Journal articles on the topic 'Middle eastern conflicts'
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Malashenko, A. "Conflicts in the Middle East: prospects for escalation in the context of general regional instability in the 2020s." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2021): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-120-132.
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The article analyses Middle Eastern conflicts in the early 2020s. The main focus is on the situation in Syria, Libya, and Yemen, three Middle Eastern conflicts that are progressing, with no solution in sight. These conflicts motivated by social, economic and political reasons became a progression of those protests that have started in 2011 and have been called “The Arab Spring”. These “revolutions” have been promoted by Islamist movements and groups whose activity became one of key factors of perpetual tensions in the region. So far, attempts by conflict parties to find consensual solutions have remained rather unsuccessful. Positive resolution of actual and potential conflicts in the Greater Middle East to a significant extent still depends on external regional and non-regional actors, such as Russia, Turkey, Iran, and the United States. However, each actor involved in these conflicts and in conflict management pursues its own goals. These actors try to retain their positions and influence in these Middle Eastern countries and in the region as a whole. According to the forecast made in the article, more conflicts in the region may be foreseen (in Iraq, the Persian Gulf states etc.) that could form the next wave of the “Arab Spring”.
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Sun, Degang. "China and the Middle East security governance in the new era." Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, no. 3 (July 1, 2017): 354–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1353791.
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In the 21st century, conflicts in the Middle East can generally be classified into four types, namely: conflicts between outside powers and Middle Eastern countries; between Middle Eastern countries themselves; between different political parties and religious sects within a sovereign country; as well as transnational and cross-border conflicts. The mode of China’s participation in Middle Eastern security governance includes political, security and social conflicts. There are three categories of domestic mechanisms in Chinese practice, specifically: the special envoy mechanism by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the procession and peace-keeping mechanisms by the Chinese Ministry of National Defense; and the foreign aid mechanism by the Chinese Ministry of Commerce. The China–Arab States Cooperation Forum, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation, the United Nations and other international organizations constitute the major international regimes for China’s security governance. China’s Middle Eastern security governance creates not only ‘public goods’ for the region but also a means for China to build constructive great power relations with the United States, the European Union and Russia, among others. The styles of Chinese and Western security governance in the Middle East vary with the Chinese side placing most emphasis on improving the well-being of Middle Eastern peoples and placing this as the top priority on the agenda, followed by a ‘bottom-up’ roadmap, and the seeking of incremental, consultative, inclusive and selective governance in Middle East conflict resolution.
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Silbermann, Michael, Michel Daher, Rejin Kebudi, Omar Nimri, Mazin Al-Jadiry, and Lea Baider. "Middle Eastern Conflicts: Implications for Refugee Health in the European Union and Middle Eastern Host Countries." Journal of Global Oncology 2, no. 6 (December 2016): 422–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jgo.2016.005173.
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Until very recently, health care in conflict settings was based on a model developed in the second half of the twentieth century. Things have changed, and present civil wars, such as those that are currently taking place in the Middle East, do not address the complexity of the ongoing armed conflicts in countries such as Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. These conflicts have caused a significant increase in the number of refugees in the region, as well as in Europe. Hundreds of thousands of refugees succeed in settling in mid- and north-European countries, and their health issues are becoming of great importance. Refugees in Europe in the twenty-first century do not suffer so much from infectious diseases but more from noninfectious chronic diseases such as diabetes, cardiac disease, and cancer. These facts profoundly alter the demographics and disease burden of hostility-derived migrants. Thus, host European countries face situations they have never faced before. Hence, new approaches and strategies are urgently needed to cope with this new situation. The efforts to absorb refugees of different traditions and cultural backgrounds often cause increasing ethnic and religious tensions, which frequently escort the emergence of social violence. To date, little attention has been paid to the overall load of distress being experienced, especially among the first-generation refugees. The current ongoing hostilities in the Middle East induce a long-term health impact on people expelled from their homes, communities, traditions, and cultural environment. The realization of collective suffering forces communities and governmental health agencies to develop new programs that include social determinants to overcome the severe cultural gaps of the newcomers in their new European host countries.
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Steenkamp, Christina. "The impact of tunnels on conflicts in the Middle East." International Affairs 98, no. 2 (March 2022): 689–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab230.
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Abstract The battlefields in the contemporary conflicts in the Middle East are multi-level conflicts. They take place in the air and on the ground, but an important and often overlooked dimension of these conflicts is found under the surface. This article recognizes the usefulness of political geography's ‘volumetric turn’ as it examines the use of tunnels in conflict, particularly in the post-2001 conflicts in the Middle East. It asks questions about who uses tunnels, for which purposes and about the impact of tunnels on conflicts. It proceeds to show how tunnels are used by a range of actors (including states, insurgents, civilians and organized crime groups) for various, often overlapping purposes (including offensive, defensive and smuggling/economic purposes). The article argues that tunnels impact on conflicts by benefiting the weaker side in asymmetrical warfare, by directly affecting states’ military strategy, by either generating or challenging political legitimacy and lastly, by becoming central to the economic survival of civilians in conflict. A greater recognition of the subterranean dimension of contemporary Middle Eastern conflicts will provide a more nuanced understanding of the duration, intensity and consequences of these wars.
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Zunes, Stephen. "International law, the UN and Middle Eastern conflicts." Peace Review 16, no. 3 (September 2004): 285–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1040265042000278513.
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Karamy, Selma Elfirda, and Arry Bainus. "West-Eastern Divan Orchestra: A Representation of Peace Optimism from the Middle East." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional 16, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/jihi.v16i1.3341.87-97.
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The high escalation of conflict that occurred in the Middle East region became a global issue which until now still has not found a solution. This situation is also complicated by the presence of US President Donald Trump's controversial immigration policy, which targets the Middle Eastern countries. Various efforts have been made by each country to reduce tension and maintain social and political stability in each country. In the midst of the many efforts made, emerging non-state actor that are trying to resolve conflicts, one of which is the Divan OrcThe high escalation of conflict that occurred in the Middle East region became a global issue which until now still has not found a solution. This situation is also complicated by the presence of US President Donald Trump's controversial immigration policy, which targets the Middle Eastern countries. Various efforts have been made by each country to reduce tension and maintain social and political stability in each country. In the midst of the many efforts made, emerging non-state actor that are trying to resolve conflicts, one of which is the Divan Orchestra, an international music organization that runs Music Diplomacy in the conflict countries. In this study, researchers will try to discuss The Divan Orchestra diplomatic roles as a representation of the message of peace from its members. The researcher will use the concepts of Music Diplomacy, Soft Power and Non-State Roles as Analysis Tools. While the research method used is a Qualitative Method using Literature Study. https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1953-7663
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Zikriya, Naushad Khan, and Asif Salim. "Middle East Dilemma: Pakistan’s Role as Mediator for Conflict Resolution." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/3.1.2.
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The development of International relations together with forces like globalization and technology has brought the world closer to each other. Friendly ties and relations with states create massive challenges during times of conflict. The focus of the paper is on the crisis evolving in the Middle East region and the role of Pakistan in solving those crisis considering relations with its closest allies, political and financial circumstances, and its foreign policy principles. A qualitative research approach with desk analysis technique has been applied to analyse the role of Pakistan as a mediator for the conflict resolution among Middle Eastern countries. The research highlights how the disputes created great problems for Pakistan but it is still striving to resolve conflicts among Middle Eastern countries because maintaining peace and prosperity in the Muslim world has always been a top priority of Pakistan’s foreign policy.
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Kandel, Matt. "Land conflicts and social differentiation in eastern Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 55, no. 3 (August 11, 2017): 395–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1700026x.
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ABSTRACTRising competition and conflict over land in rural sub-Saharan Africa continues to attract the attention of researchers. Recent work has especially focused on land governance, post-conflict restructuring of tenure relations, and large-scale land acquisitions. A less researched topic as of late, though one deserving of greater consideration, pertains to how social differentiation on the local-level shapes relations to land, and how these processes are rooted in specific historical developments. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Teso sub-region of eastern Uganda, this paper analyses three specific land conflicts and situates them within a broad historical trajectory. I show how each dispute illuminates changes in class relations in Teso since the early 1990s. I argue that this current period of socioeconomic transformation, which includes the formation of a more clearly defined sub-regional middle class and elite, constitutes the most prominent period of social differentiation in Teso since the early 20th century.
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AlAhmad, Hussein. "A Middle Eastern style of mediatization of politics and conflicts: Were regional-domestic intersections considered?" Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research 16, no. 2 (October 1, 2023): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00062_1.
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This article examines the extent to which mediatization, as a western-centric metatheory central to an understanding of how the media logic comes to influence the political logic, applies to the study of non-western case studies. Considering the case of the 2006 Palestinian internal conflict (the split), the article examines the role of pan-Arab transnational satellite TV (PTSTV) journalism in covering the conflict’s trajectories. Building on primary qualitative data, gathered via semi-structured interviews with prominent stakeholders/insiders in the two parties and relevant sectors of news media and politics, the article explores the interplay between regional and Palestinian politics, evident in PTSTV’s coverage, and shows how available western-centred theoretical paradigms that draw on mediatization – in examining mediatized conflicts – fell short in examining such interplay for contextual, structural and sociocultural challenges in PTSTV’s operating milieu. Alternatively, the study inductively explored this interplay, overcoming the aforesaid contextual challenges, and provided evidence on how, with the lack of democratic principles in PTSTV’s operational milieu, structural/internal characteristics in these channels interacted with peripheral/external dimensions in their milieu and adversely affected their cultural dimension (coverage). PTSTV produced escalatory journalism that disseminated inflammatory content within a politically fractured culture, exacerbating the conflict and expanding the gap between the two rivals. This inductive approach in tracing the interplay – and its concurrent bargaining process – revealed five pivotal characteristics in PTSTV performance that are unique to those postulated in mediatization. They stand in this article as an authentic theoretical contribution that facilitated the handling of analytical challenges in the case study.
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Alsmadi, Izzat, Mohammed Naji Al Kabi, Heider Wahsheh, and Bassima Bassam. "Video spam and public opinion in current Middle Eastern conflicts." International Journal of Social Network Mining 1, no. 3/4 (2013): 318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijsnm.2013.059071.
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West, Robert, and Jürgen Pfeffer. "Armed Conflicts in Online News: A Multilingual Study." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 11, no. 1 (May 3, 2017): 309–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v11i1.14889.
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Wars and conflicts have constituted major events throughout history. Despite their importance, the general public typically learns about such events only indirectly, through the lens of news media, which necessarily select and distort events before relaying them to readers. Quantifying these processes is important, as they are fundamental to how we see the world, but the task is difficult, as it requires working with large and representative datasets of unstructured news text in many languages. To address these issues, we propose a set of unsupervised methods for compiling and analyzing a multilingual corpus of millions of online news documents about armed conflicts. We then apply our methods to answer a number of research questions: First, how widely are armed conflicts covered by online news media in various languages, and how does this change as conflicts progress? Second, what role does the level of violence of a conflict play? And third, how well informed is a reader when following a limited number of online news sources? We find that coverage levels are different across conflicts, but similar across languages for a given conflict; that Middle Eastern conflicts receive more attention than African conflicts, even when controlling for the level of violence; and that for most languages and conflicts, following very few sources is enough to stay continuously informed. Finally, given the prominence of conflicts in the Middle East, we further analyze them in a detailed case study.
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Gul, Azeem, Rizwana Karim Abbasi, and Syed Arslan Haider. "Iran and Saudi Arabia’s Strategic Rivalry and the Middle Eastern Security: An Assessment." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no. 2 (September 12, 2021): 17–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.2.2.
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The strategic rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran has been worsened for the last two decades. This historical sectarian divisions led by Saudi Arabia and Iran has now morphed into a struggle for regional influence between Shia political power led by Iran and Sunni political power led by Saudi Arabia. Against this backdrop, the study examines the contours of the Middle Eastern security in the context of Saudi and Iran strategic rivalry in various conflicts such as crisis in Syria, Yemen, and situation in Iraq including proxy wars and Iran’s nuclear program. The study finds out that the security situation of the Middle East would have been much better if Saudi and Iran would have cooperated on various issues such as Yemen and Syrian crisis. In addition, the internal vulnerabilities of the Middle East with Iran and Saudi strategic antagonism provided opportunities to the external power intervention that further has intensified the conflicts in the region. The study concludes that the solution of the Middle Eastern problem would lie in building cooperation between Iran and Saudi Arabia relations and in this respect the current rapprochement between the two states is a positive development for Middle Eastern security.
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Maglio, Manuela. "Palestine, Israel and Egypt: New scholarship on the Middle Eastern conflicts." Intelligence and National Security 12, no. 2 (April 1997): 163–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529708432420.
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El Morabet, Rachida, Roohul Abad Khan, Majed Alsubih, Nadeem Ahmad Khan, Mohammad Yusuf, Parvez Khan, Anatolii Hrynzovskyi, Svitlana Каlashchenko, and Olena Lutsak. "Epidemiology study of Diarrhoea, Cholera, Typhoid, Hepatitis A and Hepatitis E in Middle East and North Africa Region." Ecological Questions 34, no. 4 (June 21, 2023): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/eq.2023.044.
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Middle eastern countries are among one of the highly water stressed region in the world. Which renders it highly susceptible to water borne diseases. Water borne diseases epidemiology in Middle eastern countries were investigated in this research to determine existing health security in Middle eastern countries. Recent conflicts in the region, deteriorating water supply and infrastructure has led to major outbreaks of diarrhoea and cholera in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen. The water borne disease investigated are; diarrhoea, cholera, hepatitis A, hepatitis E and typhoid to present an overall scenario in the region. Despite proper infrastructure and water supply, stability (social, political and economy) of each country is vital to contain and curb water borne diseases and its outbreak in Middle eastern countries. According to the research results, it can be assumed that there is a high need for an elaborate study to come up with a comprehensive plan to mitigate and control water borne diseases in Middle eastern countries in terms of present and future perspective.
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Sowers, Jeannie L., Erika Weinthal, and Neda Zawahri. "Targeting environmental infrastructures, international law, and civilians in the new Middle Eastern wars." Security Dialogue 48, no. 5 (September 7, 2017): 410–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617716615.
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Research in conflict studies and environmental security has largely focused on the mechanisms through which the environment and natural resources foster conflict or contribute to peacebuilding. An understudied area of research, however, concerns the ways in which warfare has targeted civilian infrastructure with long-term effects on human welfare and ecosystems. This article seeks to fill this gap. We focus on better understanding the conflict destruction of water, sanitation, waste, and energy infrastructures, which we term environmental infrastructures, by drawing on an author-compiled database of the post-2011 wars in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). While research across the social sciences has examined the targeting of civilians and environmental destruction during wars, including the issue of urbicide, we expand the study of targeting environmental infrastructure to (1) examine the role of different types of actors (international vs. subnational), (2) document the type of infrastructure targeted, form of attack, and impacts, and (3) situate increased targeting of environmental infrastructure in the changing context of war-making in the MENA. Comparatively analyzing the conflict zones of Libya, Syria, and Yemen, we show that targeting environmental infrastructure is an increasingly prevalent form of war-making in the MENA, with long-term implications for rebuilding states, sustaining livelihoods, and resolving conflicts.
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Kaw, Mushtaq A. "Transcending Multilateral Conflicts in Eurasia: Some Sustainable Peaceful Alternatives." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 349–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.349.
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In this article I argue that notwithstanding intermittent conflicts and wars among the nomadic and sedentary peoples since early times, the Asian and Middle Eastern region has been characteristic of relative peace and prosperity. This region has been known for the boom in energy trade, globalization and amalgamation of local, national and global economies during the post-Cold War era. I show how, at least in part, the gradual improvement in the indicators of social sustainability, human security and economic growth, was the natural concomitant of the historical position of this region. Yet, speedy progress in the region, this article shows, is impeded by divergent geo-political, geo-economic and geo-strategic agendas of the regional and global powers; these find manifestation in the conflicts in Middle East, Caucasia, Afghanistan, Indian Kashmir, Chinese part of Turkistan (Xinjiang) etc. The conflicts are diverse in nature, time and space, and are pre-emptive of enormous malice, hatred and heart burning among the contending parties. To downs-size one another, they perpetually build military capability and enhance defense expenditure, in hundreds of thousands of US dollars at the cost of public works, human security and precious national resources. I conclude that the conflicts can be overcome through peaceful means rather than use of force. Several alternatives are warranted for the purpose: (i) engagement of conflicting parties in composite dialogue for generational sustainability, (ii) promotion of regional and economic integration while marginalizing ethno-national, ethno-geographic, ethno-religious and ethno-sectarian disputes, (iii) revival of the region’s rich tradition of multiculturalism and human co-existence, and (iv) glorification of peace message in Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and other religions. The objective is simply making history relevant to the contemporary society, and bolstering peace efforts of the nations, philanthropists and civil society in an otherwise war-torn and conflict-ridden Asian and Middle Eastern space.
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Snoubar, Yaser, and Nurdan Duman. "Impact of Wars and Conflicts on Women and Children in Middle East: Health, Psychological, Educational and Social Crisis." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 6, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v6i2.p211-215.
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The wars and armed conflicts in many regions of the world and especially in the Middle East have an eloquent impact on all life's happenings most especially in areas affected. Wars destroys community infrastructure such as health, education and other social services sectors. As of present, the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East had left a significant impact on the family and the individual in the areas affected. In the family, it has lead to disintegration and roles change. It is also lead to forced migration and asylum. At the individual level, it have impacted negatively in terms of psychology, social and physical wellbeing. Women and children are the most affected by traumatic events of war and they are the most vulnerable to all types of exploitation and abuse. The devastating effects of war on this vulnerable group can hardly be overemphasized. This paper discusses the problems faced by children and women in war and conflict zones. It also explores physical, mental health, social and educational crisis experienced by women and children in the Middle Eastern society. A society that is known to have witnessed many civil wars and armed conflicts. In addition, the study also discusses social and health services which must be provided to women and children in conflict affected area from the social work perspective.
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Pupcenoks, Juris. "Religion or Ethnicity?: Middle Eastern Conflicts and American Arab-Muslim Protest Politics." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 18, no. 2 (April 2012): 170–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2012.680853.
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Helman, David, and Benjamin F. Zaitchik. "Temperature anomalies affect violent conflicts in African and Middle Eastern warm regions." Global Environmental Change 63 (July 2020): 102118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2020.102118.
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Nipialidi, Olha. "GREAT MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA REGION IN THE MODERN SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL SECURITY." Economic Analysis, no. 31(3) (2021): 33–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/econa2021.03.033.
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The subject of the study is the security space of the countries of the Greater Middle Eastand North Africa and its significance for Ukraine. The aim of the article is to identify the main trends in the geopolitical transformation of the Middle East regional system and to identify conflict issues that destabilize the region and deepen instability. Taking into account these facts, Ukraine will be able to systematically extract foreign economic policy in relation to the consolidated space of the Greater Middle East and North Africa. Methodology (method). General scientific and special methods were used in the research process in order to achieve the goal and solve the outlined tasks: historical and logical, analysis and synthesis, generalization and quantitative comparison, visual (tabular and graphical) (to visualize the results of the study). Results. It is determined that the system of regional international relations is in the conditions of cardinal changes, which leads to their restructuring, creation of a new balance of power and formation of new relations between the states. The structural structure of the Greater Middle East and North Africa region is established and the historical preconditions of its formation are detailed. The main tendencies to the geopolitical transformation of the Middle Eastern regional system are confirmed. Projects of restructuring the political map of the Middle East and the Muslim world and possible consequences for international security are analysed. The growing role of individual countries in the study region in the global economy, which is determined by the presence of significant natural resources, including oil and gas, is confirmed. The main challenges for development and stability in the Middle East have been identified, including local conflicts, the growth of terrorist acts, and ethnic problems. Local conflicts that destabilize the region, as almost all countries have sufficient resources to confront, are analysed. It has been confirmed that the most powerful countries in the region are increasing their military potential to secure their interests. It is determined that military conflicts in the region have a negative impact on the deepening of the deficit of natural resources, which significantly affects the global geopolitical picture of the world. Measures to be taken by Middle Eastern countries to ensure security policy in the region are proposed. The main interests of Ukraine in relations with the countries of the Middle East and North Africa are analysed and recommendations for their implementation are given.
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Osiewicz, Przemysław. "THE ONGOING MILITARY CONFLICTS IN SYRIA AND YEMEN: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS, THEIR CONSEQUENCES, AND SCENARIOS." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 10 (December 15, 2017): 481–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2017.1.25.
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The main aim of the article is to analyse in detail roles played by various regional and nonregional state actors in two of the ongoing Middle Eastern conflicts, namely in Syria and in Yemen, in the period between March 2015 and May 2017. The year 2015 was very significant. That year the Russian military intervention in Syria began, the conflict in Yemen broke out and was internationalized simultaneously. This state-oriented study has two levels of analysis, namely regional and global. Although the global dimension can be observed and analysed in both selected conflicts, its seems to be much more noticeable and significant in case of the Syrian war especially due to the direct Russian engagement as well as the American response to it. A very limited institutionalization of international relations in the Middle East region seriously undermines opportunities for a peaceful conflict resolution in the region and therefore requires participation and engagement of non-regional actors especially of global powers which can exert either direct or indirect pressure on various regional actors. As far as sources are concerned, the study is based on selected documents, monographs, academic articles, reports, and analyses.
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Çolakoğlu, Elif. "Food Insecurity in the Middle East, the Black Sea Grain Initiative, and Türkiye." Güvenlik Stratejileri Dergisi 20, no. 47 (April 26, 2024): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17752/guvenlikstrtj.1423303.
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Almost all Middle Eastern nations now struggle with malnutrition and allocate a significant portion of their oil earnings to food. In addition to already challenging and changing climate and water pressure, ongoing conflict and the war atmosphere, poverty, a lack of purchasing power, and pandemic diseases in the region all seem to play a role. However, the deepening of Russia’s conflicts with Ukraine in recent years has made matters worse for the hungry in this fragile region and placed even self-sufficient nations in a precarious position. This paper addresses the Black Sea Grain Corridor Initiative, which was implemented through diplomatic measures hosted by Türkiye and guaranteed the secure transportation of Ukrainian grain to international markets. The study begins with a thorough discussion of the origins and effects of food insecurity in Middle Eastern countries. The second part examines the impact of this initiative on regional politics. To address the current issue, an integrated approach built on comprehension of cause-and-effect interactions has been implemented. The findings were gathered using a data collection technique.
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Dosari, Abdullah Al, and Mary George. "An Alternative to the Use of Force in International Law and Arab-Islamic Sulh for the Yemen Armed Conflict." Journal of Politics and Law 16, no. 2 (April 12, 2023): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v16n2p23.
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This article explores Arab-Islamic sulh (reconciliation) which is known to be rooted in religious (sectarian) and cultural dynamics, as well as tribal practices of the Arab societies. For this purpose, this article highlights the limitations of the conflict resolution approaches now in use as contextually unsuitable. It further draws attention to the continuing vitality of Arab-Islamic rituals of reconciliation sulh and identifies ways that mediators (US, UK UAE, and others) might benefit from an appraisal of such rituals. To counteract tribal experiences of disempowerment and temper the power-political undertones of the conflicts, mediators would consciously integrate principles and symbolic practices inherent in indigenous Middle Eastern reconciliation methodologies of sulh, alongside musalaha (settlement). Sulh exemplifies key Arab-Islamic cultural values that should be looked at figuratively and literally for insight into how to approach conflict resolution in the Saudi/Yemen armed conflicts. Therefore, as an alternative to the use of force, the sulh would be provisioned to leverage its capability to accommodate political interests that underpin the conflicts as well, with a view to effective resolution.
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W. Barker, Philip, and William J. Muck. "SECULAR ROOTS OF RELIGIOUS RAGE: SHAPING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST." SECULARISM VERSUS RELIGION 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2009): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0302177b.
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In historic cases of religious conflict, religion was not necessarily the original source of the conflict, but was eventually established as the focal point around which individuals defined their identity. Although the differences between the two groups may have been numerous (political, economic, cultural, etc.), religion provided the easiest and most prominently accessible tool for mass mobilization and identity differentiation. Once this shift occurs, the religious identities become so salient that all future interactions tend to be defined along religious lines, which in turn lends itself to intractability. This paper draws parallels between previous intractable religious conflicts and the current developing conflict between the United States and the Islamic world. Although the United States has made a concerted effort to declare a war on “terror” and not Islam, the perceived threat associated with current U.S. foreign policy behavior is encouraging the redefinition of Middle Eastern identity in Islamic terms and creating the possibility of intractable religious conflict on a global scale. Consequently, while many within the region may not have initially seen this conflict along religious lines, Islam has provided the most prominent and convenient form for articulating their frustrations.
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Yang, Xiaodong, and Lianshan Zhang. "Reducing parent-adolescent conflicts about mobile phone use: The role of parenting styles." Mobile Media & Communication 9, no. 3 (January 14, 2021): 563–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050157920986190.
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This study seeks to understand the role of parenting styles in reconciling parent-adolescent conflict about adolescents’ mobile phone use, through an examination of the effects of adolescents’ mobile phone use intensity, parenting styles, and their interaction effects on the conflicts. Multi-stage cluster sampling was used to collect a representative sample of 751 middle school students in an eastern province of China. The results indicated a positive relationship between the intensity of adolescents’ mobile phone use and parent-adolescent conflict about mobile phone use. Parental demandingness was related to more conflict, whereas parental responsiveness was related to less conflict. Moreover, moderation analyses revealed that the relationship between the intensity of adolescents’ mobile phone use and parent-adolescent conflict varied based upon the degree of parental demandingness and parental responsiveness. Theoretically, this study contributes to the literature on associations between parenting style and parent-adolescent conflict. Findings from this study provide parents with knowledge to reduce conflict with their children regarding mobile phone use.
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Antyukhova, E. A. "CONSEQUENCES OF THE REALIZATION OF NATO STRATEGY IN THE CONFLICTS OF "THE ARAB SPRING" FOR THE STATES OF THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-118-124.
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The article considers the consequences of the realization of NATO strategy in the conflicts of "the Arab spring" for the states of the Middle East and North Africa. It is pointed out that the main approaches to the realization of NATO strategy, its results and the consequences of the Alliance crisis management of "the Arab spring" have a contradictory character. On the one hand, the strategic problem of the block has been realized: arrangement of conflicts and an attempt to appear in the opinion of the world community as the only peacekeeping force capable of controlling and resolving regional conflicts. At the same time the Alliance has shown the efficiency of its partner programs. The high quality performance of the military forces of NATO has been confirmed. The North Atlantic Alliance has started moves towards strengthening its own positions in the region under the auspices of assistance in democratization of Arab states by supporting protest performances. On the other hand, the members of the Alliance have very specifically approached the realization of tasks of settlement of the conflicts. As a result, in the majority of the countries of the Arab world the conflicts not only have not been settled but, on the contrary, in a number of cases have intensified. One of the main consequences of the realization of NATO of its approaches to settlement of the events of "the Arab spring" was the export of "instability" which entailed radical changes in the geopolitical situation in the Middle East region. The geopolitical configuration of all the Middle Eastern area has changed. Some diffusion of the territorial activity of certain states (Iraq, Libya, Syria) is observed. In the course of the Arab crisis there appeared new ethnic (Kurdish) and territorial ("The Islamic State") enclaves. More and more countries are found to be involved in the conflict.
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Daham, Elham Waheed. "تحليل وقياس أثر الصراعات على اقتصادات دول الشرق الأوسط للمدة(2018-1990) العراق أنموذجاً." Twejer 3, no. 3 (December 2020): 739–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31918/twejer.2033.20.
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This research aims to identify the negative and positive effects of conflicts and clarify the effects that conflicts have had on economic and social development, as the most important hypothesis of the research is to verify the negative and positive effects of conflicts on the gross domestic product of the Middle East countries that witnessed the conflicts. And verify the extent of the role that individuals, groups, institutions, or the state play in the development process in all its aspects. The research followed the analytical and standard approach to verify the proof or denial of the assumptions. Then the research came out with results, the most important of which are the results of the statistically significant factor, "Investment as a percentage of the Gross Domestic Product", a negative impact on the GDP at constant prices of the US dollar in (2015), and then the most important recommendations were to increase investments among the most important priorities in Eastern countries. In order to increase economic growth rates and create new job opportunities, and to achieve this, it is necessary to transfer spending from unproductive uses to investment. Key words: conflicts, impacts, Middle East region, economic growth .
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Al-Haddad, Ahmed M., Yasser M. Matran, and Abdullah O. Ba Omer. "Campylobacter infections in Middle Eastern children: Review article." IP International Journal of Medical Microbiology and Tropical Diseases 10, no. 1 (April 15, 2024): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18231/j.ijmmtd.2024.002.
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() infections among children have become an alarming challenge for developed and developing countries. This narrative review highlights the concerning situation of and its antimicrobial resistance among Middle Eastern children. The review targeted studies on infections in the Middle East, focusing on those publications that were conducted within the past 14 years. The selected publications were sourced from the Google Scholar and PubMed databases. There was scanty published data addressing compylobacteriosis and its antimicrobial profile specifically among Middle Eastern children. Although there has been international concern about the role of and in causing childhood diarrhea, many regions in the Middle East do not appear to share the same level of concern. Furthermore, the complex interplay of socio-demographic and environmental elements that may influence infections, coupled with the globally rising concern over antibiotic resistance in spp (particularly multidrug-resistant strains), raises significant concerns in this region. Moreover, the presence of co-infections with , known to worsen disease severity, could exacerbate the issue and place a greater burden on healthcare systems. Additionally, the low awareness and insufficient prioritization of this public health issue, compounded by political conflicts in parts of the Middle East, present multiple challenges for children in several regions of the Middle East. These challenges, along with the consequences of late sequelae from infection, put many children in this region at significant risk. To effectively tackle these challenges, critical targeted interventions must be implemented. These interventions include conducting comprehensive epidemiological studies to understand the burden of in Middle Eastern children, characterizing the antibiotic susceptibility patterns of prevalent strains, updating healthcare practices to align with prevailing resistance profiles, adopting appropriate antibiotic prescription policies, and implementing robust infection control measures in this specific population.
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최재훈. "Conflicts and Cooperations in the Middle Eastern Society -in case of Jordanian Water Resources-." Journal of Mediterranean Area Studies 16, no. 1 (February 2014): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18218/jmas.2014.16.1.21.
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SMITH FINLEY, JOANNE. "Chinese Oppression in Xinjiang, Middle Eastern Conflicts and Global Islamic Solidarities among the Uyghurs." Journal of Contemporary China 16, no. 53 (November 2007): 627–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670560701562333.
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Iacovoiu, Viorela-Beatrice, Mirela Panait, and Alexandru-Cristian Enache. "An Economic and Social Assessment of the Syrian Civil War." International Journal of Sustainable Economies Management 9, no. 1 (January 2020): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsem.2020010102.
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Starting from the theories and studies on armed conflicts and in particular civil wars, and based on relevant figures, this paper presents a comprehensive analysis of the Syrian Civil War. The Syrian conflict developed into a civil war with a sectarian dimension and has lasted longer mostly because of major powers, as well as some Middle Eastern countries that were directly and actively involved in the conflict, supporting the government forces or rebel groups. According to the analysed data, the war deeply affected the Syrian economy and its citizens due to the loss of governmental control over oil fields, the destruction of infrastructure and households, and the great number of forcibly displaced people and casualties. At the same time, the Syrian Civil War created great opportunities for arms-producing companies to sell their products without cutting off profits. Thus, the conclusion is that there is no benefit to war except for those who profit of it, namely the countries as well as the arms manufacturers that use conflicts as a proxy to promote their interests.
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Körner, Christian. "The Cypriot Kingdoms between Athens and Persia: Cyprus in the Conflicts of the 5th Century BC (497–411 BC)." Electrum 27 (2020): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.20.004.12794.
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Until the middle of the 5th century BC, Athens and Persia were struggling for supremacy in the Eastern Mediterranean. Due to its strategic importance, the island of Cyprus was affected by this conflict. Several Athenian interventions in Cyprus can be reconstructed from the written sources. Parallel to this larger conflict, wars between Cypriot kingdoms seem to have been an essential feature of the island’s fragmented political landscape. Apparently, both forms of conflict—inner-Cypriot wars and interventions from the outside—affected each other. In the following paper, I will analyse the interventions and conflicts in Cyprus in the 5th century BC and assess the role played by the Cypriot kings. In terms of method, I will approach these questions by analysing the written sources that provide information concerning political conflicts on the island during the 5th century BC. I will take a Cypriot perspective in order to show how inner-Cypriot rivalries intersected with the relationship to the major powers in the region. The overall impression is that between the unsuccessful Cypriot Revolt in 498 BC and the accession to the throne of the most powerful ruler of the island, Evagoras I of Salamis (before 411 BC), the local kingdoms were rather the objects of Athenian and Persian interests than active players in the larger conflicts.
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Kim, Eun-Bee. "Utility Competition for being a Mediator: Focusing on the Middle East." Institute of Middle Eastern Affairs 23, no. 1 (April 30, 2024): 37–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.52891/jmea.2024.23.1.37.
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Ending the war through negotiations can reduce damage. However, negotiations require a mediator who can solve the problem of distrust. Mediation is effective in countries with smart power that are internationally influential, but it can also expand soft power if the mediation is successful. Although soft power does not provide tangible benefits in the short term, it has the potential in filling in the shortcomings of hard power. Traditionally, the United States has undertaken mediation missions in Middle Eastern conflicts. However, China, Russia, Qatar, and Egypt are now competing to gain the benefits of mediation as a tool for expanding smart power. Saudi Arabia is even acting as a mediator in offshore conflicts. This can be assessed as a part of efforts by mid-sized countries to expand their smart power in the face of weakening of the United State’ hegemonic power in the region.
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Adil Munir, Sahibzada. "ISIS: A Major Threat to Peace and Security of Middle Eastern Countries." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VIII, no. III (September 30, 2023): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2023(viii-iii).02.
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This study looks into the rise and effects of Mostly in Iraq and Syria, the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in the Middle East. ISIS is a terrorist group that uses illegal and violent tactics to create an Islamic state under a caliphate, posing a danger to regional peace and security. The study investigates the causes of ISIS-related conflicts, their effects on regional security and peace, and how regional rivalries contribute to the rise of terrorist organizations. This paper applies constructivism, using a theoretical and descriptive research technique, to examine the ideological underpinnings of ISIS, recruitment strategies, and the impact of societal norms. The organization's extremist view of Islam is highlighted as the historical background chronicles its origins from its founding in 1999 to its international recognition in 2014.
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Fox, Jonathan, Patrick James, and Yitan Li. "Religious Affinities and International Intervention in Ethnic Conflicts in the Middle East and Beyond." Canadian Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (March 2009): 161–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423909090064.
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Abstract. This study asks questions that are important for both theory and policy: Do ethnoreligious minorities attract more intervention than other ethnic minorities? Do Middle Eastern and Islamic ethnic minorities attract more international intervention than ethnic minorities living elsewhere, and if so, why? The Minorities at Risk database, which contains information on intervention in all ethnic conflicts between 1990 and 1995, is used to answer these questions. The findings show that Middle Eastern and Islamic minorities do, in fact, attract more international intervention than other minorities. This is due to a larger pattern where states, especially Islamic ones, rarely intervene on behalf of ethnic minorities with which they share no religious affinities. The results also show that ethnoreligious minorities are more likely to attract political intervention than other ethnic minorities. These results confirm the importance of religious affinities in spite of a general disposition in the field of international relations to minimize their effects.Résumé. Cette étude répond à des questions d'importance théorique et pratique. Est-ce que les minorités ethnoreligieuses attirent plus d'interventions internationales que les autres types de minorités? Est-ce que les minorités ethniques islamiques et du Moyen-Orient attirent plus d'interventions internationales que les minorités ethniques d'ailleurs et si oui, pour quelle raison? La banque de données du programme Minorities at Risk, qui répertorie les interventions dans tous les conflits ethniques survenus entre 1990 et 1995, est outillée pour répondre à ces questions. Les résultats de recherche démontrent que les minorités ethniques islamiques et du Moyen-Orient attirent, en effet, plus d'interventions internationales que les autres minorités. Cela s'explique par le fait que les États, et plus particulièrement les États islamiques, interviennent rarement en faveur des minorités avec lesquelles ils ne partagent aucune affinité religieuse. Les résultats démontrent également que les minorités ethnoreligieuses ont tendance à attirer plus d'interventions étrangères à caractère politique que les autres types de minorités. Les conclusions de recherche confirment donc l'importance que revêt l'affinité religieuse pour les interventions internationales dans les conflits ethniques, à l'encontre de l'opinion générale des experts en relations internationales, qui tendent à minimiser son rôle.
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Al-Fawwaz, Abdulrahman. "Reconfiguration of Arab and Middle Eastern Regions beyond Political and Economic Threats." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 4 (November 30, 2018): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n4p164.
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Arab world and Middle Eastern region have suffered from wars and conflicts, which have resulted in creating a negative impact on the economy. In the past years, few studies have focused on discussing the impact of democratization in the Middle East and Arab region. The citizens of the Middle East region have suffered from authoritative style of governance. The democratic system is ideal for the Middle East region. It ensures that the basic fundamental rights of the citizens are protected. There are various factors, which provide hindrance in the adaptation of democratic system in both regions. This study explores major problems faced in the implantation of democratization system in the Middle East. Furthermore, the merits and demerits associated with the democratization system have also been highlighted. It has been evaluated that democratization system is beneficial for the Middle Eastern region. The implementation of democratization would be helpful in delivering benefits to the citizens. In a democratic system, the opinion of the public is considered in formulating policies. However, authoritative style of leadership and governess could cause hindrance in delivering benefits to the citizens. Thus, it can be concluded that democratization system is well-suited for Middle East region specifically. Moreover, present political setup or regime has failed to provide facilities to the public. So, public awareness should be created towards a limited democratization system as it has the capability of delivering benefits across all the sectors.
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Tang, Zhiyuan. "Research on the Investment of Chinese and Korean Enterprises in the Middle East Arab Market." East Asian Trade Association 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.47510/jeat.2023.5.1.29.
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Purpose - The Middle East is experiencing constant international conflict. Still, with global investment attracting much attention, trade continues to increase, and the image of war-torn areas is changing gradually.
Design/Methodology/Approach - Many countries in the Middle East are opening up their markets from oil and state monopolies, trying to attract investment and participate in the construction of diversified domestic industries.
Findings - These countries are actively promoting that they are safe and reliable investors, regardless of regional conflicts, when political instability or tension in certain regions of the Middle East increases. In addition, Korean and Chinese companies are increasingly interested in the Middle East due to increased economic exchanges between Arab countries and China, increased investment in infrastructure by oil-producing countries, and increased imports and exports of Korean products. However, companies seeking access to Middle Eastern markets often face more complex problems than when they entered other regions.
Research Implications - Investment in the Middle East market depends on the needs of related companies and governments in the Middle East, so it isn't easy to find a common point of contact. The number of Arab countries in the Middle East, including Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Egypt, Qatar, and Palestine, is estimated to be about 20. By analyzing the practicality and applicability of commercial and corporate laws in these countries, we will give some legal issues that Chinese and Korean companies should pay attention to when investing in the Middle East market.
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Mukhtar, Naqiyah, and Nita Triana. "Qur'anic Perspective on Social Religious Conflict Resolution Based on Culture of Togetherness and Rembugan in Indonesia." Al-Hayat: Journal of Islamic Education 7, no. 2 (September 5, 2023): 523. http://dx.doi.org/10.35723/ajie.v7i2.424.
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This study described the resolution of religious and social conflicts in Bantarkawung, Central Java, Indoensia; its contributing factors and how they aligned with the Qur'an's perspective. This study employed a qualitative approach by conducting interviews with participants in conflict resolution. During the Covid-19 period from 2020 to 2021, we collected data. This study found that the local government and religious leaders resolved conflicts based on the culture of togetherness in religious rituals and social works, fostering interactions and adhering to consensus-based "rembugan" to accept differences in religious understanding, particularly regarding ūlūl-amr. In this region, conflicts were typically resolved through conciliation, with a conciliator initiating the process. Additionally, the conciliator actively devised and formulated resolution steps for the disputing parties. This resolution was a combination of şulĥ (reconciliation) and taĥkīm (arbitration), according to the Qur'an. However, this research had limitations; consequently, it is necessary to conduct similar studies in other regions of Indonesia with distinct characteristics from the research area. Comparative studies would also be useful with countries that share similarities with Indonesia, such as Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam, and Singapore and those that differ, such as Middle Eastern, Australian, American, and European nations.
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n, n., n. n, and n. n. "The Evolution Logic and Its Influence of the Geopolitical Conflict in the Middle East Under the Profound Changes Unseen in the Century—— A Study on the Evolution of the Syrian Civil War—Proxy war Conflict." Asia Social Science Academy 11, no. 1 (August 31, 2023): 65–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2023.11.1.65.
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The civil war in Syria became the “crater” and “pustule mouth” of the Jasmine Revolution. Looking back at history, the development trend in Syria is based on the logic of “civil strife-civil war-chaotic war-proxy war”. Anti-government armed activities aimed at overthrowing Bashar regime are one after another, and Syria's political and economic development has been seriously affected. Compared with other countries in the Middle East, Syria's civil war is slightly different. This is not just a civil war and sectarian conflict in a strict sense. In the later period, its civil war evolved into a geopolitical game in which the big countries inside and outside the territory and the triple powers in Syria crisscross each other. In addition, the spillover effect of the Syrian civil war has had a substantial impact on the Middle East. The development sequence of Syrian geopolitical conflict is from civil war to Proxy war, which is essentially the external manifestation of several rounds of military and political games between big countries. The logic of this geopolitical conflict is universal in the Middle East. Syria’s geopolitical strategy is prominent, and multi-dimensional forces inside and outside the region participate in it. Its geopolitical game has experienced a long period, while other Middle Eastern countries may have only experienced part of it. In the Middle East, due to sectarian contradictions and political dominance competition within the country, it will eventually develop into a geopolitical situation in which internal and external forces are superimposed. In short, in the future development process, these “indirect forces” inside and outside the domain will probably still play an invisible role in the geopolitical conflicts in the Middle East, and will continue to influence the development trend of the geopolitical pattern of Middle East countries.
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Bozarslan, Hamit. "The Kurds and Middle Eastern “State of Violence”: the 1980s and 2010s." Kurdish Studies 2, no. 1 (May 15, 2014): 4–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v2i1.376.
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Though a macro-level analysis this article examines the evolution of the Kurdish issue since the occupation of Iraq in 2003 and the Syrian crisis in 2011, underlining the necessity of a comparison between the current period and past situations, namely that of the 1980s. Kurdish actors participated from a rather weak position in the Middle-East wide conflicts during the 1980s; alliances with regional states that gave access to political and military resources ensured their durability, but a high price was paid for their transformation into subordinated players of a broader “state of violence”. Since 2011, the trans-border Kurdish space finds itself once again in the heart of a “system of transaction” based on violence, but Kurdish organisations face the new region-wide conflicts in a position of empowerment in Iraq, Syria and Turkey. Kurd û Rewşa Tund ya Rojhilata Navîn: 1980yan û 2010anEv gotar, bi rêka helsengeka asta-makro, vedikole li peresîna pirsgirêka Kurdî ji dema dagirbûna Iraqê di 2003yê da û qeyrana Sûriyeyê di 2011ê da û bi taybetî beldikişîne ser pêwistiya berhevdaneka di navbera serdema niha û rewşa borî, anku rewşa salên 80yan. Di salên 80yan da hêzên Kurd pitir ji pozisyoneka qels û lawaz beşdarî dijberî û aloziyên Rojhilata Navîn bûn; hevalbendiyên li gel dewletên li herêmê rê da bikaranîna çavkaniyên siyasî û leşkerî bo misogerkirina berdewamiya hêzên Kurd; lê van dewletan, bi hewldanên giranbuha, hişt ku kurd bimînin wekî aktorên bindest di nav rewşa tund ya herêmê da. Ji 2011ê ve, tevgera kurd ya dersînor careka din xwe di navenda pergaleka tund da dibine; lê vê carê rêkxistinên kurd yên li Iraq, Sûriye û Tirkiyeyê ji pozisyoneka bihêz rûberî vê dijberiya berfireh ya heremî ne. کورد و ''باری توندوتیژی''ی ڕۆژهەڵاتی ناوەڕاست: ١٩٨٠کان و ٢٠١٠یەکانحئەگەرچی ئەم گوتارە شیکردنەوەیە لە پلەیەکی باڵادا، لە گەشەکردنی پرسی کورد ورد دەبێتەوە لە داگیرکردنی عیراقەوە ساڵی ٢٠٠٣ و لە قەیرانی سووریاوە ساڵی ٢٠١١، ئەوەیش جەخت دەکات کە پێویستە بەراورد بکرێت لەنێوان قۆناغی ئێستا و و هەلومەرجی ڕابوردوودا، واتە هەلومەرجی ١٩٨٠کان. نەخشگێڕانی کورد لە هەڵوێستێکی تا ڕادەیەک لاوازەوە بەشدارییان لە ناکۆکییە فراوانەکانی ڕۆژهەڵاتی ناوەڕاستی ١٩٨٠کاندا کرد؛ هاوپەیمانیکردن لەگەڵ دەوڵەتانی ناوچەییدا کە دەبووە هۆی دەستکەوتنی سەرچاوەی سیاسی و عەسکەری، مانەوەیانی دابین دەکرد، بەڵام دەبوو نرخێکی زۆریش بدەن بۆ ئەوەی ببنە یاریکەری لاوەکی لە ''باری توندوتیژی''یەکی بەربڵاودا. لە ساڵی ٢٠١١ بە دواوە، ڕووپێوی کوردیی ئەمدیو و ئەودیوی سنوورەکان جارێکی دیکە خۆی لە ناوجەرگەی ''سیستەمێکی بدە و بستێنە''دا دەبینێتەوە کە لەسەر توندوتیژی هەڵچنراوە، بەڵام ڕێکخراوە کوردییەکان کە ڕووبەڕووی ناکۆکییە بەربڵاوەکانی ناوچەکە دەبنەوە، لە پلەیەکی توانستدان لە عیراق، سووریا و تورکیا.
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Hameed, Ansa, and Haroon N. Alsager. "A Semiotic Study of Contemporary Middle Eastern Internal Dilemmas in Arab News Cartoons." World Journal of English Language 14, no. 1 (December 15, 2023): 472. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wjel.v14n1p472.
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Many parts of the Middle Eastern region have a history of persistent and long-term crises. The media, and particularly the news media, endeavors to highlight these issues in various forms. One established format among them is caricatures, or cartoonish representations, which retain a visually captivating quality for the intended audience. Undeniably, cartoons depict the bitter realities in candid yet convincing forms. In this regard, the present study aims to analyze the Arab News cartoons that depict the internal predicaments faced by the selected Middle Eastern countries. The primary objective of this study is to examine the intricate relationship between semiotics and socio-political intricacies in the selected regions. This study employs Barthes’ semiotic lens theory to investigate the methods employed by the cartoonist in conveying messages, creating narratives, and interacting with the socio-political environment. The results reveal that the caricatured representations effectually depict several underlying causes and conflicts that fuel the internal chaotic situation inside the region, using signs, symbols, and pictorial rhetoric. These findings help in understanding the essence of the challenges faced by the chosen Middle Eastern nations quite meritoriously. At the same time, the results endorse cartoons as an authentic medium for discussing such harsh realities.
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Zhyvko, Maksym A., and Andriy R. Zastavnyy. "Fragmentation of the Middle East: social and economic aspects." Regional Economy, no. 2(108) (2023): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.36818/1562-0905-2023-2-15.
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The article aims to deepen the theoretical foundations of the fragmentation of the Middle Eastern countries in terms of socio-economic factors that have significantly influenced stability and development in the region. The authors highlight the consequences of fragmentation for various aspects of social life, including political stability, social cohesion, economic development, and human well-being. The article outlines potential strategies and interventions to address these challenges in order to contribute to a more inclusive and prosperous Middle East. The authors analyze the ethnic, religious, and cultural differences in the Middle East that have contributed to social fragmentation and led to tensions and conflicts that ultimately impede socio-economic development. Fragmentation is shown to have affected social cohesion and cultural identity in the region. Differences based on ethnicity, religion, and political preferences hinder social integration, leading to increased social tensions and potential conflicts. Political instability and governance problems, including weak governance structures and authoritarian regimes, are analyzed. The article reveals that political instability has contributed to fragmentation in the region due to the lack of inclusive governance systems and effective institutions, which hinders economic growth and social progress. The fragmentation of political stability and security in the Middle East is assessed. Internal conflicts, inter-confessional tensions, and the rise of non-state actors pose serious challenges to regional stability and cooperation. The authors show that the unequal distribution of wealth and resources, combined with high levels of poverty and unemployment, has increased social inequality and created economic fractures in the region. Limited regional cooperation, trade barriers, and political instability impede economic growth, preventing the creation of sustainable livelihoods and opportunities.
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Aloufi, Khalid Kulaib, Lina Abdel Alafghani, Rawaa Ismail Ismail, Ban Abdullah Alzaid, Mohammed Tariq Alkhidhr, Shoug Sultan Alsubaie, Ahmed Ali Alzaidi, et al. "Epidemiological and etiological factors related to suicide in the Middle East." International Journal Of Community Medicine And Public Health 8, no. 9 (August 27, 2021): 4567. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2394-6040.ijcmph20213265.
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Estimates show that suicide is relatively common among Middle Eastern countries as a total of 26,000 fatalities in 2016 were attributable to suicide in them. However, the quality of care of mental illness in these countries is not adequate as compared to the international levels. The aim of the study was to discuss the different epidemiological and etiological factors that were linked with suicide in the Middle East, according to evidence obtained from studies in the literature. The impact of cultures and religions on dealing with mental illnesses and suicide as well as the roots of these conditions will be explored to find the appropriate solutions. Suicide in the Middle East is common but unique from other countries in the world. Religion, socio-economic status, war and conflict in many regions play a big role in the rate of suicide. Religion reduces the prevalence rates of suicide but other factors might be more dominant as many regions are in conflict and have low socio-economic status. Furthermore, gender, family conflicts and mental illnesses were identifiable risk factors in the literature. More efforts on a national level is warranted as well as among communities to reduce the rates of suicide. The initiation of support groups among those with mental illnesses and low socio-economic state will prove extremely beneficial in reducing the rate of suicide as they are almost non-existent in Middle East.
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Piasecki, Alannah. "Egypt and Syria: Islamism as a Functioning Political Ideology." Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no. 2 (February 15, 2017): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur33.
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By examining recent conflicts in both Egypt and Syria, this paper examines whether or not Islamism has the potential to serve as a functioning political ideology. Through Middle Eastern countries previous attempts to Islamize politics, the existence of militant/radical Islamists, and western countries stereotyping of Islam, this paper argues that though Islamism cannot be ruled out as a valid political ideology; it is currently unable to be a functioning political ideology due to the fact that previous attempts to make Islamism the main political ideology have led to hindrance of democracy and violent uprisings across the Middle East that has yet to pacify.
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Zahra, Nafisah, Rachmat Kriyantono, and Bambang Dwi Prasetyo. "Hidayatullah.com and Liputanislam.com Editorial Policies in Middle East Conflict Reporting." ENDLESS: INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF FUTURE STUDIES 6, no. 3 (August 30, 2023): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/endlessjournal.v6i3.196.
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Online media has been widely used as a media for jihad by Islamic activists around the world, including in Indonesia. These media include HIdayatullah.com and Liputanislam.com. The two media reported on the conflict that occurred in the Middle East. In this study, researchers used the theory of message content hierarchy in the Shoemaker & Reese mass media. Based on the explanation above, this study aims to find out how the theory of influence hierarchy is applied in determining the production of news about the Middle East conflict in the online media Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com. Researchers use the post-positivism paradigm as a research approach. The research method used in this study is descriptive analysis. The data collection method in this study was interviews with the editors of Liputanislam.com, news writers of Liputanislam.com, and editors of Hidayatullah.com. The results of the study show that there are similarities and differences in the editorial policies of Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com in reporting on Middle East conflicts. The similarities lie at the individual and ideological levels. At the individual level, both news writers for Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com have foreign language skills, namely English and Arabic. At the ideological level, the editors of Liputanislam.com and Hidayatullah.com believe that the mainstream media in Indonesia needs to be more balanced and make many mistakes in publishing news about the Middle East conflict. Meanwhile, the difference is at the organizational and extramedia levels. At the organizational level, Liputanislam.com media workers are given more freedom in choosing news sources than Hidayatullah.com media workers. For the extramedia level, Hidayatullah.com editors tend to choose news sources from authoritative media or official news sites and news agencies owned by Middle Eastern countries. On the other hand, the editorial staff of Liputanislam.com refers to media they think share the same ideology and ideals.
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Ivashchuk, Iryna, and Andriy Zastavny. "MIDDLE EAST COUNTRIES IN THE GLOBAL ECONOMY: CURRENT DEVELOPMENT TRENDS AND SECURITY ISSUES." Economic Analysis, no. 31(2) (2021): 136–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.35774/econa2021.02.136.
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The subject of the study is the economic development and security space of the Middle East. The aim of the article is to identify the peculiarities of the development of the Middle East in the global economy and to identify conflict issues that destabilize the region and deepen instability. Methodology (method). To achieve the goal and solve the outlined tasks in the research process used general and special methods: historical-logical, analysis and synthesis, generalization and quantitative comparison, visual (tabular and graphical) (to visualize the results of the study). Results. The importance of development and stability of the Middle East region for the global economy is substantiated. The structural structure of the Middle East region is determined and the historical preconditions of its formation are detailed. The tendencies to geopolitical transformation of the region are confirmed. The main challenges for development and stability in the Middle East have been identified, including local conflicts, the growth of terrorist acts, and ethnic problems. Emphasis is placed on the Kurdish issue, which periodically becomes acute and unresolved. Local conflicts that destabilize the region, as almost all countries have sufficient resources to confront, are analyzed. It is confirmed that the countries of the region are increasing their military potential to ensure their interests. The countries of the Middle East are identified by the level of human development. It is confirmed that the conflict areas of the region are negative for human development in the countries, and the progress made is slowing down. It is established that the world economy also depends on changes in the economic and political situation in the region, due to trade wars between countries, the application of sanctions. As an example, the restrictions on US foreign trade policy against Iran and the practice of sanctions are considered. The growing role of the countries of the study region in the global economy, which is determined by the presence of deposits of natural resources, in particular, oil, has been confirmed. The regional distribution of world oil reserves and its production is analyzed. The impact of OPEC's daily oil production restrictions on the COVID-19 pandemic on the Gulf economy has been elucidated. Measures to be taken by Middle Eastern countries to support economic development and security policy in the region are proposed.
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Krylov, Danila Sergeevich. "Inclusive security architecture in the Middle East: peculiarities of functioning and Prospects for expansion." Международные отношения, no. 3 (March 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2021.3.36184.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the prerequisites for the creation and peculiarities of functioning of the inclusive security architecture in the Middle East. This system of ensuring and maintaining peace was established by Russia, and currently includes two cross-regional Middle Eastern powers – Turkey and Iran. The author analyzes the potential of involving new actors — Saudi Arabia and Israel – into the functioning of the security architecture. The article employs the method of SWOT-analysis for determining the advantages and disadvantaged of the inclusive security architecture in the Middle East, as well as outlining the major threats and capabilities of the system. The novelty of this research lies in giving definition to the concept of “inclusive security architecture”; assessing the strengths and weaknesses of the inclusive security architecture created by Russia in the Middle East; outlining the major threats and vulnerabilities of the system, as well as the potential attraction of new actors therein. The author also highlights the peculiarities of the key five pairs of conflict relations in the Middle East (Saudi Arabia — Iran, Saudi Arabia – Turkey, Saudi Arabia – Israel, Israel – Iran, and Israel – Turkey), the nature of which Russia should take into account within the framework of long-term planning. The conclusion is made that in the future, the inclusive security architecture may become one of the key pillars of peace and security in the Middle East, and gradually mitigate the conflicts in this region.
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T Suresh Kumar. "War in Ukraine: A power play between Democracy and Authoritarianism." ijpmonline 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2022): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.26524/ijpm.1.10.
Full textAbstract:
This article provides an analytical discussion of the crisis of democracy and the rise of authoritarianism in the context of the Russia-Ukraine War. Some of the fundamental aspects of the post-Cold War international order are addressed in this respect, including emerging powers, anti-Westernism, authoritarianism, and new threats in international relations. It is argued that the post-Cold War period brought both stability and instability to the global world order. On the one hand, the United States' victory in the ideological conflict between the East and the West led to the dominance of the Western system and its influence in the Middle East and Central Eastern European region with the call for democracy. On the other hand, the growing intervention of the US in intra-state disputes through the deployment of NATO has become a major concern to Russia and many other nations along the eastern border. This intensified anti-Western sentiment in emerging countries, with the rise of many Authoritarian governments. Many of the conflicts that the world has witnessed since the end of the Cold War are the result of such anti-Western feelings. This resulted at the beginning of a new era of war and conflict on a global scale. Russia's war in Ukraine is one of the recent examples. Russia is attempting to maintain its sphere of influence to avoid joining NATO and the West, regardless of the cost or repercussions of the war. As a result of these conflicts between great powers, several new powers emerged, resulting in a multi-polar world order. Today, it is emphasized that the ability and willingness of great powers to cooperate in addressing these dangers will determine the course of the world.
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Hayik, Rawia. "Addressing Religious Diversity through Children’s Literature: An “English as a Foreign Language” Classroom in Israel." International Journal of Multicultural Education 17, no. 2 (June 28, 2015): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18251/ijme.v17i2.911.
Full textAbstract:
Conflicts between different religious groups occasionally arise in my Christian and Muslim Israeli-Arab EFL students’ school and area. In an attempt to increase students’ knowledge of and respect for other faiths in the region, I conducted practitioner inquiry research in my religiously diverse Middle-Eastern classroom. Grounded in critical literacy, I used a book set of religion-based literature alongside critical literacy engagements to effect some change in students’ tolerance towards other faiths. This article describes my journey of exploring students’ reader responses to religion-based texts and issues.
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Battalov, Askar, Svetlana Kozhirova, and Tleutai Suleimenov. "IRAN, SAUDI ARABIA AND TURKEY: EMERGING RELIGIOUS IDENTITY OF AZERBAIJAN." CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS 22, no. 3 (September 27, 2021): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.21.3.013.
Full textAbstract:
The authors discuss the evolution of religious identity of Azerbaijan and the impact of Middle Eastern actors (Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey) on the process. Today, the pro-Islamic leaders of the Middle East are attempting, with the persistence that can hardly be overestimated, to move into the Southern Caucasus, one of the world’s strategically important regions. Thus, the uncompromising rivalry of religious ideologies is hardly surprising. It means that the national and religious identities of post-Soviet Azerbaijan have come to the fore in the context of Iranian-Turkic, Iranian-Arab and Shi‘a-Sunni confrontation. Today, there are enough drivers behind the already obvious awareness of their religious identity among young Azeris. The complicated search for national and religious identities in independent Azerbaijan is driven by an outburst of national and religious sentiments during the protracted Karabakh conflict and two wars with Armenia (in 1992-1994 and 2020). The process is unfolding under the huge influence of theocratic Shi‘a Iran, the closest neighbor with its twenty-five million-strong Azeri diaspora; proliferation of the puritanical Wahhabi teaching of Saudi Arabia and Salafism as its export variant throughout the Caucasus, and, last but not least, strategic rapprochement with Turkey that is moving away from nationalism towards Islamism. This has made Azerbaijan a fertile soil for a confrontation within the multipolar Islamic world, which is expanding the geography of its conflicts to the Southern Caucasus. The proxy wars in Syria and Iraq, in which the Shi‘a-Sunni confrontation is also obvious may destabilize the Caucasus in the future. Here the authors assess the impact of the Middle Eastern heavyweights—Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey— on the process of shaping the Azeri religious identity as an Islamic political factor.