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Journal articles on the topic 'Middle Kingdom texts][Egyptian papyri'

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1

Makeeva, Natalia V. "Private or royal: laudatory epithets in Egyptian Middle Kingdom texts." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Series 13. Asian Studies. African Studies, no. 2 (June 2016): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu13.2016.203.

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2

Gill, David, and Joan Padgham. "‘One find of capital importance’: a reassessment of the statue of User from Knossos." Annual of the British School at Athens 100 (November 2005): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400021146.

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A fragmentary Egyptian Middle Kingdom statuette was found in the north-west area of Central Court at Knossos in 1900. The three hieroglyphic texts show that the statue was mortuary in character, and that it was linked to a gold-caster called User of the Wadjet nome in Egypt. The User statuette is part of a wider distribution of Middle Kingdom statues from Nubia, Anatolia, and the Levant which have been found in funerary and nonfunerary contexts. Theories for this distribution are reviewed including diplomatic gifts and exchanges, dedications in sanctuaries, the movement of specialised Egyptian workers, portable funerary statues and looting. Looting of tombs in the Wadjet nome followed by redistribution of finds looks like the most likely explanation for the appearance of User's statuette on Crete.
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3

Zago, Silvia. "Classifying the Duat." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 145, no. 2 (November 2, 2018): 205–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2018-0018.

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Summary The notion of Duat plays a major role in ancient Egyptian funerary beliefs. Yet, a single definition of this notion is impossible to achieve, as it underwent a process of evolution over thousands of years without ever designating just one unambiguous place at a time. In this context, an approach based on cognitive linguistics and on the significance of the determinatives accompanying the word Duat can be exploited to shed more light on this elusive concept. The focus will be here on the Pyramid Texts and the Coffin Texts as well as the intermediary phase of transmission of the funerary literature during the period between the end of the Old Kingdom and the beginning of the Middle Kingdom.
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4

Liszka, Kate. "Egyptian or Nubian? Dry-Stone Architecture at Wadi el-Hudi, Wadi es-Sebua, and the Eastern Desert." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 103, no. 1 (June 2017): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0307513317714407.

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When building in dry-stone, Nubians and Egyptians used different techniques to construct walls. Wadi es-Sebua has been used as a type-site for C-Group Nubian settlements. Its exterior wall exhibits courses of stones laid at an angle, a technique I associate with Nubians. The Egyptian fortified mining settlements at Wadi el-Hudi, el-Hisnein, and Dihmit use dry-stone architecture, similar to the architecture at Wadi es-Sebua. Texts and pottery support that many Nubians also worked for contemporary Egyptian mining expeditions in the Eastern Desert during the early Middle Kingdom. I suggest that Nubian workforces carried out much of the architectural construction of these fortified settlements using their own traditional building techniques, but following an Egyptian design, and I argue that the so-called ‘loopholes’ found in these exterior walls were not for military defence, but rather were windows. These construction techniques point to a latent Nubian agency within the operation of Egyptian mining settlements.
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5

Backes, Burkhard. "The Egyptian Coffin Texts, VIII: Middle Kingdom Copies of Pyramid TextsThe Egyptian Coffin Texts, VIII: Middle Kingdom Copies of Pyramid Texts. By ALLENJames P.. Oriental Institute Publications 132. Pp. xv + 456. Chicago, Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 2006. ISBN 1 88592 340 6. Price $120." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 96, no. 1 (January 2010): 258–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751331009600122.

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6

Lilyquist, Christine. "Twelve Carnarvon Writing Boards and their Provenances." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 105, no. 2 (December 2019): 157–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0307513319896277.

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Research for the final report of a large Middle Kingdom tomb dug jointly by the fifth Earl of Carnarvon and The Metropolitan Museum of Art provides provenance information for 12 writing boards from Carnarvon tombs on the West Bank at Luxor. Through disparate records at the Griffith Institute Oxford, Egyptian Museum Cairo, and The Metropolitan Museum of Art New York, the tablets can now be assigned to a small area below or adjacent to Hatshepsut’s valley temple. The results put the texts into a broader cultural context at the same time that the study illustrates the fragility of information from excavations that deserve to be accurately and widely known.
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7

Rzeuska, Teodozja I. "In the Shadow of Wepwawet." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 18 (December 30, 2014): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.18.2014.18.06.

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Asyut, known as Siut in ancient times, was the capital of the 13th Nome of Upper Egypt. It is situated precisely in the middle of Egypt at a crossroads of routes running from north to south and east to west. The site is mainly recognised as a place where Wepwawet and Anubis were worshipped and for being the burial ground of the nomarchs in the 1st Intermediate period/Period of Regions and the Middle Kingdom. Although the city’s name appears in texts dating back to the 5th Dynasty and is predated by depictions of Wepwawet, it is only recently that evidence of an early necropolis has been found on the gebel in Asyut. It was the German-Egyptian mission of the Asyut Project (Johannes Gutenberg University of Mainz/Free University in Berlin/Sohag University) working on the site for the last ten seasons, which managed to locate an early cemetery.
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8

Tarasenko, Mykola. "Some Remarks to the Semantics of Image of Deity on the Coffin of Sepi III (Cairo CG 28083)." Eikon / Imago 10 (February 8, 2021): 229–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/eiko.74148.

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The problem of the iconography of a unique image of a deity drawn on the Middle Kingdom rectangular coffin of Sepi III (Cairo CG 28083; B1C; Deir el-Bersha; CT VI, 386) is discussed in the article. It is possible that the god is the first known image of the syncretic double god Re-Osiris. The deity (with a head unusually for Egyptian iconography unfolded in full face) is shown sitting on a throne with the inscription “millions (of years)”. The image of this god could be a visual display of the eschatological plot described in Spell 1130 of the Coffin Texts (the union of Atum(-Re) and Osiris after destruction of the Universe) at the end in the Book of Two Ways, that is represented on the bottom of Sepi’s coffin.
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9

Baines, John. "The Stela of Emhab: Innovation, Tradition, Hierarchy." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 72, no. 1 (August 1986): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338607200105.

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The Seventeenth Dynasty stela of Emhab from Tell Edfu (Cairo JE 49566) narrates the owner's victory in a drumming contest and role as drummer, probably in Kamose's army. Such competitions are almost absent from Egyptian texts. Emhab's assertion that he ‘kept alive’ while his lord ‘killed’ relates to a hierarchy visible in early Eighteenth Dynasty biographies, in which kings claim to kill and the highest achievement of other combatants is to bring back captives. The gift of a female slave to Emhab is probably a reward for procuring male captives, who would themselves be retained for other purposes. The titles of Emhab and his mother suggest that he was nomarch of Edfu. The relief scene is modelled after Middle Kingdom emblematic groups of king and god; the figure of Emhab derives from that of a god and the god from a royal Horus name.
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10

Gundacker, Roman. "Ist ḥśjw-mw „Wasserzauber“ ein ‚Älteres Kompositum‘? Untersuchungen zu einem terminus technicus der ägyptischen lingua magica." Lingua Aegyptia - Journal of Egyptian Language Studies 27 (2019): 77–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.37011/lingaeg.27.05.

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“Is ḥśjw-mw ‘water conjuration’ an ‘Älteres Kompositum’? Investigations into a terminus technicus of the Egyptian lingua magica” - Starting in the Old Kingdom, depictions of the work and dangers of herdsmen, who ford cattle and ward off crocodiles with magical gestures, formed part of the motif repertoire of country life and agriculture in many commoners’ tombs. The textual counterparts of such scenes are mentioned in seven literary, magical and religious texts from the Middle Kingdom to the Graeco-Roman Period. Regardless of the unity of meaning and context, the terminus technicus denoting those conjurations directed against crocodiles is written in three essentially different ways as ḥśjw-mw (Tale of a Herdsman, Hymn to Amun in Papyrus Leiden I 350, Cairo Love Songs, a magical papyrus in Budapest, Florentine Mythological Handbook), ḥśjw-m-mw (CT 836) and śḥśjw-m-mw (Magical Papyrus Harris). When compared to graphic peculiarities of ‘Ältere Komposita’, ḥśjw-m-mw (CT 836) and śḥśjw-m-mw (Magical Papyrus Harris) can be identified as phonetic writings, and the attestation in the Tale of a Herdsman, which exhibits the peculiar insertion of a “boat” (Gardiner P.1), as an unetymological writing. Consequently, all seven tokens can be assigned to a single morphological pattern, ḥśjw-mw ‘water conjuration’, which, tentatively, can be revocalised *ḥĭśjắw-măw.
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11

Orriols-Llonch, Marc. "El acto sexual como agente del (re)nacimiento de Osiris." Trabajos de Egiptología. Papers on Ancient Egypt, no. 11 (2020): 241–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.tde.2020.11.15.

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One of the most important myths of the Ancient Egypt civilization is Osiris’ cyclical myth. Even though not enough attention has been given to it, one of the most important mythemes is the sexual act between the god and Isis. This sexual act establishes two pillars of the monarchy in Ancient Egypt: the conception and the subsequent birth of Horus (the archetype of the earthly Egyptian king) and Osiris’ (re)birth (king of the Underworld and archetype of the dead). Regardless of the great importance of this sexual act, the sources that relate to it are scarce. On a textual level, the intercourse between both divinities has been documented since the Pyramid Texts until the end of the Pharaonic Period. However, it appears narrated on very few occasions with verbs carrying explicit sexual meaning. Only the context allows one to see that the protagonists are having sexual relations. Since Osiris is dead, Isis is the obvious agent of the action, an exception that makes the goddess different from the rest of her peers. Regarding iconography, only three images have been documented in the Dynastic Period: one in the Middle Kingdom and two in the New Kingdom. In all of them the image is the same, the anthropomorphic Osiris, lies in his funerary bed while Isis, in the shape of a bird of prey, copulates with him.
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12

Dularidze, Tea. "Information Exchange and Relations between Ahhiyawa and the Hittite Empire." Studia Iuridica 80 (September 17, 2019): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4785.

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The majority of scholars identify the long-disputed term Ahhiyawa found in the Hittite texts as Achaea of the Homeric epics. According to the Hittite texts, Ahhiyawa and Hittite relations can be dated from the Middle Kingdom period. The term was first used in the records of Suppiluliuma I (1380-1346). Documents discussed (the records of Mursili II and Muwatalli II) demonstrate that Ahhiyawa was a powerful country. Its influence extended to Millawanda, which evidently reached the sea. Especially interesting is the “Tawagalawa letter” dated to the 13th century BC, in which the Hittite king makes excuses for his blunder committed at an early age. The Hittite king takes a diplomatic step towards the resolution of the conflict and starts negotiations with a party (Ahhiyawa) that could act as a mediator. We can infer from the letter that Ahhiyawa had its representatives in Millawanda, while its relations with the Land of the Hatti were managed through envoys. The powerful position of Ahhiyawa is also evident from Tudhaliya IV’s letter to the ruler of Amurru, where he refers to the kings of Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, and Ahhiyawa as to his equals. Thus, Ahhiyawa of the Hittite texts fully corresponds to Homeric Achaea. The invaders have three appellations in The Iliad: the Achaeans, the Danaans, and the Argives. The Achaeans can be found in Hittite documents, while the Danaans are mentioned in the Egyptian sources. Ahhiyawa is the land of the Achaeans, which laid the foundation for the development of the Hellenic civilization in the Aegean. It can be argued that the Greeks were actively involved in the foreign policy of the ancient Near East. The information conveyed by the Greek tradition is supported by the archeological finds confirming the rise of the Hellenes in the continental Greece from the 14th century BC. According to the tradition, the Mycenaeans went far beyond the Near East, reaching Colchis (The Argonaut legend).
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13

Uljas, Sami. "Egyptian: An Introduction to the Writing and Language of the Middle KingdomEgyptian: An Introduction to the Writing and Language of the Middle Kingdom. By BORGHOUTSJORIS F.. Egyptologische Uitgaven 24 (2 vols): Volume I, Grammar, Syntax and Indexes, pp. xxxiii + 581. Volume II, Sign Lists, Exercises and Reading Texts, pp. vii + 481. Leuven, Peeters and Leiden, Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 2010. ISBN 978 9 062 58224 2 (Peeters), 978 9 042 92294 5 (NINO). Price €120." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 98, no. 1 (January 2012): 336–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751331209800130.

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14

Loktionov, Alexandre. "Importing the law? Possible elements of the Mesopotamian legal tradition in New Kingdom Egypt (1549-1064BCE)." BAF-Online: Proceedings of the Berner Altorientalisches Forum 1 (January 16, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.22012/baf.2016.03.

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Features of New Kingdom (1549-1064BCE[1]) justice not attested earlierOracle courts, as attested at Deir el-Medina[2] and elsewhere[3]Increase in severe corporal punishment: for example, mutilation of nose and ears becomes a standard element in oath formulae[4]Detailed protasis-apodosis legal decrees, such as the Karnak Decree of Horemheb[5] (1328-1298BCE) or the Nauri Decree of Seti I[6] (1296-1279). Why might this be connected to Mesopotamia/Semitic law?“Hyksos” period (1650-1549BCE) immediately prior to New KingdomAmarna letters/greater exposure to Akkadian in Egypt during New KingdomLegal associations: Akkadian and Egyptian copies of Ramesses II – Hattusili III treaty[7] (1258BCE), where corporal punishment is a prominent topicMesopotamian law, and broader scholarship, often associated with protasis-apodosis[8]Mesopotamian law often associated with severe corporal punishment: for instance, see Code of Hammurabi (1792-1750BCE)[9], Middle Assyrian Laws[10] (c.1400-1100BCE) etc.Why might this NOT be connected to Mesopotamia/Semitic law?Were earlier periods truly different, or is this down to chance preservation of sources?Protasis-apodosis has precedents in the Middle Kingdom (2066-1650BCE): for instance, see 2nd Semna stela of Senusret III (1865BCE)[11] or Illahun Medical papyri (c.1800BCE)[12]. [1] All Egyptian dates are calculated according to the chronology set forth in Dodson & Hilton 2004: 287-294, while Mesopotamian dates follow the chronology in van de Mieroop 2007: 302-317.[2] McDowell 1990: 143-186.[3] Kákosy 1975: 600-606; Černy 1962: 35-48.[4] Lorton 1977: 33-38, 50-51; Tyldesley 2000: 81.[5] Kruchten 1981.[6] Kitchen 1975-1990: 53-55 (text 24); Davies 1997: 277-308.[7] Langdon & Gardiner 1920.[8] Bottéro 1992: 125-137, 156-184; Roth 1997.[9] Roth 1997: 71-142; Richardson 2000.[10] Driver & Miles 1935; Roth 1997: 153-194.[11] Sethe 1924: 83-84.[12] Quirke 2002; Collier & Quirke 2004: 53-64.
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15

Ghigo, Tea, and María Jesús Albarrán Martínez. "The practice of writing inside an Egyptian monastic settlement: preliminary material characterisation of the inks used on Coptic manuscripts from the Monastery of Apa Apollo at Bawit." Heritage Science 9, no. 1 (May 31, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40494-021-00541-0.

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AbstractOver the last few years, the Federal Institute for material research (BAM, Berlin) together with the Centre for the Study of Manuscript Cultures (CSMC, University of Hamburg) have initiated a systematic material investigation of black inks produced from Late Antiquity to the Middle Ages (ca. fourth century CE–fourteenth/fifteenth centuries CE), aimed primarily at extending and complementing findings from previous sporadic studies. Part of this systematic investigation has focused on Egyptian Coptic manuscripts, and the present preliminary study is one of its outputs. It centres on a corpus of 45 Coptic manuscripts—43 papyri and 2 ostraca—preserved at the Palau-Ribes and Roca-Puig collections in Barcelona. The manuscripts come from the Monastery of Apa Apollo at Bawit, one of the largest monastic settlements in Egypt between the Late Antiquity and the Early Islamic Period (sixth–eighth centuries CE). The composition of their black inks was investigated in situ using near-infrared reflectography (NIRR) and X-ray fluorescence (XRF). The analyses determined that the manuscripts were written using different types of ink: pure carbon ink; carbon ink containing iron; mixed inks containing carbon, polyphenols and metallic elements; and iron-gall ink. The variety of inks used for the documentary texts seems to reflect the articulate administrative system of the monastery of Bawit. This study reveals that, in contrast to the documents, written mostly with carbon-based inks, literary biblical texts were written with iron-gall ink. The frequent reuse of papyrus paper for certain categories of documents may suggest that carbon-based inks were used for ephemeral manuscripts, since they were easy to erase by abrasion.
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