Academic literature on the topic 'Migrant detention centres'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Migrant detention centres.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Migrant detention centres"
1
Van Hout, Marie-Claire, Cassie Lungu-Byrne, and Jennifer Germain. "Migrant health situation when detained in European immigration detention centres: a synthesis of extant qualitative literature." International Journal of Prisoner Health 16, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijph-12-2019-0074.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose Many migrants are detained in Europe not because they have committed a crime but because of lack of certainty over their immigration status. Although generally in good physical health on entry to Europe, migrant detainees have complex health needs, often related to mental health. Very little is known about the current health situation and health care needs of migrants when detained in European immigration detention settings. The review aims to synthesize the qualitative literature available on this issue from the perspectives of staff and migrants. Design/methodology/approach The authors undertook a synthesis of extant qualitative literature on migrant health experience and health situation when detained in European immigration detention settings; retrieved as part of a large-scale scoping review. Included records (n = 4) from Sweden and the UK representing both detainee and staff experiences were charted, synthesised and thematically analysed. Findings Three themes emerged from the analysis, namely, conditions in immigration detention settings, uncertainties and communication barriers and considerations of migrant detainee health. Conditions were described as inhumane, resembling prison and underpinned by communication difficulties, lack of adequate nutrition and responsive health care. Practical implications It is crucial that the experiences underpinning migration are understood to respond to the health needs of migrants, uphold their health rights and to ensure equitable access to health care in immigration detention settings. Originality/value There is a dearth of qualitative research in this area because of the difficulty of access to immigration detention settings for migrants. The authors highlight the critical need for further investigation of migrant health needs, so as to inform appropriate staff support and health service responses.
2
Tazzioli, Martina. "Governing migrant mobility through mobility: Containment and dispersal at the internal frontiers of Europe." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, no. 1 (April 10, 2019): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654419839065.
Full textAbstract:
This article focuses on the twofold relationship between migrants’ mobility and modes of government, suggesting that mobility is an object of government and, at once, a technique for governing migrants. It focuses on mobility as a technology of government, investigating how intra-European migration movements are managed by national authorities, with particular attention to illegalized migrants who fall under the Dublin Regulation. Building on ethnographic research conducted between 2015 and 2017, the article centres first on the Italian–French border (Ventimiglia) and on the Swiss–Italian border (Como). Then, it moves on exploring how migrants are currently managed in France, being transferred from Calais to hosting centres across the country. It highlights how migrants’ movements are controlled, disrupted and diverted not (only) through detention and immobility but by generating effects of containment keeping migrants on the move and forcing them to engage in convoluted geography. It shows that one of the main strategies for governing migration through mobility consists in the politics of migrant dispersal, that is by scattering migrants across spaces and dividing emergent migrant groups.
3
Boza Martínez, Diego, and Dévika Pérez Medina. "New Migrant Detention Strategies in Spain: Short-Term Assistance Centres and Internment Centres for Foreign Nationals." Paix et Securite Internationales, no. 7 (2019): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25267/10.25267/paix_secur_int.2019.i7.08.
Full text
4
Boza Martínez, Diego, and Dévika Pérez Medina. "New Migrant Detention Strategies in Spain: Short-Term Assistance Centres and Internment Centres for Foreign Nationals." Paix et Securite Internationales, no. 7 (2019): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.25267/paix_secur_int.2019.i7.08.
Full text
5
Katz, Irit. "Camps by design: Architectural spectacles of migrant hostipitality." Incarceration 3, no. 1 (March 2022): 263266632210845. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/26326663221084586.
Full textAbstract:
Detention camps, ‘hospitality’ centres and other carceral facilities created to contain people ‘on the move’ are usually formed in familiar spatial arrangements such as prefabricated shelters organised in a grid layout. Over the recent years, however, a number of these facilities were architecturally designed in distinct formations while being presented as attractive spaces of care and support. By examining two such facilities created in different contexts and scales – the Holot detention camp in Israel’s Negev desert and the French urban Centre Humanitaire Paris-Nord – this paper analyses their spatial and political meaning in relation to the ways they were designed, managed, and presented to the public. Unlike minimal spaces of provision or spaces of participatory design in contexts of displacement, which might encourage the spatial agency of displaced people and the reworking of their political subjectivities, the paper shows how these architecturally designed facilities, with their spectacular form and infrastructural function, doubly objectify their residents. While the spectacular designs of these facilities frame irregular migrants as separated and temporary ‘guests’ who become the objects for the distant gaze of their ‘hosts’, their infrastructural spaces produce the migrants as constantly moving racialised bodies which are the objects of ongoing processes of concentration, categorisation, and circulation. These designed facilities, the paper argues, create visually identified and clearly defined spectacles of both hospitality and hostility, or in Derrida’s term, of hostipitality, through which irregular migrants are included by their receiving societies as only objectified, distant, and temporary guests.
6
Loganathan, Tharani, Deng Rui, and Nicola Suyin Pocock. "Healthcare for migrant workers in destination countries: a comparative qualitative study of China and Malaysia." BMJ Open 10, no. 12 (December 2020): e039800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2020-039800.
Full textAbstract:
ObjectivesThis paper explores policies addressing migrant worker’s health and barriers to healthcare access in two middle-income, destination countries in Asia with cross-border migration to Yunnan province, China and international migration to Malaysia.DesignQualitative interviews were conducted in Rui Li City and Tenchong County in Yunnan Province, China (n=23) and Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia (n=44), along with review of policy documents. Data were thematically analysed.ParticipantsParticipants were migrant workers and key stakeholders with expertise in migrant issues including representatives from international organisations, local civil society organisations, government agencies, medical professionals, academia and trade unions.ResultsMigrant health policies at destination countries were predominantly protectionist, concerned with preventing transmission of communicable disease and the excessive burden on health systems. In China, foreign wives were entitled to state-provided maternal health services while female migrant workers had to pay out-of-pocket and often returned to Myanmar for deliveries. In Malaysia, immigration policies prohibit migrant workers from pregnancy, however, women do deliver at healthcare facilities. Mandatory HIV testing was imposed on migrants in both countries, where it was unclear whether and how informed consent was obtained from migrants. Migrants who did not pass mandatory health screenings in Malaysia would runaway rather than be deported and become undocumented in the process. Excessive attention on migrant workers with communicable disease control campaigns in China resulted in inadvertent stigmatisation. Language and financial barriers frustrated access to care in both countries. Reported conditions of overcrowding and inadequate healthcare access at immigration detention centres raise public health concern.ConclusionsThis study’s findings inform suggestions to mainstream the protection of migrant workers’ health within national health policies in two middle-income destination countries, to ensure that health systems are responsive to migrants’ needs as well as to strengthen bilateral and regional cooperation towards ensuring better migration management.
7
Stamatakis, Nikolaos. "“Is Restorative Justice Greek to Me?”: Exploring Its Applicability in Greek Youth Detention Centres." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 29, no. 3-4 (December 22, 2021): 264–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-bja10026.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Justice systems around the world are constantly working to balance reform/rehabilitation/re-entry and punishment in response to juvenile delinquency. In recent years, there has been a strong emphasis on the notion of restorative justice as an alternative approach to criminal justice, yet there continues to be a dearth of information on the interrelation between restorative justice, religion and imprisonment, especially among youth. The present research seeks to explore the applicability and possible future implementation of restorative justice programmes for late adolescent and young adult male offenders (18–21 years old) held in the Special Detention Institutions of Greece. It also aims to identify any links between restorative justice and religion in youth custodial settings among the large migrant population hosted in these institutions. A self-administered quantitative study was distributed to achieve this aim. The data analysis provided no statistically significant relationships between the inmates’ willingness to meet with their actual/surrogate victims and ask for forgiveness/restore relationships with them. Equally insignificant was found the inmates’ eagerness to get involved in restorative mediation with their capacity to acknowledge the harm that their illegal actions inflicted on others, and to make amends.
8
Peano, Irene. "Excesses and double standards: migrant prostitutes, sovereignty and exceptions in contemporary Italy." Modern Italy 17, no. 4 (November 2012): 419–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2012.706994.
Full textAbstract:
In this paper, the author proposes an analysis of the apparently contradictory attitudes towards transactional sexual exchanges, as they have emerged in public debate and informed legislation and policies in Italy over the past few years. The ambiguity towards commercial sex is linked to a specific dynamic of power, which denies sexual labour the status of work and makes it the object of repressive and criminalising policies, whilst at the same time habitually demanding sexual services in exchange for money, gifts or favours. The article shows how criminalisation functions as a prominent form for the control of subjects, related to the workings of sovereignty. In particular, the author considers the ways in which the criminalisation of prostitution and of undocumented migration, which compound in the figure of the migrant prostitute, represents a means for the exertion of sovereignty and relates to the centrality of desire, transgression and their disciplining in the contemporary context. However, closer examination of the subjective experiences of those who are supposedly excluded and criminalised, such as undocumented migrant sex workers in detention centres, reveals the incompleteness of disciplinary mechanisms.
9
Abdul Hamid, Haezreena Begum Binti. "The Impact of Covid-19 On Migrants and Trafficked Persons in Malaysia." Malaysian Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (MJSSH) 7, no. 4 (April 10, 2022): e001427. http://dx.doi.org/10.47405/mjssh.v7i4.1427.
Full textAbstract:
The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly disrupted people’s lives, economic status, and daily routine. The extensive scale of the virus has caused fear, confusion and panic throughout the globe spurring states to devise stringent procedures to manage the crisis. In Malaysia, A Movement Control Order (MCO) was implemented on 18 March 2020 as a preventive measure to control the spread of the virus. To enforce such restrictions, the government relies heavily on law enforcers, and the criminal justice system to ensure public safety and security. In light of such restrictive measures, those who are severely impacted by such repressive rules are the marginalized communities. This includes trafficked persons, migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers as law enforcers seek to use the pandemic to further control their movements and restrict their rights wherever possible. In this instance, xenophobia, anti-immigrant prejudice, intolerance, social exclusion, and discrimination exacerbates the vulnerability of migrants particularly undocumented migrants and trafficked victims. According to human rights activists, these groups are exposed to regular insults, verbal abuse, threat, public shaming and blame by citizens, employers, politicians, and enforcement agencies. Therefore, this article highlights two main points. They are: xenophobia between the dominant populations and the migrant community in Malaysia; state’s policing of migrants and the conditions of the detention centres and shelters in Malaysia. The article concludes by arguing that the policing and ‘protection’ of migrants during the pandemic have resulted in irreparable harm, mistrust, and stress among the migrants which undermines the positive development outcomes of migration.
10
El Ghamari, Magdalena, and Monika Gabriela Bartoszewicz. "(Un)Sustainable Development of Minors in Libyan Refugee Camps in the Context of Conflict-Induced Migration." Sustainability 12, no. 11 (June 3, 2020): 4537. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12114537.
Full textAbstract:
This paper looks at the challenges to the sustainable development of migrant and refugee children in Libyan refugee camps and migrant detention centres. Libya, next to Syria, is still the most destabilised Arab country with a myriad of conflicting parties, warlords, militias, terrorist organisations as well as smugglers and traffickers that continuously compete in a complex network of multidimensional power struggles. Our single case study based on ethnographic fieldwork adopts the human security approach, which provides security analysis with an inherently “sustainable” dimension. In the paper we provide an overview of the empirical study carried out in seven Libyan refugee camps (Tripoli, Tajoura, Sirte, Misrata, Benghazi, Derna and Tobruk) between 2013 and 2019. Our findings show that for refugee children even everyday activities pose a danger to health and life, and the many threats to their security encompass a broad spectrum from health to safety, from education to falling prey to bundlers from terrorist organisations and paramilitary militias. These issues, undoubtedly pertinent on the individual level of analysis, are further exacerbated by the underlying, conflict-induced factors and preclude a safe and secure environment.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Migrant detention centres"
1
Boitel, Anne. "Des camps de réfugiés aux centres de rétention administrative : la Cimade, analyse d'une action dans les lieux d'enfermement et de relégation (de la fin des années 1930 au début du XXIe siècle)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3096.
Full textAbstract:
Association d'origine protestante, la Cimade naît en 1939 pour venir en aide aux Alsaciens-Lorrains repliés dans le sud-ouest de la France. Son action s'oriente vers l'accueil des réfugiés dans les lieux d'enfermement et de relégation. Son histoire permet d'aborder sous un angle particulier les années 1940, les camps d'internement français et la Shoah, la Libération, l'épuration, la reconstruction et les mutations du système pénitentiaire. La Cimade œuvre durant la Guerre d'Algérie auprès des populations algériennes dans les camps de regroupement et en métropole dans les centres d'accueil des familles harkies comme indochinoises et dans les bidonvilles où vivent les travailleurs post-coloniaux. Enfin,le gouvernement fait appel à la Cimade en 1984 pour intervenir dans les centres de rétention administrative auprès des étrangers reconduits à la frontière. Sa présence est exclusive jusqu'en 2007. L'histoire de cette association permet de saisir comment d'une assistance humanitaire, l'action bascule vers une "juridiciarisation" dès les années 1970. La continuité de sa présence livre une lecture originale de la gestion des étrangers en France. Interface entre "le dedans et le dehors", la Cimade est en tension permanente avec l'Etat. Association de terrain, pouvant sembler participer à la cogestion du système de l'enfermement, elle ne renonce pas à son militantisme ancré à gauche et dénonce ce qu'elle considère comme des cas d'injustices. Son action est représentative de l'ambiguïté de l'interventionnisme associatif. Ce travail de thèse met en lumière les repositionnements et la progressive sécularisation d'une association protestante qui traverse une partie du XXème siècle,"siècle des camps"Originally a Protestant association,the Cimade was created in 1939 to help people from Alsace-Lorraine,who had taken refuge in the south-west of France.Its action was mainly based on welcoming refugees in confinement and banishment places.Its history helps to understand the 1940s,the French internment camps and the Shoah as well as the purge then post-war reconstruction and the penitentiary reform.During the Algerian war,the association worked both in grouping camps in Algeria and in France where the members of the FLN were assigned.During decolonisation,it gave assistance to harkies and Indochinese families in reception centres as well as to post-colonial workers in shanty towns.As soon as 1984,the government urged the Cimade to work with foreigners escorted to the border in administrative confinement centres.Its presence was exclusive until 2007.The history of this association helps to understand how humanitarian assistance became a cause lawering in the early 1970s.Its permanent presence in camps enables us to consider the specific approach to the governments policies concerning foreigners in France.Working as an interface between "the inside and the outside",the Cimade,throughout its history,was in constant tension with govenments.Although being an association in the field,seemingly involved in joint management of the confinement system,the Cimade didn’t give up its left-centered activism, denouncing what they considered as a justice denial. Its action is representative of the ambiguities of the associations interventionism.This research highlights the repositioning and the progressive secularization of the association throughout the 20th century,the century of camps
2
Puthoopparambil, Soorej Jose. "Life in Immigration Detention Centers : An exploration of health of immigrant detainees in Sweden and three other EU member states." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Internationell mödra- och barnhälsovård (IMCH), 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-272493.
Full textAbstract:
Governments around the world use immigration detention to detain and deport irregular immigrants, which negatively affects their health. The aim of this thesis was to explore, describe and identify factors that could mitigate the effect of immigration detention on the health of detainees. This was a mixed method study using qualitative methods (Papers I and II), quantitative methods (Paper III) and descriptive case comparison (Paper IV) comparing the Swedish system to the system in the Benelux countries (Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg). The study design was strengthened by triangulation of methods and data sources. Detainees experienced lack of control over their own lives due to lack of information in a language they can understand, inadequate responses from detention staff and restrictions within detention centers further limiting their liberty. Duration of detention was negatively associated with satisfaction of services provided in detention and the detainees’ Quality of Life (QOL). Detainees had low QOL domain scores with the psychological domain having the lowest score (41.9/100). The most significant factor positively associated with the QOL of detainees was the support received from detention staff. A sense of fear was present among detainees and staff. Detainees’ fear was due to their inadequate interaction with authorities, perceiving it as threatening, and due to their worry of facing repercussions of being involved in incidents caused by others. The potential for physical threat from detainees created a sense of fear among the staff. The detention staff expressed the need for more support to manage their emotional dilemma and role conflict of being a civil servant, simultaneously enabling the deportation process while providing humane care to detainees as fellow human beings. Detention centers in the Benelux countries had more categories of staff providing different services to detainees. Compared to the Benelux countries, healthcare services at the Swedish detention centers were limited. Detainees were offered no medical screening on arrival and no regular access to mental healthcare professionals. Detaining authorities have the obligation to safeguard the health of detainees. Challenges faced by the detention staff and detainees must be addressed to create a supportive environment and fulfill that obligation.
3
Costa, Daniela Filipa de Sousa. "Experiências e vivências de imigrantes detidos no centro de detenção do Porto." Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.12/8047.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado apresentada no Ispa – Instituto Universitário para obtenção de grau de Mestre na especialidade de Psicologia ClínicaO presente estudo pretende analisar as narrativas e vivências psicossociais dos indivíduos que se encontram na Unidade Habitacional de Santo António (UHSA) e o significado atribuído às mesmas, assim como examinar o padrão quotidiano vivenciado no centro de detenção, e por último refletir sobre os problemas existentes a nível do processo político e burocrático que tem como consequência a detenção. De modo a conseguir adquirir um conhecimento abrangente, não apenas focado no individuo, mas tendo em conta também o ambiente que o rodeia, foi adotado o modelo ecológico desenvolvido por Kelly (1969), composto por quatro princípios, sendo eles: a interdependência, o ciclo de recursos, a sucessão e a adaptação. Além disto acrescentou-se a dimensão da justiça, assim como sugerido pelo modelo do Prilleltensky (2014). É importante referir que este modelo teórico de análise foi desenvolvido pela Dra. Esposito, em conjunto com o Professor Ornelas e a Professora Arcidiacono de modo a elaborar um quadro ecológico de análise dos centros de detenção para migrantes (Esposito, Ornelas & Arcidiacono, 2015). Os resultados obtidos demonstram que os entrevistados comparam a UHSA a um sistema prisional. Privados da sua liberdade, eles deixam de ser indivíduos independentes para passarem a ser controlados e dependentes de outros. A detenção mostra afetar diversas vertentes da vida dos entrevistados,
This study aims to analyze the narratives and psychosocial experiences of individuals who are in the Unidade Habitacional de Santo António (UHSA) and the meaning attributed to them, as well as to examine the daily pattern experienced in the detention center, and finally reflect on the problems existing at the level of the political and bureaucratic process that results in detention. In order to acquire a comprehensive knowledge, not only focused on the individual, but also taking into account the environment around the individual, the ecological model developed by Kelly (1969) was adopted, composed of four principles, namely: interdependence, cycle of resources, succession and adaptation, in addition to this the dimension of justice, taking into account the Prilleltensky model (2014), It is worth mentioning that this theoretical model was developed by Dr. Esposito, along with Professor Ornelas and Professor Arcidiacono in order to elaborate a framework to analyse detention centers for migrants (Esposito, Ornelas & Arcidiacono, 2015). The results obtained show that the interviewees compare the UHSA to a prison system, deprived of their liberty, from being independent individuals to being controlled and dependent on others. The detention shows that it affects several aspects of the life of the interviewees, both at the family level, in the support network, and in the labor status.
4
Patrikyan, Nina Ivanovna. "Migrant detention centers in the United States and the treatment of children : do the practices violate international conventions and national law?" Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/37122.
Full textAbstract:
This paper examines the migrant detention centers in the United States through the
lenses of the Convention Against Torture (CAT), and relevant United States law, such as the
Supreme Court’s case law on the Eighth Amendment (cruel and unusual punishment).
Specifically, we will address the treatment of children by the government while they are
entering the United States in an attempt to claim asylum (either accompanied by their parents
or unaccompanied). Additionally, the “zero tolerance policy” enacted by the US government
in 2018, which forced the separation of children from their parents is examined. Both of these
situations are studied to determine whether any of the treatment the children received violates
the CAT and is considered to be either torture or cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment.
Similarly, we will also analyze whether this treatment violates the Eighth Amendment of the
United States Constitution. Looking at factual findings from complaints filed over the years
against U.S. agencies responsible for immigration and detention, as well as reports studying
migrant detention centers, multiple allegations of ill-treatment have been reported. Taking
into consideration these factual findings with the case law and legal interpretations of torture
and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, it is argued that this treatment of children could
be qualified as torture and/or cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment under international law.
Under United States law, it is also argued that these treatments constitute cruel and unusual
punishment.
Books on the topic "Migrant detention centres"
1
Amnesty International. Invisibili: Minori migranti detenuti all'arrivo in Italia. Torino: EGA, 2006.
Find full text
2
Evasioni e rivolte: Migranti, CPT, resistenze. Milano: Agenzia X, 2007.
Find full text
3
Frelick, Bill. Buffeted in the borderland: The treatment of asylum seekers and migrants in Ukraine. New York, NY: Human Rights Watch, 2010.
Find full text
4
(Organization), Tenaganita, ed. Campaign on abuse, torture & dehumanised treatment of migrant workers at detention centres & events following the criminal defamation report lodged against Irene Fernandez, Director of Tenaganita. [Kuala Lumpur]: Tenaganita, 1996.
Find full text
5
Luibhéid, Eithne, and Karma R. Chávez, eds. Queer and Trans Migrations. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043314.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
This volume brings together academics, activists, and artists to explore how LGBTQ migrants and their allies, friends, families, and communities (including citizens and noncitizens) experience and resist dynamics of illegalization, detention, and deportation at local, national, and transnational scales. No book-length study of illegalization, detention, and deportation has centered LGBTQ migrants or addressed how centering sexuality and nonnormative gender contributes important knowledge. Some one million LGBTQ-identified migrants live in the United States, and more than one quarter of them are undocumented. Young people at the forefront of advocating for legalization have borrowed the LGBT movement’s tactic of “coming out of the closet” to proclaim themselves “undocumented and unafraid.” Julio Salgado’s artwork sparked a nationwide mobilization of UndocuQueer as an identity, and queer migrant networks have emerged around the nation, working both independently and in coalition with diverse migrant communities. Our collection fills a gap in queer and trans migration scholarship about illegalization, detention, and deportation while deepening the critical dialogue between this scholarship and allied fields including: immigration and racial justice scholarship about legalization, detention, and deportation; anthropological and sociological studies of families divided across borders by immigration law; scholarship linking prison and border abolition; and debates on queer necropolitics. It intentionally engages the fault lines between epistemology and power as a means to reframe understandings of queer and trans migrant illegalization, detention, and deportation.
6
Taking Stock of Regional Democratic Trends in Africa and the Middle East Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2021.2.
Full textAbstract:
This GSoD In Focus aims at providing a brief overview of the state of democracy in Africa and the Middle East at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and then assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in the last 10 months. Key facts and findings include: Africa • In 2019 alone, 75 per cent of African democracies saw their scores decline, and electoral processes in Africa have failed to become the path for political reform and democratic politics. The reasons are many, including weak electoral management and executive aggrandizement. • The key challenges to democracy brought about by the pandemic involve the management of elections, restrictions on civil liberties (especially freedom of expression), worsening gender equality, deepening social and economic inequalities, a disruption to education, deterioration of media integrity, disruption of parliaments and an amplified risk of corruption. These challenges exacerbate and accelerate long-standing problems in the region. • Despite the challenges, the COVID-19 pandemic might galvanize governments to reinforce public health and social protection mechanisms, rendering the state more able to cushion the impact of the crisis, and enhancing its legitimacy. The Middle East • The Middle East is the most undemocratic region in the world. Only 2 out of 13 countries in the region are democracies. The COVID-19 pandemic has deepened the economic and social problems of the region, which could exacerbate the pre-existing democratic challenges. • Freedoms of expression and media were severely curtailed in many countries in the region prior to the pandemic. In some cases, COVID-19 has aggravated this. Countries have closed media outlets and banned the printing and distribution of newspapers, under the pretext of combating the spread of COVID-19. This has restricted citizens’ access to information. • Migrant workers and internally displaced people have been disproportionally affected by COVID-19. A significant proportion of the infections in the region have been in impoverished migrant and refugee communities. In the Gulf region, curfews and lockdowns have resulted in many migrants losing their livelihood, right to medical attention and even repatriation. Migrants have also faced discrimination often being held in detention centres, in poor conditions, as part of governmental efforts to curb the number of COVID-19 infections among citizens. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.
7
Lindskoog, Carl. Detain and Punish. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683400400.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
In Detain and Punish, Carl Lindskoog provides the first in-depth history of immigration detention in the United States. Employing extensive archival research to document the origins and development of immigration detention in the U.S. from 1973 to 2000, it reveals how the world’s largest detention system originated in the U.S. government’s campaign to exclude Haitians from American shores, and how resistance by Haitians and their allies constantly challenged the detention regime. From the Krome Avenue Detention Center in Miami, to Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, and to jails and prisons across the country, Haitians have been at the center of the story of immigration detention. Contrary to the notion that immigration detention serves a merely administrative function, this history shows the intentionally punitive design of the modern detention regime. From its origin, immigration detention was designed to deter asylum seekers and unauthorized migrants by depriving them of their liberty; to detain and punish. And while Haitians were the first to be targeted by this deterrence-through-punishment policy, Central American asylum seekers and many others were soon ensnared in the expanding web of detention. Just as immigration detention was re-emerging in the late-1970s, taking root in the 1980s, and then exploding in the 1990s, the United States was constructing a parallel system of mass incarceration for its own citizens. Racialized mass incarceration for both citizens and non-citizens thus emerged as a critical element of social, political, and economic life in the United States in the late-twentieth century. This book explains how it came to be.
8
Informe sobre centros de detención de migrantes indocumentados en Centroamérica. [San José]: CODEHUCA, 2002.
Find full text
9
Speed, Shannon. Incarcerated Stories. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469653129.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Indigenous women migrants from Central America and Mexico face harrowing experiences of violence before, during, and after their migration to the United States, like all asylum seekers. But as Shannon Speed argues, the circumstances for Indigenous women are especially devastating, given their disproportionate vulnerability to neoliberal economic and political policies and practices in Latin America and the United States, including policing, detention, and human trafficking. Speed dubs this vulnerability "neoliberal multicriminalism" and identifies its relation to settler structures of Indigenous dispossession and elimination. Using innovative ethnographic practices to record and recount stories from Indigenous women in U.S. detention, Speed demonstrates that these women's vulnerability to individual and state violence is not rooted in a failure to exercise agency. Rather, it is a structural condition, created and reinforced by settler colonialism, which consistently deploys racial and gender ideologies to manage the ongoing business of occupation and capitalist exploitation. With sensitive narration and sophisticated analysis, this book reveals the human consequences of state policy and practices throughout the Americas and adds vital new context for understanding the circumstances of migrants seeking asylum in the United States.
10
Mitchell, Katharyne, and Key MacFarlane. Crime and the Global City. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935383.013.45.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years social scientists have been interested in the growth and transformation of global cities. These metropolises, which function as key command centers in global production networks, manifest many of the social, economic, and political tensions and inequities of neoliberal globalization. Their international appeal as sites of financial freedom and free trade frequently obscures the global city underbelly: practices of labor exploitation, racial discrimination, and migrant deferral. This chapter explores some of these global tensions, showing how they have shaped the strategies and technologies behind urban crime prevention, security, and policing. In particular, the chapter shows how certain populations perceived as risky become treated as pre-criminals: individuals in need of management and control before any criminal behavior has occurred. It is demonstrated further how the production of the pre-criminal can lead to dispossession, delay, and detention as well as to increasing gentrification and violence.
Book chapters on the topic "Migrant detention centres"
1
Tomsky, Terri. "Seeking Asylum: Mapping the Hidden Worlds of Migrant Detention Centers in Recent Literary Representations." In Writing Beyond the State, 223–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34456-6_11.
Full text
2
Vijayakumar, Lakshmi, Sujit John, and A. T. Jotheeswaran. "Suicide among refugees." In Oxford Textbook of Migrant Psychiatry, edited by Dinesh Bhugra, Oyedeji Ayonrinde, Edgardo Juan Tolentino, Koravangattu Valsraj, and Antonio Ventriglio, 543–52. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/med/9780198833741.003.0063.
Full textAbstract:
Suicide is a global public health problem, with the majority of suicides occurring in low- and middle-income countries. The UNHCR reported that in 2017 there were 25.4 million refugees, with the majority (85%) being hosted by developing countries, which have limited infrastructure, healthcare systems, and are often politically and economically unstable. A review of suicidal behaviour among refugees reveals a prevalence of 3.4–40%. Female sex, higher education and socio-economic status, exposure to trauma, presence of psychological disorders, long stay in detention centres, and rejection of asylum status are associated with increased suicidal risk. Globally, data for rates of suicide among refugee groups are not available and any interventions to reduce suicide among refugees have received scant attention. A theoretical model for understanding suicide risk in refugees is proposed in this chapter and the possible interventions discussed.
3
Mainwaring, Ċetta. "At Europe’s Edge." In At Europe's Edge, 83–120. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842514.003.0004.
Full textAbstract:
The fourth chapter turns to the policies and practices that migrants encounter once they arrive in Malta and on EU territory. After a review of the history of migration to the island state and the contemporary migration situation, it traces migrant journeys from the detention centres that await them upon arrival to possible deportation. By examining the sites and processes where migrants continue to be securitized within the border, the chapter argues that even when rescued from the sea, migrants do not escape political, social, and economic marginalization. The securitization of migration contributes to the construction of crisis and fuels racism and xenophobia within the host population. Moreover, this ‘othering’ occurs before migrants arrive on EU territory and is fundamentally related to discourse, policies, and practices at sea. The language of rescue strips migrants at sea of agency, reduces them to victims, and in turn allows for their continued marginalization once they arrive on EU territory. Yet, migrants resist this marginalization. Throughout the chapter, migrant accounts of experiences within host states demonstrate their agency and the narrow room for manoeuvre they are sometimes able to exploit. Ignoring this agency reifies the power of the state to ‘secure’ borders and control migration, and conceals the contested politics of mobility and security. Such encounters question traditional conceptualizations of sovereignty, security, and citizenship as they illustrate alternative modes of seeking security that move beyond the state and citizenship.
4
Bhatia, Monish, and Victoria Canning. "Misery as business: how immigration detention became a cash cow in Britain’s borders." In Marketisation and Privatisation in Criminal Justice, 257–72. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447345701.003.0017.
Full textAbstract:
In this chapter, we wish to advance the knowledge of the workings of Britain’s hostile border regime by unpacking the financial dynamics involved. To do so, we will primarily focus on one aspect: the privatisation and expansion of Immigration Removal Centres (IRCs). We argue that, not only these spaces by their very nature coercive and violent, but they also profit financially from migrant misery as a business model. Therefore, the attention on outsourcing of migration control helps us understand the profits attached to the forced confinement of racialised and criminalised people, profits that are generated through human suffering, while simultaneously diminishing accountability and unmediated (often hidden) state-corporate violence. Moreover, once we scratch the surface of bordered profiteering we find that a double standard exists: whilst successive governments publicly decry foreign migrant labour in the UK, the same governments are more than willing to engage with multi-national corporations and thus policy become answerable to the interests of foreign capital.
5
Sirriyeh, Ala. "Outrage, Responsibility and Accountability." In The Politics of Compassion, 117–38. Policy Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529200423.003.0007.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines how migrant and refugee rights activists have reclaimed a politics of outrage to challenge violent and repressive policies and hold those responsible to account. Focusing on the campaign to end Australia's use of offshore immigration detention on Manus Island and Nauru, the chapter highlights the Australian government's long-standing denial of responsibility and discrediting of the physical body as a mode of testimony and how it has obscured from public view — and physical proximity — the violence of its asylum and immigration policy. The #LetThemStay protests which took place in early 2016 against the deportation of refugees from Australia to the offshore detention centres, and the #CloseTheCamps and #BringThemHere protests reflect how asylum seekers and activists turn to the suffering body as a means of rearticulating compassion and connecting it to the feminist ethics of care, as well as directing outrage towards the causes of suffering.
6
"Moments of solidarity, migrant activism and (non)citizens at global borders: political agency at Tanzanian refugee camps, Australian detention centres and European borders." In Citizenship, Migrant Activism and the Politics of Movement, 121–40. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203125113-12.
Full text
7
Ouali, Nouria. "Violences systémiques dans les centres fermés." In Sapere l’Europa, sapere d’Europa. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-358-8/006.
Full textAbstract:
The essay examines one type of state-sponsored violence against undocumented migrants (especially women and children), which have been implemented since the late 1980s to control migration flows in Belgium. These policies are based on two pillars: the detention of undocumented migrants and their forced eviction. The examination of these practices reveals the systemic violence of this policy and the many violations of the fundamental rights. The author raises the question of the status of the regime of violence inflicted on undocumented migrants and their children in administrative detention centers: is it a case of abuse or torture? Regarding the detrimental effects on the mental and physical health of migrants (and their children), as powerful as those resulting from torture, the author suggests that, in some case, abuses designated by the courts could be called torture.
8
Escobar, Martha. "Adriana and Esther." In Latinas in the Criminal Justice System, 209–36. NYU Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479804634.003.0010.
Full textAbstract:
During the past four decades, the United States has increasingly made use of criminalization as a tool for social organization and consequently witnessed a surge in the number of people in carceral spaces, including jails, prisons, and detention centers. How criminalization practices impact people varies depending on their social positionality. This chapter details the narratives of Adriana and Esther, Mexican women deportees who were previously incarcerated in California prisons. Drawing from women of Color feminist critiques, this chapter conceptualizes Adriana and Esther as producers of knowledge on various issues that affect criminalized Latina migrants. Their narratives afford an intersectional understanding of how migrant status, language, race, class, gender, and sexuality shape Latina migrants’ experiences with sentencing, incarceration, detention, parole, deportation, and reintegration into Mexican society. This chapter privileges their embodied knowledge to provide an understanding of how Latina migrants experience processes of criminalization and to offer guidance for possible scholarly and political paths.
9
Loyd, Jenna M., and Alison Mountz. "“Uncle Sam Has a Long Arm”." In Boats, Borders, and Bases. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520287969.003.0005.
Full textAbstract:
Chapter 4 examines how migrant detention became one part of the vast carceral landscape in Florence and Eloy, Arizona. Neither proximity to the border nor privatization adequately explains the patchwork of carceral facilities in this central Arizona locale. Rather, the landscape of migrant detention builds on multiple histories of confinement, including WWII prisoner of war camps and Florence’s status as Arizona’s prison town, thereby setting the stage to examine the growing interconnections between migrant detention and the burgeoning prison system. The chapter further explores the legal histories of expulsion that form the basis for the development of “criminal alien” legislation, bolstering rationales for detention construction.
10
Ouali, Nouria. "The Experience of Undocumented Women and Children in Detention Centres in Belgium Ill-Treatment or Torture?" In Migration and Torture in Today’s World. Venice: Fondazione Università Ca’ Foscari, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-635-0/009.
Full textAbstract:
The article examines one of the forms of state violence exercised on undocumented migrants in Belgium, in particular on women and children, since the introduction, in the late 1980s, of the new migration policies which notably consisted in the confinement in detention centers and the forced deportation. The analysis of that migratory flows control policy reveals the systemic violence practiced against these migrants and the repeated violation of their fundamental rights that have been condemned by eight judgments of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). The article aims at discussing the nature of the regime of violence inflicted on undocumented migrants in detention centers and during deportations: is it ill-treatment or torture? The first section briefly presents the political context and the institutional architecture of detention centers. The second section describes the violence of confinement and its consequences on women and children. The third section deals with the practices of deportation under their collective and individual aspect and their impacts on migrants. The article concludes that regarding, both, the norm of intentionality of migration policies and the detrimental effects on the mental and physical health of children and women migrants as powerful as those resulting from torture, the re-labelling and recognizing these inhuman treatments as typical forms of torture of detention centers established oneself. The challenge of this re-labelling lies in the need to shift the moral and legal debate to the political one in order to question that form of governmentality and policy unworthy of a democracy.
Conference papers on the topic "Migrant detention centres"
1
Turanjanin, Veljko. "MIGRANTS AND SAFETY IN SERBIA DURING AND AFTER CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC." In The recovery of the EU and strengthening the ability to respond to new challenges – legal and economic aspects. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/22437.
Full textAbstract:
The removal of internal borders and the establishment of freedom of movement are important aspects of the EU’s history, but they are not accompanied by a uniform legal system. The migrant dilemma isn’t going away, and the pattern and character of these movements have evolved dramatically over the previous six decades. The author of this article addresses the issue of migrants’ position in Serbia’s rural areas during the coronavirus pandemic. During the period of emergency, Serbia enacted policies that imprisoned migrants in detention centres, effectively depriving them of their liberty. According to the government’s reasoning, it was done to protect migrants’ health. Given the rising violence between migrants and the local people, the question is whether the state intended to safeguard migrants’ health or citizens from migrants in this manner. The author conducted a survey in these areas, explains the findings in depth, and draws a conclusion based on his findings. The paper is comprised of several units. In the first place, the author briefly explains the state of emergency in Serbia and gives an overview of migration centers in Serbia. The central part of this paper deals with the research between citizens in relation to migrants, both in their general attitude and in terms of the relationship between migrants and crime. Residents of migrants’ areas were surveyed, as the author believed thought that due to the location of migration centres, they would be most affected by waves of migrants and possibly, crimes committed by migrants. The author set two initial hypotheses and both were confirmed, and according to the research, the population has a negative attitude towards migrants. At the same time, most respondents show distrust of the state’s claim that migrants are imprisoned for their health. The author believes that this move by the state at that time was a hasty reaction in order to prevent the uncontrolled movement of migrants and the potential spread of the infectious coronavirus disease. In the same time, the author tries to answer to the question about the migrants’ position today and in the near future.