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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Middle eastern conflicts'

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Published: 27 July 2024

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Aima, Abhinav K. "Push-Pull Hezbollah: The New York Times and the Washington Post News Coverage of Three Israel-Lebanon Conflicts (1996, 2000, 2006)." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1564927655951069.

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2

White, Breanne. "Gender and Resistance in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The Woman's Voice in theLiterary Works of Sahar Khalifeh and David Grossman." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373636550.

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3

Al, Saleh Abdullah R. "Conflict Analysis: Exploring the Role of Kuwait in Mediation in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2009. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3208.

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The Middle East is a large geographical area, and while people think of it as a homogeneous area in terms of language and culture, the region IS actually more of a melting pot of ethnic, religious, racial and linguistic groups. Understanding the distinctions between these groups is of paramount importance to understanding the region. Historical rivalries between some groups, for example, Sunni and Shia Muslims, go back hundreds, perhaps thousands, of years. Yet, people continue with life. How do countries continue to deal with each other when there are open, unsettled questions, such as boundaries or control of islands? Is there a resolution method that will finalize these issues for once and ever? Chapter One will discuss methodology and research implementation. Chapter Two will review theories of conflict resolution as described in the literature. Chapter Three will review the historical background of conflict in the Middle East in general, these four conflicts in particular and the role that Kuwaiti diplomats played (to the limited extent that it can be determined). Chapter Four offers overall conclusions and suggestions.

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4

Koranteng, Nana-Korantema A. "Women in the Machinery of War: Gender, Identity & Resistance Within Contemporary Middle Eastern Conflict." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/158.

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This thesis seeks to explore the ways in which gender and identity are imagined in times of war especially in the cases of women who participate in armed struggle within the Middle East. I focus particularly on how US and UK media's framing of these women's lives and experiences distort the ways in which we understand conflict within the contemporary Middle East. Through the case studies of female militants or supports of militancy in Palestine and the Islamic State I seek to highlight women's stories and lived realities in an attempt to understand what drives them to use particular model's of agency.

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5

Martin, Robert A. "Norms of Military Intervention and the Persian Gulf Conflict: The Social Construction of Interests and Identities." W&M ScholarWorks, 1995. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625987.

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6

Templin, Julia S. "Zababdeh: A Palestinian Water History." DigitalCommons@USU, 2011. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/911.

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This study explores the historical evolution of the water situation in Palestine at a local level in the West Bank village of Zababdeh. The thesis examines Palestine's geography and the historical relationship of Zababdeh's people with this environment. A sudden shift in this relationship took place during the second half of the 20th century, particularly after the advent of Israeli occupation. The thesis also addresses the Palestinians' involvement, or lack thereof, in water politics of the West Bank during the 20th century. The pattern of neglect has left Palestinians in a weak position to secure safe and reliable water supplies for villages like Zababdeh. Though some have speculated that the water situation in Palestine will one day lead to violent conflict, the example of Zababdeh's water history shows that such conflict has not yet occurred because the village's inhabitants experienced many new water-related conveniences under Israeli occupation. The new conveniences left Zababdeh's people relatively contented and without incentive to fight over water. The study finds that water is an underlying, and sometimes overt stress that has been exacerbating the conflict in Palestine for decades and will continue to foster instability in the region until the people of Palestine all have safe, consistent, and sufficient supplies of water for their needs.

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7

Pavelka, Kamil. "Válka jako videohra: konstrukce sociokulturní jinakosti v blízkovýchodním konfliktu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-199791.

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This diploma thesis analyses the construction of the Near-Eastern conflict, it's actors and the problematic of the "Self -- Others" relationship in digital games. This Near-Eastern conflict can be viewed as a constructed, thought object or representation with blurred space-time boudnaries, which is not necessarily identical with "material reality". Despite it not being identical, the constructed object does nevertheless contribute to the creation of identities of the material reality's participants, and as such influences their behaviour and the behaviour towards them. In the field of international relations, this constructed identity can have important implications.

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8

Ruffner, Todd W. "Identity and Border Relations between Iraq and Iran in the 20th Century: The Cases of Khuzestan and Shatt al-Arab." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1274891695.

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9

Al-sa'd, Sa'd Faisal 1947. "Symbolic commitment of presidential speeches: A study of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/282145.

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The purpose of this study was to explore systematically the interaction among nation states by focusing on a single case of American policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict, specifically the symbolic rhetoric in presidential speeches. This study seeks to increase our knowledge about international crises, and any possible patterns and fluctuations in presidential symbolic rhetoric toward the Arab-Israeli conflict during the 1948-1992 period. The central objective is to explore whether changes in symbolic rhetoric may be related to the escalation of the conflict, as well as investigating numerous parameters of the rhetoric itself. The measure of presidential symbolic rhetoric was tested in seven Middle East countries: Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and Syria. Theoretically the study adopts Edelman's classification method in distinguishing between referential and condensational symbols. Attention in this study is paid to condensational symbols or symbolic commitment (i.e pride, anxieties, patriotism), and whether the use of those symbols in the Middle East might have been related to three other primary variables: actual conflict in the Middle East, United States military and economic aid to the region, and U.S. political initiatives in the region. In addition, we focused on five distinct conflict periods to see whether changes in symbolic rhetoric patterned itself differently before, during, and after the five crises. The principle conclusion of this research is that the Arab-Israeli conflict was an important issue symbolically to U.S. policy makers, and the presidents of United States lean toward positive symbols. These symbolic commitments tend to increase during the escalation process, and the amount of attention and symbols decreased when war de-escalated. From these results it is possible to assert that presidential perceptions reacted to events as they developed in the region. Convergence between rhetoric and conflict in this specific study suggests that symbols are important political and social indicators in the way policy makers perceive certain issue-areas, and this rhetoric relates to important political events in the Middle East.

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10

Mughal, Urooj. "The power politics of water struggles| Local resource management in the West Bank." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1542820.

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This thesis examines the significance of a micro-level approach to the Israeli-Palestinian water conflict. By rethinking scale of analysis and examining local insecurities, Palestinian experiences reveal how water conflict plays out in latent and discursive ways. In a step-by-step method, I detail the processes and outcomes of the water struggle in the West Bank. First, I show how technical challenges ((i) poor water supply, (ii) antiquated water infrastructure, (iii) failed institutions) are shaped by political imperatives. Second, I show how Palestinians have responded to local water sector challenges: (iv) nonpayment to the Palestinian Water Authority for their water supply, (v) increasing rural to urban migration by Palestinian farmers. As a result, Palestinian society is stuck in cycles of crisis that make the conditions increasingly ungovernable. While Palestinians are stuck in a mode of ungovernability, their position in the peace process with Israel is undermined.

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11

Kepple, Rosemary. "Tracing Formal and Informal Institutions in Southern Yemen." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1111.

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The history of southern Yemen has been a unique story of various political factions aligning and realigning themselves in waves of intra-elite conflict, based on the setting of formal and informal institutions. This paper builds on existing literature about informal institutions to analyze the role that political institutions have played in promoting and preventing these conflicts since it became independent in 1967. By using a temporal analysis of historical and contemporary institutions, this paper asks how political institutions have impacted southern Yemen since it gained independence and how these institutions have changed since the start of the current civil war. It additionally looks at the statements of the Southern Transitional Council (STC) in the context of the current civil war to understand how both types of institutions are operating today. This paper will thus argue that the discrepancy between what formal state institutions claim to do and what they are able to creates the space for informal institutions to develop. Furthermore, it will argue that the dialectic between formal and informal institutions can explain periods of relative stability and instability along with the current conditions in the civil war have allowed informal institutions to prosper.

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12

Odeh, Rana Kamal. "The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.

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13

Atre, Sagar. "U.S. Media Framing of the Indo-Pakistan War of 1999: Religious Framing in anInternational Conflict?" Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1366198802.

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14

Alghunaim, Ghadah. "Conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran: An Examination of Critical Factors Inhibiting their Positive Roles in the Middle East." NSUWorks, 2014. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/19.

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Since 1979, Saudi-Iranian relations have been tense due to their position as superior powers in the Middle East. Both countries have different values and perspectives in regards to diplomatic relations with the West. As a consequence of the new developments in Iran's foreign policy and the newfound openness to the West adopted by President Rouhani, the topic has proven to be of research interest. The primary concern of this research was to explore the effect of the conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the Middle East, and whether or not there is a possibility to overcome this conflict using the new political developments. For this purpose, a content analysis methodology was employed. Through an analysis of data presented in the literature review, which consisted of scholarly articles, policy briefs, and books, this dissertation examines the complex political relations through which the pattern of the bilateral relations explain the conflicting narratives. This complexity is present in the political actions taken by Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well as the domestic and foreign policies they are embracing. The findings of this study demonstrate the effect of this conflict in the Middle East. The research also proposes a number of possible recommendations on how to resolve this conflict through political openness and reciprocal agreements that target the citizens of Iran and Saudi Arabia.

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15

Erginbas, Vefa. "THE APPROPRIATION OF ISLAMIC HISTORY AND AHL AL-BAYTISM IN OTTOMAN HISTORICAL WRITING, 1300-1650." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1363868855.

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16

Seleem, Amany Youssef. "The Interface of Religious and Political Conflict in Egyptian Theatre." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1373973567.

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17

Blyth, Robert J. "The empire of the Raj : conflict and co-operation with Britain over the shape and function of the Indian sphere in Eastern Africa and Middle East from the 1850s to the 1930s." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387801.

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The western sphere of the Raj consisted of a region of Indian interest, influence and formal involvement from the Indo-Persian border to the East African coast. From the 1850s onwards, India's position was challenged by the increasing intrusion of metropolitan concerns. Despite occasional efforts by India to develop the scope of her activities, the relative importance of Imperial factors at various stations of Indian responsibility grew until, after often protracted diplomatic, bureaucratic, and fiscal negotiations, full control was assumed by Whitehall. During the nineteenth century, this process was gradual. Although Zanzibar and Somaliland had been transferred to the Foreign Office, much of the Indian sphere was still intact in 1914. Indeed, the Great War allowed India to contemplate the expansion of the sphere into Mesopotamia and East Africa. But, more generally, the conflict acted as a powerful catalyst to the advancing metropole and by 1917 no corner of the sphere was exclusively Indian in outlook. In addition, India's international status became more anomalous as a result of her membership of the Imperial Conference and the League of Nations. And, furthermore, constitutional reforms within India brought new internal considerations as Indians became involved in the process of government. After the war, the demands for greater Imperial control continued and London had, by the mid-1930s, determined to take over all the external commitments of the Raj around the western Indian Ocean. Each challenge to the external sphere of India presented by the growth of Imperial interests forced the Indian authorities to reassess their particular function with regard to the station or region in question. The crises faced by the Raj helped both to define the function of the Indian connection and to delineate the shape of the sphere throughout the period under examination. India's role in the sphere was determined, therefore, through her reaction to Imperial, international, and internal pressures.

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18

Flynn, Sydney. "Applying Psychological Theories of Personality, Identity, and Intergroup Conflict to Radical Violence: A Case Study of Extremist Behavior." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1890.

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This paper aims to address possible psychoanalytical explanations for the heinous acts in which terrorists, particularly ISIS, engage. It focuses on Harold D. Lasswell’s principles of the id, ego, and superego as well as Tajfel and Turner’s social identity theory. Within the framework of these two theories, relevant psychological and social psychological theories are discussed in order to explore a possible connection between the psyche of violent perpetrators and their actions. By exploring these connections, I find that there may be more nuanced psychological explanations for these violent acts, which could lead to new methods of weakening perceived biases, intergroup conflicts, and extremist behavior.

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19

Parmly, Christopher. "The Role of Iran Policy the Saudi-American Rift." FIU Digital Commons, 2015. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2301.

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This thesis explores what effect Saudi and American policy differences towards Iran have had on their bilateral relations. It is based on the recent thaw in Iran-U.S. relations, and the critical reaction of the Saudi government towards this policy. The question has two components – first, how severe the current Saudi-American rift is, and second, to what extent it can be traced to their differences over Iran. The topic will be addressed through process-tracing methods. The thesis concludes that there is indeed a rift in Saudi-U.S. relations marked by an increasingly assertive and independent Saudi foreign policy, though its alliance with America will likely endure. It also concludes that while the thaw in relations between Iran and the U.S. on the nuclear issue was not ultimately the major factor, more general differences over Iran are one of the most significant reasons for the Saudi-U.S. rift.

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20

Allison, Benjamin V. "Through the Cracks of Detente: US Policy, the Steadfastness and Confrontation Front, and the Coming of the Second Cold War, 1977–1984." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1587394697039162.

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21

Ogwude, Emmanuel C. "Twelve Years Later: Afghan Humanitarian Aid Workers on War on Terror." NSUWorks, 2015. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/24.

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Using narrative research study founded in social constructionism, I explored the lived experiences of thirty Afghan humanitarian aid workers in Kabul, Afghanistan, to discover how they experienced the war on terror. Ten participants were individually interviewed and their stories, personal experiences, perceptions, and voices have been presented in this study. I also facilitated a focus group of twenty Afghan NGO directors, and their views are echoed in the study. The participants represented a diversity of different humanitarian service specialties that cater to Afghan individuals, communities, and government agencies in areas such as education, human rights and good governance, food and shelter, to building bridges and infrastructural development. Based on a critical review of existing literature, the interviews addressed significant issues that affect humanitarian aid workers in complex political emergencies. I investigated the sociocultural contexts and structural conditions that enable and inform the personal narratives. There were six main themes that emerged from the participants’ narratives and each main theme had an average of three sub-themes. The resulting themes were: Security/Insecurity; Funding; Trust; Abandonment; Achievement; and Interventionism. From the analysis of the storied narratives of thirty Afghan humanitarian aid workers in Kabul, Afghanistan, this study was able to create better understanding of how conditions from the war on terror create high-risk environments that expose humanitarian aid workers to kidnappings and violent attacks.

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22

EL, HASSANI SAHAR. "A portrait of war: a psychosocial analysis of the impact of wars on contemporary visual arts displaying conflicts in Lebanon, Palestine and Syria." Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/1371775.

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This dissertation looks at the impact of wars on contemporary visual arts in Lebanon, Palestine and Syria with a specific focus on the art genre which is characteristic of wars. By examining the relationship between the nature of wars and the artistic outcome, and by investigating the effects of wars on the artists’ identities (collective and personal), I argue that the art scenes of those countries were affected differently according to the specificity of each crisis. While many researchers addressed the issues of war, nation and identity in art, this study takes a psychosocial approach toward analyzing this art genre in the context of the combined influence of psychological factors and the surrounding social environment. This offers a new perspective in viewing this art and contributes in understanding it. I position artworks featuring the war of each country within historical trajectories to illustrate their tight relationship and reveal the diversity of this art among the three scenes. By providing an overview of the histories of the crises, I follow a contextualized method underscoring their role as an essential context that generated different artistic representations and phenomena. I elaborate the depictions of psychological and physical impacts of each war within its social context. I reveal how wars generated the display of national identity through inspecting its various dimensions among the scenes. Furthermore, I propose that artists (re)constructed distinct identities embodied in art as an outcome of war. I find that the nature of the conflict influenced the artist’s aim, targeted audience, (re)constructed identities, portrayal of national identity and modes of representations, thus creating diversities among the scenes. This dissertation demonstrates how the field of visual arts presented a platform for artists in Lebanon, Palestine and Syria to expose the ways in which they were affected by wars. It documents the multi-faceted effects of different conflicts on visual arts and reveals the diverse artistic representations that were created in response.

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23

Nienkämper, Matthias. "Middle Eastern Economics and Politics: Co-Dependent or Independent? The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Master's thesis, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-287061.

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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has captured the attention of generations throughout the decades following World War II. What are the sources of this conflict? What are the reasons behind "La revanche de Dieu ", especially in the Arab world? This thesis is providing the reader with an historical, social, and economical analysis of major determents that are often times neglected when addressing the modem Middle East. The aim is to give an understanding of what is a personal relationship to a region that will have an influential role in the future of international politics. The current U.S. administration is facing ever growing resentment in the Arab world; curing the roots and pressuring the influential factors that hinder the successful implementation of a peace process could change the perception of America amongst Arabs and Muslims around the world. A destabilized Middle East is of no benefit to the Western powers, both politically and economically. The economic benefits for both the Arab world and the West are of enormous magnitude, ignoring the potential of the Middle East is thus grossly negligent. This thesis is providing a condensed overview of the main obstacles facing the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the modem Middle East.

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24

Séguin, Michaël. "Des pacifistes israéliens : contextualisation sociohistorique de l’émergence des camps de la paix achkenazim et haredim (1881-2009)." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3843.

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Facile de discourir sur la paix ; complexe, par contre, d’évaluer si paroles et gestes y contribuent vraiment. De manière critique, ce mémoire cherche à contextualiser l’émergence de la nation israélienne de 1881 à 1948, de même qu’un certain nombre de forces pacifistes juives, religieuses comme séculières, sionistes comme anti-sionistes, que cette société a engendrées ou provoquées de la fin du XIXe siècle à aujourd’hui. Dans un premier temps, quatre stratégies utilisées pour construire l’État juif sont explorées : la voie pratique (l’établissement de mochavot, kibboutzim et mochavim), la voie diplomatique (le lobbying de Herzl et Weizmann), la voie sociopolitique (la formation de syndicats, de l’Agence juive et du Va’ad Leoumi) et enfin la voie militaire (la mise sur pied d’organisations paramilitaires telles la Hagana, l’Irgoun, le Lehi et le Palmah). Cette exploration permet de mieux camper le problème de la légalité et de la légitimité des nations palestinienne et israélienne. Dans un deuxième temps, une approche conceptuelle et une approche empirique sont combinées pour mieux comprendre ce qu’est un camp de la paix. L’exploration conceptuelle remet en question les critères qu’utilisent certains chercheurs afin d’identifier si une organisation contribue, ou non, à la construction de la paix. L’exploration empirique trace les contours de deux camps de la paix israéliens : les militants de la gauche séculière achkenazi (un pacifisme qui a émergé dans les années 1970) et les religieux haredim (un pacifisme opposé à l’idéologie sioniste dès ses débuts). Ce survol permet de saisir que tout système de croyances peut provoquer la guerre autant que la paix. La conclusion discute des défis du dialogue intercivilisationnel, des défis tant intranationaux (l’harmonie sociale israélienne entre les juifs achkenazim, mizrahim, russes, éthiopiens, etc.) qu’internationaux (la paix entre les Palestiniens et les Israéliens).
It is easy to speak of peace, but much more difficult to evaluate to what extent one’s actions really contribute to it. This master’s thesis seeks to critically contextualize the emergence of the Israeli nation from 1881 to 1948 and highlight certain Jewish pacifist forces, religious and secular, zionist and anti-zionist, which this society has generated or compelled into being from the end of the XIXth century until today. First, four strategies used to build the Jewish state are explored: the practical path (setting up moshavot, kibbutzim and moshavim), the diplomatic path (Herzl and Weizmann’s lobbying), the sociopolitical path (establishing unions, the Jewish Agency and the Va’ad Leumi) and finally the military path (setting up paramilitary organizations such as Hagana, Irgun, Lehi and Palmach). This exploration allows the researcher to better frame the issue of the legality and legitimacy of the Palestinian and Israeli nations. Secondly, the notion of peace camp is investigated using a combined conceptual and empirical approach. The conceptual inquiry questions the criteria used by some scholars to determine whether an organization contributes or not to peacebuilding. The empirical inquiry examines two peace camps: the Ashkenazi secular left (a pacifism that emerged in the 1970s) and the religious Haredim (a pacifism opposed to the zionist ideology from the start). This overview highlights the fact that any belief system can incite war as well as peace. The conclusion discusses the challenges of intercivilizational dialogue, challenges that are both intranational (social harmony between Ashkenazim, Mizrachim, Russian, Ethiopian, etc. Israeli Jews) and international (peace between Palestinians and Israelis).

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