynlik slegs 'n kortstondige politieke bestaan in die Suid-Afrikaanse politiek gevoer het.

The Glen Grey Act was promulgated in August 1894. The main provisions of the Act were for the survey into individual allotments of land held tribally and for a system of local self-government. Described by its originator, C.J. Rhodes, as a 'Bill for Africa, it was first applied to the district of Glen Grey and subsequently extended (in a piece-meal fashion) to a number of districts in the Transkei. The Act was introduced at a crucial stage in South Africa's history. During this period the country stood poised on the threshhold of a significant and far-reaching transformation. The South Africa of 'old', predominantly agricultural and rural was giving way to a 'new' South Africa, modern and industrial. At the centre of this development was the mineral discoveries of the 1860s and 1880s. The period of colonial conquest had also virtually been completed. Most of the hitherto independent African chiefdoms had either been broken up or were under European control. The most urgent problem which now faced the new rulers was devising a policy to govern the millions of black people over whom they had assumed responsibility. Of crucial concern was the creation of working class to minister to the needs of the developing economy. This task was made all the more difficult by the divisions which existed among the ruling groups at the time. To all intents and purposes the country was made up of essentially four independent and autonomous regions. Although the economic changes which were taking place would hasten the unification of the country, until that happened it was well-nigh impossible for a uniform 'native policy' to take shape. The inevitable consequence was the emergence of a number of regional responses to what was essentially a country-wide issue. As the unification of South Africa drew closer however these different regional responses began to vie with each other for supremacy at a national level. The Glen Grey policy then was the response of the Cape to the changes which were taking place in the country. As such, it drew much of its inspiration from the traditions which had developed in the Cape Colony. Its initiators did not however view it as only a regional policy. For them it had applicability to the whole country. It was therefore to be expected that they would attempt to 'sell' their policy to the rest of the country. In the end however it won few adherents outside of the Cape Colony and when Union became an established fact it bowed out to a policy favoured largely by the northern provinces. To be sure the Glen Grey system did linger on for a while in those districts where it had first been applied but it would not be long before it was to fall into official disapproval. While the Glen Grey Act was ushered in with much fanfare and vaunted expectations, its demise was silent and ignominous. The grandiose course which it had charted for the taking-in-hand of the 'native question' came to naught, as did the profound and far-reaching changes which it was believed the policy would inaugurate. The origins of this policy, its implementation and actual working, and the reasons why in the end it foundered and was abandoned will be the main themes of this thesis.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Migration is the (usually free) movement of individuals from one place to another. Migration is formally conceptualized as the movement of households from relatively poorer regions - the sending areas -- to relatively better-off regions -- the receiving areas -- thereby enhancing the households' chances of improved access to resources. The migrant can be defined as a person that has gone out of his/her own free will from one place to another. In this sample and study, a distinction will be made between household heads born in the CMA, household heads that arrived before 1994, and household heads that arrived in the CMA in 1994 and thereafter. These migrants will be called "Household Head Born CMA", "Household Head older migrants", and "Household Head recent migrants" respectively. Informal squatter settlements are mushrooming at the outskirts of the CMA and very little is known about the motivation of migrants to leave their rural areas. In explaining the occurrence of migration and of why people migrate, one has to consider the push-pull theory. In the sending areas there are certain push factors, pushing the migrant out of the area. In the receiving area, there are pull factors, pulling the migrant towards the area. Migrants are also not a random selection of people. They have specific traits and differ from non-migrants in certain respects (age, life-cycle stage, marital status, education, occupation and status, cultural attributes and traditionalist vs. innovator). It was found in this study that the CMA as opposed to the Eastern Cape has certain differences, thereby pulling and pushing the migrant into and out of the areas respectively. Also, migrants seem to have different characteristics than that of the nonmigrant.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Swart In-Migrasie vanaf die Oos Kaap tot die Kaapse Metropolitaanse Area (KMA): Profiel van die Migrant en Migrasie Redes Oorsig Migrasie is die (gewoonlik vrye) beweging van indiwidue van een plek na 'n ander. Migrasie word formeel gedefinieer as die beweging van huishoudings vanaf afsend-areas tot ontvangs-areas. Die huishouding se kanse op beter toegang tot hulpbronne word verbeter. 'n Migrant is 'n persoon wat uit vrye wil van een area na die volgende trek. Onderskeid word gemaak tussen die huishouding-hoof wat gebore is in die KMA, die huishouding-hoof wat die KMA binne-getrek het voor 1994, en die huishouding-hoof wat die KMA binnegetrek het tydens 1994 en daarna. Informele nedersettings, oftewel plakkerskampe, is besig om vinnig toe te neem aan die buitwyke van die KMA en baie min inligting is beskikbaar oor wat potensiële migrante motiveer om die landelike gebiede te verlaat. Wanneer daar na die beweegredes gekyk word, is dit noodsaaklik om die "stoot en trek" teorie te oorweeg as 'n moontlike verduideliking. Migrante is ook nie 'n lukrake versameling van mense nie. Hulle het baie spesifieke eienskappe wat verskil van nie-migrante In sekere opsigte (ouderdom, lewens-siklus fase, huwelikstatus, opvoeding, beroep en status, kulturele eienskappe en so meer). In hierdie studie is gevind dat die Ooskaap en die KMA so verskil dat migrante na die KMA aangetrek word.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The research problem of this study is "The use of prison labour in die Western Cape agriculture". The aim of this qualitative-historical study was to determine how this system of labour was established, functioned and eventually came to an end. To research this topic was not easy. Most of the documentary sources have been destroyed. Therefore, the main source of information were interviews with the relevant prison wardens and guards, as well as farmers who used prison labour in the past. Prison labour played only a small part in the penal system of the Cape Colony before the nineteenth century. The focus of punishment was on the body of the criminal - inflicting physical pain. Since the early 1800's prisoners were used for the maintenance of roads and on work in Governmental gardens. Prisoners were rented ' . out to farmers, on an informal basis, since 1806. A formal system of prison labour, based on the principle of rehabilitating punishment, was introduced by the Governor John Montagu in 1843. For example, prisoners were classified according to their behavior, rather than their crimes. In 1888 free prison labour was abolished and a standard wage was introduced. The use of prison labour by private persons increased systematically after the Second World War. The reason for this was a growing labour shortage in especially agriculture. The system of farm prisons or so-called "outposts" was established to address this problem. In 194 7 the Landsdown Commission accepted the principle of farm prisons. The first farm prison was opened in 1953. The establishment of these outposts had a twofold aim: firstly, it supplied farmers with a constant source of labour. Secondly, it served as a deliverance for the state, as this would relieve the overcrowding in prisons and reduce costs. Between 1953 and 1988 a_total of thirteen outposts were established in the Western Cape. Farmers' unions carried the costs of building the prisons and were also responsible for their maintenance. The Department of Prisons was responsible for the appointment of prisonguards and their remuneration. A Central Outpost Committee was established that served as a link between the various farmers' unions and the Department. South Africa's policy on prison labour was in line with the United Nations' "Standard Minimum Rules" for the treatment of prisoners, having rehabilitation as main objective. However, this system of farm prisons clashed with the international trade ethos of the time. It was seen as "slave labour" that gave South African farmers an unfair competitive advantage. In 1988 prison labour was terminated and outposts were closed, due to the threat of sanctions and boycotts of South African agricultural products. The empirical evidence of this study largely supports the Marxist interpretation of punishment in society. According to Ma.rXism, punishment systems and prison labour serve the economic interests of the dominant classes. At the same time it also gives credence to the Weberian interpretation, in which the systematic monitoring and treatment of prisoners are a manifestation of the tendency towards increasing rationalisation in Western society.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die navorsingsprobleem van hierdie studie is "Die gebruik van gevangene arbeid in die Wes-Kaapse landbou". Die doel van hierdie kwalitatief-historiese ondersoek was om vas te stel hoe hierdie sisteem van arbeid ontstaan, gefunksioneer en tot 'n einde gekom het. Navorsing van hierdie onderwerp was nie maklik nie. Die meeste dokumentere bronne was reeds vemietig. Gevolglik moes hoofsaaklik staatgemaak word op onderhoude met hoofde en bewaarders van gevangenisse, asook boere wat destyds van gevangene arbeid gebruik gemaak het. Gevangene arbeid het 'n relatief klein rol gespeel in die strafstelsel van die Kaapkolonie voor die negentiende eeu. Die klem van straf was op die liggaam van die beskuldigde - die toepassing van fisiese pyn. Vanaf die vroee 1800's 1s gevangenes egter gebruik vir die instandhouding van strate en vir werk m Regeringstuine. V anaf 1806 is gevangenes ook op informele basis aan boere uitgehuur. 'n Formele stelsel van gevangene arbeid, gebasseer op die beginsel van rehabiliterende straf, is in 1843 deur die destydse Goeweneur John Montagu ingestel. Gevangenes is byvoorbeeld geklassifiseer volgens hul optrede, eerder as hul misdaad. In 1888 is gratis gevangene arbeid afgeskaf en voorsiening is gemaak vir 'n standaard loon. Na die Tweede Wereldoorlog het die gebruik van gevangene arbeid deur privaat persone sistematies toegeneem. Die rede hiervoor was 'n groeiende arbeidstekort in veral die landbou. Laasgenoemde is hoofsaaklik aangespreek deur die stelsel van plaastronke of sogenaamde "buiteposte". In 194 7 het die Landsdown Kommissie plaastronke in beginsel goedgekeur. Die eerste plaastronk, of "buitepos" soos daarna verwys is, is in 1953 geopen. Die oprigting van buiteposte het 'n tweeledige doel gehad: eerstens, het dit vir boere'n konstante voorraad van arbeid te verskaf. Tweedens was dit vir die staat 'n uitkoms, aangesien dit die oorbevolking in stedelike tronke sou verlig en kostes sou besnoei. Daarbenewens sou hierdie nuwe stelsel hydra tot die rehabilitasie van korter-termyn gevangenes. Tussen 1953 en 1988 het daar altesame dertien buiteposte in die Wes-Kaap bestaan. Boereverenigings het die oprigtingskoste van die onderskeie tronke gedra. Hierbenewens moes hulle ook ondemeem om die tronke te onderhou, terwyl die Departement van Gevangenisse verantwoordelik was vir die beskikbaarstelling van bewaarders en hul vergoeding. 'n Sentrale Buiteposkomitee is gestig wat as skakel gedien het tussen die betrokke boereverenigings en die Departement. Suid-Afrika se beleid rakende gevangene arbeid was in pas met die Verenigde Nasies se "Standaard Minimum Reels" vir die behandeling van gevangenes, met rehabilitasie as sentrale motief. Die stelsel van plaastronke het egter ingedruis teen die intemasionale handels-etos van die tyd en is as "slawe arbeid" gesien wat vir SuidAfrikaanse boere 'n onregverdige mededingende voordeel gegee het. Uit vrese vir sanksies en boikotte van Suid-Afrikaanse landbou produkte, is gevangene arbeid gestaak en buiteposte teen die einde van 1988 gesluit. Die empiriese getuienis van hierdie ondersoek staaf in 'n groot mate die Marxistiese interpretasie van straf in die samelewing. Hiervolgens dien strafstelsels en gevangene arbeid die ekonomiese belange van die dominante klasse. Terselfdertyd steun dit die Weberiaanse interpretasie waarvolgens die sistematiese monitering en behandeling van gevangenes in tronke 'n manifestasie 1s van die tendens tot toenemende rasionalisasie in die Westerse samelewing.

Chapter One: The provisions of the Glen Grey Act of 1894 are summarised. The memoirs of contemporaries are discussed and the historical literature on the Act from 1913 to the present is surveyed. The likelihood of the land tenure provisions of the Act forcing the people of Glen Grey (or the people of other districts that came under the operation of the Act) to seek employment is noted. It is evident that there is an increasing emphasis in the literature on labour concerns rather than on the disenfranchising effects and local government provisions of the Act. It is often assumed that the labour force generated by the Act was meant for the Transvaal gold mines. Chapter Two: The relevance of the labour needs of the Indwe collieries is investigated. These mines lay adjacent to Glen Grey and might have been expected to draw their labour thence if the Act had been effective. Rhodes, the author of the Act and prime minister of the Cape, had bought shares in the collieries for De Beers shortly before the Act was passed, which made a possible connection more intriguing. No causal link between De Beers' interests and the Act could be demonstrated; nor do the collieries seem to have employed many people from Glen Grey. Chapter Three: Examines the Cape colonists' complaints about shortage of labour from 1807 to the eve of the Glen Grey Act, and investigates various official measures to promote the labour supply. The Glen Grey Act was not the first labour measure passed at the Cape, and it seems likely, therefore, that the labour needs of the Cape, rather than the Transvaal, were uppermost in the minds of those responsible for the Act. Chapter Four examines Rhodes's political position in the 1890s and shows him to be increasingly dependent on the parliamentary support of the Afrikaner Bond to stay in office. Since the Bond was an agricultural interest group it seems likely that labour for Cape farms, rather than Transvaal gold mines, was what the Act was supposed to provide. With that Rhodes could readily agree, since he wanted to promote the agricultural development of the Cape. However, the Bond wanted to be able to buy land in Glen Grey (and other district in which the Act was proclaimed). Rhodes wanted to keep such districts as 'reservoirs of labour' so he could not give the Bond all of what they wanted, i.e. Glen Grey titles to be alienable. His manoeuvring to keep the Bond supporting the Bill while not making the land readily salable is described. (In the end the land was alienable with the consent of the government -- consent that a Rhodes ministry would not give, but that another might.) Rhodes's desire to obtain the administration of Bechuanaland for his Chartered Company, and his need therefore to reassure the Colonial Office and humanitarian opinion that he could be trusted to rule over blacks, are pointed out as other possible motivations for the Act, which Rhodes tried hard to present as an enlightened piece of legislation. The course of the Act through the Cape parliament, and the opposition of Cape liberals to the Act, is described. Chapter Five: The mentalité of the Cape colonists as regards race, liquor, land tenure and other political issues is described. Chapter Six: The reaction to the Act of Cape blacks and sympathetic whites, British humanitarians and the Colonial Office is described. The contemporary concern with reserving land for blacks is noted, as well as concern over the morality of economically coerced labour. This is in contrast to the modern concentration on labour almost to the exclusion of other issues in regard to the Glen Grey Act. The unsuccessful efforts of Cape blacks and British humanitarians to have the imperial government veto the Act are described. Rhodes's influence over the Colonial Office is described.

Chapter one suggests thet trade and merchant capital, which were crucial to Port Elizabeth's economic development during the nineteenth century, was subsumed by the rise of manufactures and industrial capital after the First World War. Industrial expansion was cut short by the post-war recession, which caused un- and underemployment. The black worker, who experienced a severe loss in real earnings on account of the increased cost of living, became involved in a struggle with employers for wage increases. Chapter two shows how the policy of segregation was applied in Port Elizabeth, which meant that the workers were subjected to an increasing degree of control and regulation of their daily lives. The conditions of reproduction in the black townships fostered inter-racial and cross-class mobilisation which culminated in the formation of a general labour union, the Port Elizabeth Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union (PEICWU). Chapter three will suggest links between the tradition in Port Elizabeth of worker resistance and the unionisation of black workers in the post-war period. Thus, the first three chapters attempt to provide a historical perspective for analysing the underlying causes of the 1920 Port Elizabeth disturbances. The immediate cause of the disturbances was the arrest of the Union leader, Masabalala, after he called for a general strike. Chapter four will show how the intervention of the local authorities provoked a spontaneous act of defiance on the part of Union members. A demonstration outside the Baakens Street Police Station to demand the release of Masabalala, precipitated the tragic shootings of 23 October 1920. The repressive violence which left 22 dead (with two further deaths resulting indirectly from the incident) was unprecedented in South African history. The resolution of the crisis brought the workers no nearer to obtaining a reasonable settlement of the wage issue. If anything, the resolve of employers to deny wage demands was hardened by the actions of the local authorities, who attributed the disturbances to ' agitation '. Such thinly-disguised justifications of the shootings by the dominant classes, however, provoked recriminations from other quarters. Chapter five examines the legal and political ramifications of the Port Elizabeth shootings. The circumstances of the shootings prompted the Smuts Government to appoint a Commission of Enquiry in the face of public pressure. The Commission found that the Police and vigilantes were largely to blame for the high death toll. But the Government's 'whitewash' of the findings could not absolve the Police from culpability entirely, nor could it sidestep its own responsibility and liability to victims of the shootings. Finally, in Chapter six, an attempt will be made to assess the long term impact of the shootings on the PElCU and the black labour movement in Port Elizabeth generally. The outcome of the episode was a victory for employers, which dealt a body blow to worker organisation which only became resurgent in the 1950s.

This thesis is concerned with evaluating the principles of, and approaches to, contemporary land redistribution programmes. Using contemporary South African land redistribution policy as a case study, it examines the policy process of a land reform programme. This enables an assessment of the extent to which policy implementation difficulties that are often experienced are the result of flawed policy conceptualisation and/or policy development, rather than simply poor policy implementation. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in South Africa between 1998 and 2001, the thesis provides the first full account of the policy process for contemporary South African land redistribution policy. This account identifies many of the broader political and contextual factors that help explain why and how the policy process evolved as it did, and adds to previous academic research on the extent to which competing political agendas affected the policy process. The main argument of the thesis is that the policy process for conceptualising, developing and implementing land redistribution policy between 1994 and 2001 was flawed. The thesis contrasts theoretical models of a policy process with models of the actual policy processes observed in South Africa during this period, in order to identify how and why the policy process was flawed. It proposes that the policy process was influenced primarily by competing political agendas that weakened and hindered the policy conceptualisation and policy development stages of the process, resulting in a land redistribution policy that was both difficult to implement and unable to meet the challenge of rural poverty it was meant to help alleviate.

The International, as the weekly newspaper of the International Socialist League, articulated from 1915 to 1919 an ideology which stood opposed both to organised labour and nationalist movements in South Africa. This situation reflected significant historical struggles during this period, which constitutes essential background to the discourse of the International. The International's writers opposed the institution of trade unionism in the labour movement because it was fragmented on the lines of skill and race. They opposed both the National Party and the South African Native National Congress because they advocated racial (and national) rather than working class interests. Instead, these writers, according to their international socialist paradigm, advocated a working class united irrespective of race and skill at the level of industry. To analyse these ideological positions, discourse analysis provides a fruitful method for locating its dynamics in relation to other positions and extra-ideological (contextual) practices: The International's writers g~nerated a socialist position against racism by engaging in an ideological struggle in discourse. They articulated their anti-racist position from international socialism's critique of the 'languages' of both militarism and trade unionism in the discourse of labour. Within the discourse of militarism, the working class was signified as divided between hostile nations. These writers applied this as a metaphor to the division of the local labour movement and criticised the latter accordingly. In their view, just as workers were divided between the nations (nationalism), so they were divided within the nation (racism) in South Africa. One context cohered with the other, and both agreed with imperatives of international capitalism. This was fundamentally opposed to the principles of international socialism which characterised the International's discourse. Within the dominant discourse oflabour, workers were signified as divided between different trade unions on the basis of skills. Furthermore, in the South African context, trade unions organised only white workers, and ignored the far larger proportion of black labour. In this context, the International advocated industrial unionism, and criticised the narrow base of the white trade unions for fragmenting and weakening the working class in South African. The International's writers were thus led by the discourse of international socialism to a new discourse, whereby not white workers alone, but a racially-united working class movement would be the key to a socialist future in South Africa. Their struggle entailed a bid in and over discourse to rearticulate the sign of the 'native worker' within their own discourse as the dominant discourse type. Underpinning their struggle was a fundamental opposition to capitalist class relations.

While skilled labour shortages are common in many countries, including South Africa, mainly due to a skills mismatch, the undersupply of unskilled labour was less expected, especially in developing countries with high unemployment. The thesis utilises data on perceived worker undersupply on selected citrus farms in the Sundays River Valley (SRV), located in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, collected in 2013, to analyse why unemployed residents, surprisingly, do not fill up vacancies on farms. In contrast to other labour markets, farm employment is not restricted by educational levels and as workers reported, with little training the various job tasks and skills required are easy and quick to grasp. At a time the government is trying to find ways of reducing unemployment, and the SRV Municipality (2012:29) reported approximately 42% unemployment, the question arises as to why the relatively low educated residents do not take advantage of the employment opportunities on farms. According to local workers and unemployed residents, the farm job was unattractive largely because of a combination of two factors: perceived relatively low salaries partly caused by the availability of migrant seasonal workers accepting lower remuneration and poor non-wage working conditions. The survey also found that farmers preferred migrant workers because they were more productive compared to their local counterparts who were, reportedly, characterised by high absenteeism and laziness, caused mainly by a reliance on social grants and alcohol abuse. Other reasons given for the unattractiveness of the farm job included the seasonal nature of farm employment, which left workers with no source of income in the offseason, the redundancy associated with farm tasks, perceived poor treatment of workers and lack of information on UIF and Provident funds to farm workers. To address problems associated with the dislike of farm work, seasonality of on-farm employment and the reportedly relatively low income, farm managers, the local municipality and the Labour Department could possibly be involved in creating more communal agricultural projects and help provide local community members to venture into supporting alternative careers within the Hospitality, Ecotourism and Conservation Industries through training programmes. Farm managers may need to consider improving their working relationship with workers in communication and when assigning tasks. Farmers and the local municipality could also consider investing in training programmes for the unemployed residents to equip them with technical skills that can improve their chances of finding jobs.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.<br>The effects of ‘accelerated globalisation’ can not be denied when observing modern innovations shaping human life. Its development and consequent revolutionary impact is unlike any other in modern history. The last half of the twentieth century witnessed changes in exponential terms, such as informational and technological innovations that constantly redefine the way people function. This study focuses on the effect of globalisation on trade unions, paying particular attention to the formation of liberal economic conditions, the rise of global capital flows, and the diversification of workers, working conditions and employment patterns. Globalisation has led to the formation of new social, economic, and political conditions which have made it increasingly difficult for trade unions to function in traditional ways. At the heart of this lies the fundamental opposition of capital to labour, and increasingly so under conditions of global competition. Trade unions, are organisations that represent worker interests through solidarity and strength in numbers, traditionally at the national level but increasingly they are being challenged on a global level. Thus, due to various internal and external factors, the situation many unions find themselves in is one of survival instead of growth and influence. The case study of Cosatu was chosen due to the benefit of analysing the organisation’s past success as well as present situation. Although it has not been unaffected by the problems facing unions worldwide, it has managed to achieve some notable successes in the process. The practice of social movement unionism has been highly effective in mobilising under-represented groups, and is found to still be effective in South Africa, although at a diminished scale. It is imperative for all unions to restructure the way they function so as to incorporate previously marginalised groups, to utilise technology and globalisation to their advantage, and to educate potential new entrants to the labour market.

A Research Report submitted in partial fulfilment of the Degree of Master of Economic Science in the School of Economic and Business Sciences, University of the Witwatersrand<br>The objective of the study is to analyse the effect former homeland status on poverty in South Africa. The study uses 2011 Census community profiles data from Statistics South Africa and cartographic data. Two methodologies are used in order to identify the effect of former homeland status on poverty, i.e., Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and Regression Discontinuity Design (RDD). Notably, the RDD model is the main model as it formally identifies the treatment effect by comparing former and non-former homelands within a quasi-experimental framework. The results indicate that former homeland areas experience higher poverty levels relative to non-former homeland areas. The analysis shows that a large portion of the “raw” poverty differential is explained by differences in observed characteristics between former and non-former homeland areas. The remaining difference is attributable to former homeland status. The ‘scarring effect’ is small but statistically significant. Thus, the results call for government intervention aimed at reducing differences in observed characteristics of former and non-former homeland areas. The study notes that such mechanisms will narrow the difference in poverty rates but might not close it entirely since part of the difference is structural and depends on the rate at which the ‘scarring effect’ fades overtime.<br>NG (2020)

MA (Sociology)<br>Department of Sociology<br>The study aimed to explore on the oral narratives of selected female migrants in South Africa. It was a case study of Thohoyandou in the Limpopo Province. Female migrants are faced with integration challenges such as political and socio-economic challenges. The study focused on reflecting on stories of selected female migrants who reside in Thohoyandou. The study was qualitative in nature and utilised a qualitative exploratory research design because it was aimed at exploring perceptions on oral narratives of selected female migrants. The researcher made use of non-probability sampling in the form of purposive sampling method and snowball. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews. Data was then sorted, coded, organised and indexed in a manner that made it easier for the researcher to interpret, analyse and present in content analysis. Text was summarised by checking key themes, phrases or passages that were used in a more detailed analysis. The process was guided by the original aim of the study. Findings of the study postulated that most female migrants came for economic reasons and discrimination is perceived to be an important barrier to integration. Other significant integration barriers include linguistic, educational, and institutional factors. Internal factors (social, cultural, and religious norms, immigrants' own opinions about themselves, lack of motivation and intergenerational mobility) are also serious barriers to integration.

Founded in 1928, Iscor was intended to make South Africa self sufficient in the provision of steel while providing employment for poor whites. Economic considerations prevailed when Iscor began replacing expensive white labour with cheaper black labour. From 1934 to 1948 black labour was employed to curtail costs. While being replaced by black labour, white employees' salaries and fringe benefits remained better than those of their black colleagues. Affordable houses were provided for white employees while blacks were housed in overcrowded compounds. No medical or pension benefits were made available to black employees or their families, while white employees enjoyed both. White employees were provided with what were arguabley the finest sports facilities in the country while black facilities were neglected. With the National Party victory in 1948 more emphasis was placed on the employment of Afrikaans speaking white South Africans at the expense of blacks and English speaking whites.<br>History<br>M.A. (History)

M.A.<br>This chapter has been dedicated towards painting a picture of the quality of life issues regarding migrant workers living in hostels. The results and findings as interpreted has brought about useful information that will be utilised to draw conclusions and recommendations. Quality of Life of Migrant Workers at Eskom The findings have reconfirmed who the migrant worker is in terms of the description given by Leatt (1981) which was the definition adopted for the study. The indices drawn from the objective and subjective indicators of quality of life which were adopted from Moller, Schlemmer and Du Toit's (1987) were used as the basis from which the interview schedule was drawn, and has proved useful. Reference is made in particular to questions 12,13 and 14. Relevant construct for quality of life were found, with more usable constructs from questions 12 and 13. Furthermore the statistical analysis of the vector of the mean test scores referring to the HOT 1 has also given useful information as it enabled the student to analyse three variables independently and jointly see section 3.3. Cross tabulations representing correlations between indices created out of quality of life indicators namely core quality of life issues as identified by Question(s) 12,13 and 14 and the objective indicators of quality of life, namely accommodation, the intake of nutritious food, and recreation practices. There is a clear demonstration of quality of life issues that should be looked at if the quality of life of migrant workers living in hostels has to be improved. Although there are many diverse quality of life issues identified in the study the three that were selected with the framework of this study has given usable information. The next chapter will address the conclusions and recommendations.

This study looks at the experiences of migrants accessing notions of justice at the Wits Law Clinic, the pro-bono public interest law clinic of the University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa. This study explores the way migrants engage with public interest law in the light of an overwhelming adversarial and threatening experience of the law. The law in the form of state law and its powers embodied in law enforcers and petty bureaucrats is mainly used against them and confines them to a ‘state of bare life’. One could therefore expect that this compels migrants to keep their heads down and avoid any form of formalization, and instead reverting to a total reliance on informal survival strategies. This study however shows that migrants retain a strong faith in the law and draw a huge sense of hope from the services they receive from the Wits Law Clinic – even though the only action that is sometimes taking place is the endless writing of letters. But it appears that the reduction of the law to absolutely mundane bureaucratic activity still holds enough symbolic power of giving migrants a sense of moving closer towards the promise of justice, which the law also holds, even though it might be over and over deferred.

Research presented for the degree of Master of Management in the field of Public and Development Management to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management of the University of Witwatersrand. March 2016<br>As an economic hub of Africa, South Africa has been experiencing an influx of economic and political migrants leading to the ethnic diversification of its population. This trend has incited a xenophobic atmosphere due to frustrations from locals, and has led to violent attacks towards foreign nationals. In particular, the Somali population has endured a high number of attacks as this group has successfully penetrated the informal business market in the townships of South Africa. Government has responded to these xenophobic attacks by proposing, amongst others, a Licensing of Businesses Bill in 2013. The bill has been criticised by the public as it is considered a hostile policy that aims to enforce regulations that restrict foreign nationals from operating businesses in the informal sector. This political dilemma has also led to questions as to how this policy response may have an effect on social cohesion in unequal societies where violence against Somalis is prevailing. The Klipspruit community was selected as it forms part of the City of Johannesburg that has a significant amount of Somali informal traders. The purpose of the study was to examine the root causes of violence against Somalis and the potential of the governments’ policy response to mitigate this phenomenon. In particular, the study also investigated the effect of the proposed Licensing of Businesses Bill on social cohesion development between Somalis and South Africans in Klipspruit. The qualitative research findings indicate that violence against Somalis was due to the economic situation, lack of regulation, competition and business miscommunication. The responses were generally driven by the perception that the government of South Africa introduced a bill that is fostered by nationalistic interests to the detriment of foreign nationals such as Somalis. It is therefore recommended that the government develops a way to enhance power sharing in decision-making processes, monitoring and correcting inequalities amongst culturally distinct groups, promoting cultural diversity and integration through education and lastly ensuring that the government acts in a constitutional manner.<br>GR2018

A research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in Sociology, March 2017<br>This study sought to explore how undocumented workers in the construction industry and their employers manage the employer – employee relationship in the absence of citizenship and (de facto if not de jure) labour rights for employees. Put simply, it sought to address the question, what governs workplace relations outside labour laws? Because of ‘illegal’ status in receiving countries, the literature has largely made it a norm to portray undocumented workers’ experiences as hyper-exploitative characterised by antagonistic relations with their employers. However by focusing on this subsection of the construction industry made up of Zimbabwean immigrant workers and their employers I was able to get a detailed picture of how labour relations take place in the absence of recourse to the law. Instead of antagonistic relations I found a more complicated picture which was nonetheless more harmonious and cooperative. This goes to show that while ‘illegality’ is an issue in the literature, it is less of one in a sector where ‘skilled’ work is important. These workers are able to assume greater leverage and negotiate (with employers) to a greater extent than the literature on precariousness and migrant labour reveals. This research thus calls for more investigations into spaces of negotiation in undocumented workers’ workplaces and relationships with employers so as to highlight more nuances and avoid generalising conclusions. In presenting these spaces of negotiation and workplace nuances, this study drew on narratives and experiences from both Zimbabwean employees and their employers who were in most instances subcontractors who also originated from Zimbabwe. These were obtained through in-depth interviews with workers and employers conducted between October 2016 and January 2017 and participant observations.<br>XL2018

The migrant labour practice in South Africa played an important role in the country's development and economy. Although it has benefited many native migrant workers by creating job opportunities, it has had adverse effects on the families of migrant workers. The focus of this study is the phenomenon of migrant labouring and its effects on the family. A literature study has shown that migrant labourers, living in overcrowded city hostels, were subjected to exploitation, malnutrition and crime. The empirical study brought to light the many problems experienced by the families back home: Wives were overburdened by dual roles and responsibilities, lack of support and money, children's development was impeded and academic motivations and performance were low. The ultimate aim of this study was to design practical guidelines to help families cope with the effects of an absent father due to the migrant labour practice.<br>Psychology of Education<br>M. Ed.(Guidance and Counselling)

Thessis (M.Sc.(Development Planning))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment, School of Architecture and Planning, 2006<br>Migration is indubitable one of the most complex and urgent phenomenon that will emerge as a robust agenda in global cities’ policy and spatial planning trajectory. Internal migrants have been recorded as constituting a relatively significant part of the population of Gauteng and Johannesburg, and any development policies for the City need to account strongly for in-migration (Peberdy, et al, 2004). The importance of migration was also strongly highlighted by the Executive Mayor of the City of Johannesburg, Amos Masondo in his 2004 State of the City address: “Johannesburg has become a magnet for people from other provinces, the African continent, and indeed, the four corners of the world”. He also referred to the challenges posed by migration; “While migrancy contributes to the rich tapestry of the cosmopolitan city, it also places a severe strain on employment levels, housing and public services”. Kok (2003) postulated that the relationship between migration and City spatial development planning will definitely influence the country’s future and that many cities cannot absorb new entrants in the labour market and this means that high population growth will constitute a major future challenge for cities. Kok et al (2004) postulated that the bulk of the research has been conducted on why migrants leave rural areas to urban areas, but little on how they organize, prepare, survive, network, and organize assets and resources, and access services in urban areas. The livelihood strategies that in-migrants depend on when they arrive in the “unknown urban territory” remain an enthralling phenomenon. The aim of the study was to investigate and provide a conceptual insight into the urban livelihood strategies of in-migrant newcomers in the City of Johannesburg, and to reflect on the City of Johannesburg municipality’s policy agenda particularly, Growth and Development Strategy (2006) and Human Development Strategy (2005) and other pertinent strategic planning frameworks-responses to internal migration. Qualitative research informed by surveys, interviews, with open-ended questions and observations in the form of fieldwork was followed. Twelve respondents were interviewed, comprising of seven females and four males coming from the Eastern Cape Province, currently based in Johannesburg, Yoeville suburb. The study unmasked that in-migrants find their foothold in income generation or employment through family, kin, partner and friend network connections predominantly derived from members coming from the same province of origin. Their livelihood strategies are negotiated and limited to background networks; beyond network connections is what the researcher view as an “incessant impediment in their lives”. Regrettably, most in-migrants encountered lacked training, skills, close-knit social networks, market intelligence and education tools necessary to climb the economic ladder in the urban terrain. Generally, those who are unemployed were not engaged in income generation activities while those employed supplemented their wages by income generation activities such as spaza shop and shebeens. A glaring reality is that respondents were not taking advantage of the booming informal market economy of Johannesburg which has a potential to sustain a livelihood. This is also compounded by the fact that none of the respondents participated in the civic society sector as way of participating in the City developmental trajectories and also a way of sustaining a livelihood. In a nutshell, a mere background network connection to the person from the area of origin, predominantly family member and friend was found to be the core livelihood strategy to access basic needs and employment opportunities for Eastern Cape internal migrants. The documented response of the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan strategic policy agenda is seen through two broader policies. Firstly, iv Growth and Development Strategy in its principle of “proactive absorption of poor”. Secondly, Human Development Strategy which focuses on interventions such as; safeguarding and supporting poor and vulnerable households in their efforts to access local and provincial social safety nets, championing rights and opportunities for those who suffer the effects of structural inequality in the City; and building prospects for social inclusion by developing partnerships between the City and its residents. Both GDS & HDS policy responses to migration are discussed at length in the report. The current study argues that the City must devise novel robust policy and planning strategies to understand the profound urbanization trends, socio-economic context of migration patterns and how these impacts on the City infrastructure planning in the long-term growth of the City. Future studies in this line of investigation must consider taking forward this kind of research to a highest level. It will be proper to extend the study by investigating livelihood strategies of migrants in Johannesburg coming from different provinces and those from the selected African countries for the purpose of comparison using the qualitative approach. It will be appreciated to include investigation of broader urbanization impacts and readiness of City infrastructure provision, planning and growth.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Architecture, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree master of science (Development Planning)<br>Urbanisation processes in South Africa have historically been influenced and affected by the government's political ideology based on segregation and racial discrimination. This led to the constrained urbanisation of the African population facilitated by literally hundreds of restrictive pieces of legislation. ( Abbreviation abstract)<br>Andrew Chakane 2018

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Migration and Displacement) July 2017<br>This research report gives an account of the social networks, links, connections and relationships of undocumented Zimbabwean women working as domestic workers in Johannesburg, Gauteng. The primary aim was to understand the role of these ties in providing social, political, emotional and economic support in addressing the challenges that undocumented domestic workers face. The study also explored how social networks enhanced the capabilities and resources of non-national women, particularly focusing on how they defined wellbeing and development. Based on 12 semi-structured interviews with undocumented women living and working in Johannesburg, the findings that emerged from this study, show that unlike what the majority of literature in South Africa points to, undocumented domestic workers do not live in isolation from others, but rather have a diverse range of social networks that allow them to be active agents and participants in their lives. The results highlight that the majority of social networks that undocumented domestic workers use are in actual fact useful to them and how they navigate their contexts. Migrants in this instance are largely dependent on their families for support both in the originating country and in the host community.<br>XL2018

This dissertation focuses on the migrant performance genre isicathamiya, a genre which was popular amongst migrant workers in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng in the nineteen thirties and forties. It explores contemporary isicathamiya and asks whether there have been paradigmatic shifts in its content in post-apartheid South African society. By way of introduction, the origins and development as well as some of the themes and features of isicathamiya are highlighted. Hereafter scholarly accounts of migrant performance genres are discussed in conjunction with the cultural re-orientation of migrants in urban centers. The introduction is intended to contextualise the genre by alluding to the politics and aesthetics of isicathamiya performances. Leading on from the introduction, the first chapter of this body of research is a reflection upon the characteristics of oral literature; from the point of view of a literary scholar, I also discuss the problems of interpretation I experienced in this study of mediated isicathamiya lyrics. I propose that isicathamiya performances and texts are elements of oral literature and begin to define them as such. My intention in chapter two is to explore how local performances have influenced global culture. I ask if oral literature from South Africa has contributed to the global market. I ask what Ladysmith Black Mambazo, the internationally acclaimed isicathamiya choir, has invested in "First World culture" and suggest that there is in existence a transcultural flow of energy between the "so-called centre" and "so-called periphery". In chapter three I suggest that the local and global are in a state of dialogue. I hope to establish a dialogue between local isicathamiya choirs and Ladysmith Black Mambazo. In essence, Ladysmith Black Mambazo has exported a musical form that has its foundations in KwaZulu-Natal and Gauteng. This chapter takes readers back to the source of the genre. I take into consideration Veit Erimann's scholarly studies of isicathamiya in Nightsong: Performance, Power and Practice in South Africa. Focus falls upon the paradigm of rural/ urban migration in isicathamiya song and the importance of "home" in sustaining migrants in the city. The notion of "homeliness" as a trope in isicathamiya performances is discussed. By extension, in chapter four, I ask whether the notion of "home" emphasized by Veit Erlmann is of significance in contemporary isicathamiya performance. Consequently, I adopt a comparative approach and set out to identify the changes and continuities in contemporary isicathamiya performances in response to transformations within postapartheid society. I ask why isicathamiya is significant in post-apartheid South African society. What is its importance for personal and collective identity? What is being articulated within contemporary performances? Does isicathamiya provide a cultural space, a forum in which public debate (regarding leaders, policies and concerns) can be staged? Most importantly, is the thematic paradigm between the rural and urban world still visible in contemporary isicathamiya? Is contemporary isicathamiya still grounded on the notion of "homeliness", or have new thematic paradigms emerged in contemporary isicathamiya performances? I propose that South Africa in the present, is itself the site of multiple cultures and fragmented histories. The country and its people are searching for a new unitary meaning in the post-apartheid era. My argument is that isicathamiya texts are elements of postcolonial and post-apartheid literature. I suggest that language, through isicathamiya performance, can show a way back into reinterpreting the past and stitching together a different present. Isicathamiya texts give hints of journeys and point to identities, shared histories and cultural landscapes. Isicathamiya makes possible the sharing of knowledge and knowledge systems, and is an opportunity to hear un-erased histories and un-silenced voices.<br>Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts Degree In Development Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand, Department of Sociology, 2016<br>Online resource (vii, 75 leaves)<br>According to a report provided by Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa (CoRMSA, 2011), Zimbabwean migrants in South Africa are estimated to be between one and two million, although the actual figures remain elusive. Many of these migrants do not possess legal documentation (Tevera and Zinyama, 2002) and as a result, it is difficult for them to access financial services in the South African financial institutions, since these institutions require documentation such as valid passports with visas, proof of residence and salary slips. In light of this, undocumented migrants in South Africa are facing challenges in saving, borrowing, investing and remitting money back home. As a result, they are at risk as they may become vulnerable to loan sharks and conmen if they access financial services informally. In relation to that, the study investigates how undocumented migrants in South Africa access financial services and how this may affect their lives. The researcher found it important to conduct a first-hand investigation onto the strategies and experiences of undocumented self-employed Zimbabwean migrants who might be financially excluded in South Africa. Studying the experiences of undocumented migrants in South Africa is important as it allows for an exploration of their reactions and views about their financial exclusion or inclusion. It is also of paramount importance for us to comprehend how some people who are financially excluded worm their way into the social and economic milieu that are in large measure hostile to them. Thus the present study aims to ensure that the voices of undocumented immigrants who are financially excluded are equally heard in order for us to appreciate the harsh realities that confront them. The research focuses on undocumented self-employed Zimbabweans (street vendors, hairdressers and barber men) in the Pretoria Central Business District (CBD). The study draws on the concepts of Human Security and 'Alternative Economic Repertoires' to understand the strategies employed by undocumented Zimbabweans in South Africa in the face of financial exclusion and the insecurities that they encounter. The research follows a qualitative approach on the basis that qualitative research enables the researcher to construct meanings and interpret the behaviours of undocumented self-employed Zimbabwean migrants. In-depth interviews and participant observations were conducted in order to explore strategies in this regard. This enabled the researcher to deeply explore the experiences, views and feelings of these migrants.<br>MT2017

Migration has always been part of South African history, both in the collective and as individuals. Under apartheid, children were separated from their fathers and sometimes mothers for long periods of time, and as a coping strategy, foster care was introduced. This trend is still noticeable as we continue to find both men and women moving from rural households in pursuit of employment. In countries where gender roles are still very inflexible and the mother’s main role is perceived as that of raising children and the father’s as providing for the family, migration of mothers is perceived as a much larger disruption in a child’s life than is the father’s absence. Drawing from critical feminist theory, which pays particular attention to issues of discrimination and oppression against women, my study aimed at exploring the perceptions Madelakufa community women have about migrant women labourers who leave their children. A qualitative approach was employed, and data were collected through conducting three focus groups. Thematic analysis was used to analyse the data.<br>Psychology<br>M.A. (Psychology: Research Consultation)

Research report submitted in accordance with the degree Masters in Management University of the Witwatersrand Public and Development Management , July 2016<br>Originally, hostels were developed to accommodate migrant labour in urban areas. With the abolishment of influx control laws in 1986, informal settlements mushroomed close to hostel precincts as relatives and those seeking affordable housing in proximity of employment opportunities flocked to urban areas. Overcrowding, poor maintenance of hostels and the vandalism of the infrastructure resulted in hostels deteriorating and becoming unfit for hygienic human habitation. From the early 1990’s, the government adopted a number of measures (housing programmes) aimed at rehabilitating hostels and converting them into family units. The Hostel Redevelopment Programme as implemented to date has led to upgraded units being built but not allocated to the intended beneficiaries (hostel residents). This failure was partly the result of communication breakdown between hostel communities and local communities. This study attempts to comprehend factors that led to project communication breakdown between the project team and the hostel community. The Johannesburg Housing Company (JOSHCO) is the implementation agent on behalf of the City of Johannesburg tasked with converting single gender hostel compounds into affordable rental units. The report suggested public participation as the suitable process to solve the problem of communication between different actors in the hostel project. The legal framework of public housing emphasises the importance of public participation in the programme of housing provision. The discourse on public participation conceptualises community participation broadly as a strategy aimed at empowering citizens to have a voice in policies decisions that have a bearing on their lives. The legal framework espouses the philosophy of citizen’s involvement in developmental matters having the right to having their views reflected in policy decisions. This study tries to understand the effectiveness of the hostel redevelopment programme public consultation processes in influencing housing option provided to the residents of Diepkloof Hostel and the Orlando West Women’s Hostel. The design of this study is conceptualised using Project Management principles or knowledge areas, focusing specifically on Project Communication. The researcher is of the view that improving the effectiveness of the public participation process, factors that result in the non- occupation of hostels can be avoided. With the massive housing backlog still prevalent in South Africa, consensus is required between all stakeholders (especially hostel residents) on the type of units that are acceptable to the hostel community to provide for successful allocation process, thereby resulting in a successful handing over of housing products that will be sustainable in terms of affordability and give recipients the dignity of adequate shelter.<br>MT 2018

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (Migration and Displacement), 2017<br>This study speaks to a broader literature on the precarity of service employees and undocumented migrants. Within this literature we see lives characterised by low paying jobs and a lack of social protection. Narratives and in-depth interviews were used in-order to find out how undocumented Zimbabwean waitrons in Johannesburg employ social networks to mitigate economic precarity. In examining Zimbabwean waitrons working the Johannesburg’s precarious hospitality sector, I found evidence that demonstrates the importance of social networks but demands we take a more nuanced look at the ways in which they work. More specifically, there are not only straight social connections, but sexual networks and, religious networks, and – perhaps most importantly – overt patterns of disconnections. While social networks can invariably play an important role in migrants’ (and others’) success, they are not without potential risks. In light of this, this study sought to systematically investigate the role of social networks in mitigating precarity. This study adds to emerging field of social networks of marginalised groups and a growing literature on migrant integration in the social and economic environments of the global south.<br>XL2018

M.A.<br>The aim role of to 1990. of the this research was to present an overall view of the white worker in the trade union movement from 1948 The events following the coming to power of the National Party in 1948 were scrutinized and it has been clearly indicated that discrimination on the basis of skin colour has been the single most important factor leading to problems in the labour field. Then came the period after 1979. The Wiehahn proposals were accepted by the government and a new era in the field of labour relations was introduced. Racial segregation made way for an integrated and unitary labour relations system. Within the context of this research TUCSA and SACOL were regarded as representative of the white groups in the trade union movement. In the third instance attention was also given to three significant variables in the labour field which militancy and strikes, the role of differentiation and discrimination, and the opinions of white trade union members on politics and the trade union members on politics and the trade union movement. The following conclusions can be drawn from the empirical study: * All the trade union leaders are of the op1n1on that their trade union has an important role to play and that it meets the needs of their members. * The majority of trade union leaders hold the opinion that they are pro-active in protecting the interests of their members. * Some of the trade union leaders feel that militant action in the labour field can be justified...

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy.<br>The thesis attempts to illuminate the process through which identitities, apparently strongly "ethnic", are constructed by migrant women, and to examine how these differ from the equivalent identities constructed by men. The focus is upon northern Transvaal migrancy, and special emphasis is given to the central role played by musical performance - particularly that of the style called kiba - in constituting migrant associations. Men and women form separate dance associations: the thesis is concerned particularly with migrant women, and sets the dance groups in the broader setting of female migrancy in southern Africa. This is a phenomenon which has been neglected in the literature. The thesis criticises the adaptive emphasis of earlier Writings on migrant association, and the lack of "local knowledge" in Marxist accounts, Performers of the genre emphasise that the music is "traditional",and their lyrics legitimate the present experiences of contemporary composers by juxtaposing them with the past experiences of older ones. They view the roles they play in relation to their family members both living dependents and deceased forebears - in terms of stereotypes laid down by Sotho custom. But these independent migrant female performers of the genre, in contrast to their rurally-domiciled and. dependent counterparts, are women whose disrupted and geographically mobile upbringing has led them to seek out modernity and progress rather than an adherence to the ways of "traditionalists". They are primary breadwinners for their natal families. Custom and tradition provide an idiom in terms of which, while retaining affiliations to men's kiba sufficient to ensure their continued access to a performance space and an audience, they enunciate an identity as relatively autonomous and emancipated migrants in an urban context.<br>Andrew Chakane 2018

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Journalism at the University of the Witwatersrand, 2016<br>Economic migrants to South Africa face a hostile reception; periodic displays of widespread xenophobia have highlighted the myths and stereotypes that still abound about foreigners - that they are job-stealers, criminals and a threat to our nation’s well-being. The Department of Home Affairs recently brought in new immigration laws that raise the barriers to entry and participation in the South African economy and society. Yet a back door has been left wide open for economic migrants, often unskilled and with no other options, to enter South Africa, live and work. For six consecutive years South Africa was the number one destination for asylum seekers globally and the influx has caused the refugee determination process to become clogged and corrupt, leaving genuine refugees vulnerable and hundreds of thousands of foreigners in an unhappy limbo. The accompanying narrative long form journalism piece highlights some of the fault lines in the government’s uncoordinated and inconsistent migration policy. Overall the project seeks to personalize some of the key challenges and contentious issues faced by migrants to South Africa. It aims to puts a human face to a bureaucratic process by accessing the stories of marginalized migrants, giving them a voice to articulate their experiences in South Africa. The accompanying method document outlines some of the academic research underpinning the study.<br>GR2017

This thesis is an examination of the main tendencies in the trade union movement in South Africa during the currency of the Industrial Cenci 1 iation Act from 1924 to 1979, and of state labour policy of direct relevance to worker organisation. It considers in particular the reasons for the predominance of protectionist strategies, frequently amounting to racial monopolies and exclusion, among the unions catering for white artisan and production workers. Attention is given to the deployment of legislative and other policy instruments by the South African state intent on providing support for the prevailing protectionist demands and the exclusionary stance of large sections of the trade union movement. In analysing these developments, reference is made to the history of the trade union federations reflecting the divergent interests of different sections of the South African labour movement during this period. The evolution of trade unions for the workers occupying a subordinate role in the South African "racial order" is also traced. Consideration is given to the barriers to the full development of such trade unions, and to the incipient decline of the era of racial exclusion which the 1970s witnessed.<br>Sociology<br>D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

D.Ed. (Educational Management)<br>The influence of union leadership plays an important role in determining both the perspectives and leadership styles of the principals who hold positions of leadership in teacher unions. Although there is extensive literature on the basics of the development of the concept of identity in general, little is known about how identity is forged in education unionisation in general and what specific leadership character may result out of the principals who are union leaders. As is commonly known, such knowledge is crucial because principal leaders are continuously faced with making leadership decisions, acquiring endless information and implementing educational policies whose effectiveness might be tainted by union biasness and favoritism. In the light of continued absence of knowledge of how identity is forged in unionisation, coupled with the ever increasing election of principals by teacher union members to occupy leadership roles in these unions, this inquiry explored how such occupation of union leadership roles shape the self-knowledge of these principals and what leadership style may result as a reason there off. The inquiry specifically sought to determine whether the unionisation discourse constructs the identities of the principals who are leaders and if so, how it does this and what consequences this is likely to have on the leadership style of the principals concerned. The identity theory of Stryker and Statham (1985) (Owens, Stryker and Goodman, 2006) was used to addresses this aim. In addition to this, the inquiry used the principals who hold positions of leadership in Teacher Union A, Teacher Union B and Teacher Union C respectively as case studies, focusing specifically on the broader social discourses that exist subjectively in these unions as a vehicle to demonstrate the development of the identity of the principals who are leaders in them. The language used by these principals in focus groups discussions and participant observations were the main source of data for this inquiry. By doing so, this inquiry aimed to illuminate how union leadership act to produce self-knowledge that, in turn, leads to the discursive coordinates by which the principals who are union leaders come to define themselves. This was achieved by conducting focus groups interviews and participant observations of the principals who are in positions of leadership in these three unions and thereafter drawing on Critical Discourse Analysis in order to interpret the transcripts of the data collected by both focus groups interviews and participant observations.

This thesis examines the emergence and development of the African working class in Durban between 1959 and 1985. It begins with an analysis of Durban's economy, which significantly changed .the lives of Africans. It shows how, during an era of economic boom, of intensive state repres•ion and unparalleled social engineering, the state intervened in the shaping of the African community and created the oppressive setting of the African working class, which was to pose the greatest challenge to the established order. The forced removals of the underclasses to the newly established apartheid townships during the late 1950s and early 1960s had a profound influence on the social and political history of this working class. Once African trade unions had been crippled and formal oppositional politics crushed, South African industrial relations enjoyed relative "peace" which was disturbed by the covert forms of worker resistance. In the 1970s the economic position of Durban's African working class was rather tenuous, as earnings had remained static since the 1960s despite the booming economy. Because of this, urban workers felt social and economic pressures from both apartheid and capitalism and responded in a way that shocked both employers and the government. In January 1973 Durban was rocked by strikes, which broke the silence of the 1960s when the South African Congress of Trade Unions declined and the African National Congress and Pan-African Congress were banned. The outbreak of the 1973 Durban strikes marked a new beginning in the labour history and industrial relations of Durban and South Africa in general. A new blend of African independent trade unions emerged with their distinctive style of organisation. They focused on factory-based issues which reaped benefits for the workers in the long-run and managed to sustain pressure from both the state and employers. During this period, however, the African working class paid a high price, enduring miserable conditions, earning wages below the poverty line, experiencing a breakdown in family structure, and living with crime and violence, police repression and the criminalisation of much social and economic life. By 1985, these unions had established themselves so firmly that the state regarded them as a serious challenge. Indeed, the making of Durban's African working class was no easy task and its history shows suffering, change, mobility and accomplishment.<br>History<br>D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

M.A.<br>During the 1930's industrial expansion which marked the rise of industrial trade unions also precipitated the process of urbanization and proletarianization of large numbers of rural Afrikaans-speaking migrants, resulting into acute poverty and unemployment. The Labour Party, dominating the established trade union movement during this period, drew its support from the craft unions in the Trades and Labour Council-structure which strongly opposed the new rural migrants clustering around the least skilled and lowest paid occupations in the rising industrial unions. At the same time foreign and communistic influences also prevailed in the existing trade unions. National-minded leaders who became increasingly concerned with the serious effects of proletarianization set out to smash the ideology of class which threatened national unity. Thus their endeavour to capture working class support for Afrikaner na- tionalism by means of organizing the Afrikaans-speaking workers in right wing inclined trade unions which they labelled 'Christian National'. As control over trade union funds also proved to be a valuable source of income, the mobilization of the Afrikaner worker provided both the means of developing Afrikaner capital and gaining political power. In October 1936 the Nasionale Raad van Trustees (NRT) was formed to provide the financial backing for Afrikaner trade unions and to act as liaison body with the Afrikaner nation. It's aim to break the power which the Labour Party had gained in South African politics led to the organization of Afrikaans speaking mine workers in the Trades and Labour Councils' largest non-craft affiliate, the Mine Workers Union (MWU). This resulted in the formation of the Afrikanerbond van Myn- werkers (ABM) as a alternative union to the MWU during November 1936.

This dissertation examines the livelihood strategies of African dock workers in Durban, South Africa, between the Anglo-Boer War and the 1959 strikes. These labourers did not conform to common conceptions of radical dock workers or conservative African migrant workers. While Marxist scholars have been correct to stress the working class consciousness of Durban’s dock workers, this consciousness was also more ambiguous. These workers and their leaders displayed a peculiar mix of concern for workers’ issues and defences of the rights and interests of African traders. Many of Durban’s dock workers were not only wage labourers. In fact, only a minority had wages as their only source of income. The Reserve economy played a role in sustaining the consumption levels of their households and, more importantly, more than half of the former dock workers interviewed for this research engaged in some form of commercial enterprise, often based on the pilferage and sale of cargoes. Some also teamed up with township women who sold pilfered goods while the men were at work. This combination of commercial strategies and wage labour has often been overlooked in the literature. By looking at these livelihood strategies, this dissertation considers how rural and urban economies interacted in households’ strategies and reinterprets the reproduction of labour and the household in order to move beyond dichotomies of proletarian versus rural consciousness. The dock workers’ households were neither proletarian households that were forced to reside in the countryside because of apartheid, nor traditional rural homesteads with a missing migrant member. The households were reproduced in three geographically separate spheres of production and consumption, none of which could reproduce the household on its own. These spheres were dependent on each other, but also separate, as physical distance gave the different household members some autonomy. Such multi-nodal households not only bridged the rural and the urban, but equally straddled the formal/informal divide. For many, their employment on the docks made their commercial enterprises possible, which allowed them to retire early from urban wage labour. Consequently, the interests of wage labourers could not be divorced from those of African small-scale entrepreneurs.<br>Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2011-09-26 17:14:17.474