Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Middle East Refugee Crisis'
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Draper, Blake A. "This Way Please the role of the Middle East and the United States in shaping the Iraqi Refugee Crisis /." Tallahassee, Fla. : Florida State University, 2009. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11102009-224130/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Florida State University, 2009.Advisor: Peter Garretson, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences and Public Policy, Dept. of International Affairs. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Mar 15, 2010). Document formatted into pages; contains ix, 77 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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Ngo, Catherine. "Crossroads in a Crisis| The Syrian Refugee Response in Lebanon." Thesis, The American University of Paris (France), 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=13871608.
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Kanaan, Claude Boueiz. "Intercommunal relations and the 1958 crisis in Lebanon." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1995. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29432/.
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The 1958 crisis in Lebanon was a significant event in modern Middle Eastern and international history. Interpretations, however, overlook or subordinate the Lebanese dimensions and how the Lebanese interpreted crisis and causation, through the lens of established community mythologies. Lebanon contains different, confessionally-defined communities, with a long history of tensions and clashes between them. Examination of these enables the Lebanese dimensions to the 1958 crisis to be given due weight. While regional and international dimensions are of clear importance, the crisis resulted from internal Lebanese factors, long and short term, relating to the different communities, rather than to the impact of international issues such as Nasserism. Where such issues were significant it was because they were not imposed, but invoked by Lebanese elements in the name of Lebanese foreign policy, in order to further their own cause and agendas for Lebanon. The mythologies surrounding the 'historical' evolution of the communities helped shape the differing agendas for Lebanon. Of the communities, the Maronite community and its invocation of mythology has played a consistently significant role. The Druze and Sunni, were, at different times, of significance also, particularly in terms of relations with the Maronites. These groups used their interpretations of the 'history' of Lebanon to justify their agendas for the future of Lebanon, and in so doing, helped to precipitate a crisis. The political compromise set up to administer Lebanon was based on 'historical' assumptions and differences, and was consequently vulnerable. In this context, the role of Chamoun in escalating the ever-present level of intercommunal tension, in 1957 and 1958, is another major element in the study. The study uses a range of sources, including official and private papers, unpublished memoirs, oral evidence and newspapers, to map communal feelings and tensions leading to the crisis itself, and its resolution.
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Flemming, Matthew S. "Hydro-crisis in the Middle East : water schemes for a thirsty region." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA397596.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 2001.Thesis advisors, Roger Evered, William J. Haga. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-82). Also Available online.
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Rinto, Conrad L. II. "Incomplete Integration: Ethnicity and the Refugee and Internally Displaced Person Crisis in Postwar Serbia." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1512038773569552.
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Goldenziel, Jill Iris. "Aid, Agency, and the Malleability of International Law: The Post-2003 Iraqi Refugee Crisis." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10630.
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Why do states tolerate large numbers of refugees? This dissertation offers an answer to this puzzle by examining changes in policy responses by the international community toward Iraqis displaced after the U.S. invasion of 2003. From 2003-2006, Jordan, Syria, and Egypt remained quiet about the growing humanitarian needs of displaced Iraqis. From 2007-2010, these countries abruptly shifted policy to claim that they were hosting millions of Iraqis, and to allow Iraqis greater access to public goods and humanitarian assistance. I argue that this policy shift occurred because of new opportunities to extract strategic rents from the international community in the form of foreign aid and development assistance tied to the presence of refugees. I also explain how and why the UN Refugee Agency facilitated host country behavior during these two time periods, even in contradiction with its mandate under international law. I ground my argument in more than 100 interviews with UN Agency officials, NGO workers, government officials, and Iraqi refugees conducted in Jordan, Syria, and Egypt and at the UN Refugee Agency Headquarters in Geneva between 2007 and 2010. I also utilize research in the archives of relevant newspapers, national departments of statistics, and the UN Refugee Agency Headquarters. Previous political science literature largely conceives of refugees as a burden on state infrastructure, or as a potential security risk. This dissertation challenges this literature by suggesting that, under some conditions, states may derive political and economic benefits from the presence of refugees, explaining why they tolerate displaced populations. This dissertation also contributes to the understanding of how authoritarian regimes adapt to new opportunities for strategic rents. This dissertation also explores how an international organization can operate as both a principal and an agent, constrained by the preferences of its member or donor countries, yet autonomously advancing its own interests while shaping the political environment in which it operates. I show how the malleability of international refugee law has helped actors to manipulate humanitarian assistance for their own gain. Finally, this dissertation explores how the destabilization of Iraq affected international relations within a region that has been forever changed.Government
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Morey, Alistair William David. "'Interdependence' or 'common purpose'? : Anglo-American cooperation in the Middle East after Suez." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367624.
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Tasini, Emma. "Photographic Representation and the Syrian Refugee Crisis: A Case Study at the Claremont Colleges." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/90.
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This thesis focuses specifically on student media consumption around the Syrian Refugee Crisis at the Claremont Colleges through interviews and participant observation in order to understand the role of media photos in knowledge production around the Syrian Refugee Crisis. Looking at the role of photos in a cross-cultural understanding of the Refugee Crisis, this thesis analyzes the way individuals read and interpret these photos. I argue that photos have a vital role in knowledge production of the Syrian Refugee Crisis however their presentation and consumption occurs in a complex world without guidelines of what photos impact are and how they should be used. Finally, I aim to understand the potential for more ideal representation of the Syrian Refugee Crisis.
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Henry, Clarence C. "The Iraq-Kuwait crisis : a critique of United States policy 1990-91." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324893.
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McDonald, Darren Joseph. "Crisis of Faith: Jimmy Carter, Religion, and the Making of U.S.-Middle East Foreign Policy." Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3703.
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Thesis advisor: Seth JacobsU.S. President Jimmy Carter's handling of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Middle East can only be properly understood in the context of his religious beliefs. Carter pursued what amounted to a faith-based foreign policy. Guided by the Christian concepts of justice, forgiveness, humility, and an emphasis on the importance of individuals, Carter attempted to make policy conform to the standards set by his faith. Viewing the Arab-Israeli conflict through this lens, he committed to advancing the Middle East peace process out of a Christian sense of duty. Religious belief caused Carter to champion the Palestinians' cause since he believed that the Palestinian people were suffering grave injustices under the Israeli occupation of the West Banka and Gaza. Ultimately, his faith-based approach proved unable to resolve the many diplomatic challenges facing his administration in the region. Fearing that any chance for peace might be lost, he invited Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel and President Anwar Sadat of Egypt to Camp David for substantive talks in September 1978. Only when Carter abandoned his religiously grounded policy orientation and embraced a coldly calculating approach did he succeed in getting the Israelis and Egyptians to agree to a deal. With the conclusion of the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty in March 1979, Carter effectively removed himself from any further involvement in the process
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
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Ali, Mobarak. "Eastern Europe foreign policy convergence with Western Europe on the Middle East, 1990-1992." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390195.
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Mouris, Hanna Dima. "Refugee architecture: A sociospatial reading of planned humanitarian settlements in Jordan." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2021. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/214245/1/Dima%20Magdy_Mouris%20Hanna_Thesis.pdf.
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This study interrogated the standard refugee domestic shelter, the organisation of the shelters, and the camps as urban entities. It explained the observed physical traces of three refugee camps in Jordan using an understanding of refugee heritage, their vernacular building practices, and the cultural references to their homelands. Using phenomenology as the methodology, this study shifted the discourse to the refugee communities as the subject of the camp. The findings indicate that, over time, the built environment of the camp responds to the evolving needs of refugee communities living in a state of permanent temporariness, creating forms of ‘refugee architecture’.
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Dacyl, Janina Wiktoria. "Between compassion and realpolitik : in search of a general model of the responses of recipient countries to large scale refugee flows with reference to the South-East Asian refugee crisis /." Stockholm : Univ. of Stockholm, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36665195g.
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Arlati, Marina. "Neorealism, neoinstitutionalism and the international response to the Gulf crisis : an evaluation of the current debate in international relations theory." Thesis, University of Essex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243361.
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Minchuk, Alexandra Andreevna, and Олександра Андріївна Мінчук. "The kurdish factor in the policy of the Russian federation in the middle east." Thesis, National Aviation University, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/51654.
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1.Article “Adventures of the Kurds with Russia.” [Electronic resource]. -
Access mode: https://magazine.nv.ua/journal/3426-journal-no-
44/prikljuchenijakurdov-s-rossiej.html
2.Article “People without a state: who are the Kurds?” . » [Electronic resource]. -
Access mode: https://www.dw.com/uk/narod-bez-derzhavy-hto-taki-kurdy/a-
42294803
3.Statistics “Ethnoatlas of the Krasnoyarsk Territory. Kurds. “ [Electronic resource]. - Access mode: http://www.krskstate.ru/about/narod/etnoatlas/0/eid/135
4.NY Times. An article «Trump to Arm Syrian Kurds, Even as Turkey
Strongly Objects.» [Electronic resource]. - Access mode:
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/05/09/ us/politics/trump-kurds-syria-army.html
5.Consular information portal of the Russian Federation. Opening of the General Consulate of the Russian Federation in Erbil. [Electronic resource]. - Access mode: https://www.kdmid.ru/cd.aspx?lst=cd_wiki&it/Эрбиль.aspx#:
6.Article “Kurds: the vector of Russian influence in the Middle East.”
[Electronic resource]. - Access mode:
https://www.ifri.org/sites/default/files/atoms/files/ ifri_rnv_85_ruigor_delanoe_kurdy_vektor_rossiyskogo_vliyaniya_na_blizhnem_ vostoke_iyun_2015.pdfAnnotation - an article devoted to the study of political and economic interests of Russian Federation in the context of the Kurdish issue. According to the analysis of available materials, Russian-Kurdish relations actually began in the 1920s with the recognition of Kurdish nationality by the USSR. At the same time, it was legally a “nation without a state” - the total area inhabited by Kurds exceeds 500,000 square meters in northern Iraq, eastern Turkey, western Iran and northeastern Syria. Indeed, Moscow has recognized the national identity of the Iraqi Kurds since 1970, after which the general ideology and support of the national liberation movement became structural elements of the Kremlin-Kurdish relationship, as well as vectors of Soviet (later Russian) influence in the Middle East. It is important to note that Kurds have a long time formed a positive impression of Russia. Russian-Kurdish relations have a long history, in the Russian Empire according to the general census of 1897 - Kurds (Muslims and Yazidis) lived 100 thousand people. At the same time, the Kurds served in the Russian Imperial Army, participated on its side in the RussoTurkish wars.
Анотація - стаття, присвячена вивченню політичних та економічних інтересів Російської Федерації в контексті курдського питання. Згідно з аналізом наявних матеріалів, російсько-курдські відносини фактично розпочалися в 1920-х роках з визнанням курдської національності СРСР. У той же час юридично це була "нація без держави" - загальна площа населених курдами перевищує 500 000 квадратних метрів у північному Іраці, на сході Туреччини, у західному Ірані та на північному сході Сирії. Дійсно, Москва визнала національну ідентичність іракських курдів з 1970 року, після чого загальна ідеологія та підтримка національно-визвольного руху стали структурними елементами кремлівсько-курдських відносин, а також векторами радянських (пізніше російських) вплив на Близькому Сході. Важливо зазначити, що курди давно складали позитивне враження про Росію. Російсько-курдські відносини мають давню історію, в Російській імперії за загальним переписом 1897 р. - курди (мусульмани та язиди) проживали 100 тис. Чоловік. Одночасно курди служили в російській імператорській армії, брали участь на її боці в російсько-турецьких війнах.
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Schelb, Simone-Ariane. "The Syrian Refugee Crisis and the European Union: A Case Study of Germany and Hungary." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3543.
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This thesis explores the impact of the Syrian refugee crisis on the Common European Asylum System. It evaluates the extent to which the European Union was able to implement a common asylum system, identifies discrepancies between different European countries, primarily Germany and Hungary, and briefly examines the roots of these differences. To this end, the structure of the international refugee protection regime and the German and Hungarian asylum systems are analyzed. Furthermore, the thesis explores how the governments of the two countries perceive the rights of refugees and how their views have affected their handling of the crisis. The case studies of Germany and Hungary have revealed that the treatment of Syrian refugees varies enormously within the EU. Hence, the implementation of the Common European Asylum System has not been achieved, which can be attributed to the deficiencies within the system and the growing ideological rifts within the EU.
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Kurdian, Nancy, and Nourah Ali. "Kvinnors erfarenheter som nyanlända under den första tiden i Sverige, med fokus på förutsättningar för hälsa och lärande." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avdelningen for hälsopromotion och vårdvetenskap, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-9585.
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Flyktingströmmen är ett ämne som har berört oss sedan hösten 2015 och därför har vi inspirerats av ämnet integration. Vi anser att hälsa och lärande kan förknippas med villkor och förutsättningar och vi har valt att fokusera på asylsökande kvinnor som utgångspunkt för vår studie. Syftet med studien är att undersöka en grupp kvinnors erfarenheter av vara nyanlända i Sverige med betoning på hälsa och lärande. Migrationsverket (2015a) bekräftar att det är fler män än kvinnor som migrerar till Sverige. Kvinnor är inte alltid i fokus för forskning och därför ser vi att det blir viktigt att få kunskap och medvetenhet om kvinnors situation. Vår studie är utformad utifrån kvalitativ metod och har inspirerats av en hermeneutisk ansats, intervjuer utgör därför underlag till denna studie. Vi har genomfört 15 intervjuer och utarbetat en semistrukturerad intervjuguide. Respondenterna är kvinnor från 19 år och uppåt. De valda teoretiska utgångspunkterna är teorier om lärande av John Dewey (1999) och Paulo Freire (1996). Resultatet visar att villkor och förutsättningar har en viktig betydelse under den första tiden i Sverige. Exempel på sådana villkor och förutsättningar är boendet som miljö, det sociala livet, väntetiden, integrationen och den upplevda hälsan. Kultur och framtid är också aspekter som har en viktig dimension i att förstå det nya landet.The flow of refugees is a topic that has touched us since the autumn of 2015, and therefore we have been inspired by the topic of integration. We believe that health and learning can be associated with terms and conditions and we have chosen to focus on women asylum seekers as a starting point for our study. The purpose of the study is to investigate a group of women's experiences of being newly arrived in Sweden with an emphasis on health and learning. The Swedish Migration Board (2015a) confirms that there are more men than women who migrate to Sweden. Women are not always in the focus of research and we therefore see that it is important to obtain knowledge and awareness of the situation of women. Our study was inspired by a hermeneutics approach and a qualitative approach, interviews therefore constitute the basis for this study. We conducted 15 interviews and developed a semi-structured interview guide. The respondents are women from 19 years upwards. The selected theoretical starting points are theories of learning by John Dewey (1999) and Paulo Freire (1996). The result shows that there are terms and conditions of important meaning for the first time in Sweden. Examples of them are the accommodation as the environment, social life, waiting time, integration and perceived health. Culture and the future are also aspects that have an important dimension in the new country.
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Collier, Simon M. W. "Countering Communist and Nasserite propaganda : the Foreign Office Information Research Department in the Middle East and Africa, 1954-1963." Thesis, University of Hertfordshire, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2299/14327.
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This thesis considers the role of the Information Research Department (IRD) in countering Arab nationalist and Communist propaganda directed at British interests in the Middle East and Africa between 1954 and 1963. It argues that the 1956 Suez Crisis and its fallout was the catalyst that drove a significant expansion of IRD's remit and responsibility. From 1956 the department – which up to this point had had a purely anti-Communist function – was given the responsibility of countering the increasing flow of Arab nationalist propaganda emerging from Egypt. The same year, the Communist powers mounted a renewed and concerted effort to culturally and ideologically penetrate Africa. IRD, who to this point had been excluded from directly operating in Africa, began counter-Communist work in the face of stiff Colonial Office resistance. Analysis of IRD in the Middle East has rarely considered events beyond the immediate aftermath of Suez. IRD's work in Africa is almost wholly unexplored. It is a central contention of this thesis that the two regions cannot be viewed in isolation post-Suez. Egypt's standing was buoyed by the propaganda capital of victory over Suez, and Nasser's position as the figurehead of Arab nationalism was assured. In seeking the removal of colonial influence from the Middle East and Africa, Arab propaganda – particularly the Voice of the Arabs programme of Cairo Radio – ties the regions together. Communist and African nationalist propagandists were drawn to Cairo in the wake of the Suez Crisis. The former, building relationships through aid, sought to leverage Cairo's expanding influence to their own advantage. The latter sought facilities and support for their own propaganda efforts. After Suez, IRD sought to manage Egyptian propaganda whilst avoiding direct confrontation, seeking to normalise relations. In Africa, the department sought to build an infrastructure for information work aimed at influencing future leaders, their efforts constrained by the timetable of British decolonisation. In both regions, through developing relationships with local agencies and the BBC, and from initiatives such as the Transmission 'X' news commentary service, IRD continued to address Arab nationalist and Communist propaganda with a flexibility and responsiveness not recognised in the current literature on IRD.
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Arikan, Elmas, and Hoda Saad. "The road to recovery : En fallstudie om Arla Foods krishantering i Mellanöstern." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Business Studies, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3761.
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Clark, Allen Stanley. "The Crisis of Translation in the Western Media: A Critical Discourse Analysis of al-Qācida Communiqués." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1257195409.
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Christie, Ross. "'Britain's crisis of confidence' : how Whitehall planned Britain's retreat from the extra-European world, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2018.
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This thesis attempts to give an account of how Whitehall planned Britain's withdrawal from extra-European commitments in the years 1959-1968, demonstrating that foreign policy development was essentially a cross-departmental process, involving a synthesis of views articulated by the Treasury, Board of Trade, Ministry of Defence, Colonial Office, Commonwealth Relations Office, as well as the Foreign Office. More specifically, the thesis is concerned with the direct effects of the interplay of different departmental policies on British retrenchment from Africa, the Middle East, and the Far East. Most accounts of how ministers and officials approached the subject of withdrawal from international commitments lack any substantive analysis of documentary evidence, a fact attributable to the 'thirty-year rule'. Many academic works also contain a reference to 'delusions of grandeur' as the main explanation as to why Whitehall guided a tentative course in extracting Britain from its remaining overseas obligations. By examining Whitehall's attempts to review future policy, usually on an inter-departmental basis, this thesis questions the commonly held assumption that an outdated imperial sentiment permeated the political establishment until economic reality, namely the devaluation of sterling in November 1967, forced Britain to confront the fragility of its position. Developing and expanding upon previous scholarship, this thesis makes a contribution to historical knowledge by providing the first sustained and unified study of how the highest echelons of Whitehall framed Britain's long-term strategic aims in the late 1950s and 1960s. This thesis is a contribution to administrative, diplomatic and military history, and provokes a number of questions. To what extent, for example, did economic considerations inform the decisions of leading policy-makers? Did a misjudgment over the strength of British 'power' lead to the pursuit of inappropriate foreign policy objectives? How was foreign policy affected by defence policy? What influence did the Treasury exert over high foreign policy? Did the influence of civil servants vary according to policy issues and the personalities involved? In what ways did the views of the departments responsible for economic matters differ from those in charge of defence policy on the priority attached to military expenditure? To what extent did the Foreign Office and Ministry of Defence disagree on matters regarding Britain's overseas commitments and possessions? In answering such questions, this thesis casts new light on how Whitehall, between 1959 and 1968, reduced the scope of Britain's international commitments, redirecting the central thrust of British foreign policy away from extra-European commitments towards Europe.
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Campbell, Cameron N. "Contextualizing Exile: Understanding Failures of the International Refugee Regime through Narratives of Young Adult Syrian Urban Refugees in Amman, Jordan." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/641.
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With almost 4 million registered Syrian refugees, the UN has called it the world’s worst refugee crisis. The influx of 628,000 asylum-seekers to neighboring Jordan has tested its strength and protection capabilities. The UNHCR is the organizational spearhead of the international refugee regime, the set of rights and procedural structures upon which signatory States agree to protect refugee rights. This ethnographic research contributes lived experience to the existing quantitative scholarship on the Syrian refugee influx in Jordan. Spending the long days of Ramadan with young adult Syrian national urban refugees, I learned about the gaps between respondents’ hardships in establishing secure lives, and the rights the UNHCR guarantees for them in Amman.
This thesis argues that respondents’ experiences reflect the systematic failure of refugee protection due to inherent weaknesses of the refugee regime. Gaps in protections are the logical result of the expanding role of nation-states, as self-interested actors, in making important decisions in the enforcement of refugee rights. I argue that the expanding interest of Northern States’ to limit immigration since September 11th has rendered the UNHCR incapable of providing refugees the levels of protection they are guaranteed. The refugee regime makes certain assumptions of the host country’s carrying capacity, as well as assumptions that other nation-states will willingly open its doors for Syrian refugee resettlement. Since the UNHCR cannot rely upon Northern states committing themselves to third country resettlement, refugees can no longer expect the refugee regime to uphold its mandate that it was founded to ensure.
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Ní, Ghráinne Bríd Áine. "Challenges in the relationship between the protection of internally displaced persons and international refugee law." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5535d05d-aa56-477c-8553-33316d297e0d.
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Internally Displaced Persons ('IDPs') outnumber refugees by two to one and often have the same fears, needs and wants as refugees recognised as such under international law. However, refugee status entails international protection, while IDPs are left to the protection of their own state, which may, but by no means necessarily, be the very entity that has forced them to flee in the first place. In recent years, there have been significant developments in the realm of IDP protection. This includes the conclusion of two regional treaties on the protection of IDPs, the development of relevant soft law instruments, and the reformed 'Cluster Approach' of humanitarian response. Although the increased focus on IDP protection is a welcome development, the UNHCR has expressed the fear that 'activities for the internally displaced may be (mis)interpreted as obviating the need for international protection and asylum.' This thesis represents the first legal analysis of the relationship between the protection of IDPs and International Refugee Law. It will discuss five key challenges in this respect. First, the challenge of drawing the attention of the international community to the plight of IDPs; second, the challenge of developing an appropriate framework for the protection of IDPs; third, the challenge of ensuring that internal protection is not interpreted as a substitute for asylum; fourth; the challenge of determining the relationship between complementary protection and internal displacement; and fifth, the challenge of ensuring that IDP protection in an inter-agency context does not trigger the application of Article 1D of the Refugee Convention, rendering the Convention inapplicable to the recipients of that protection. This thesis will conclude by setting out the future challenges in the relationship between IDP protection and International Refugee Law, by identifying questions left open for further research, and by illustrating the overall impact and importance of this thesis' findings.
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El, Hankouri Ouadia. "La politique britannique au Proche-Orient au prisme des relations anglo-israéliennes : de la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) à la guerre des Six-Jours (1967)." Thesis, Paris Est, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PESC0001.
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L'objectif de cette thèse est d'étudier la politique de la Grande-Bretagne vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-arabe au prisme de ses intérêts au Proche-Orient entre la première guerre israélo-arabe (1948-1949) jusqu'à la guerre des Six-Jours en 1967. Nous avons essayé de préciser, en ce sens, qu'en plus des intérêts politiques, géostratégiques et économiques, cette politique a été aussi marquée par les changements des rapports de force qui s'imposaient inévitablement dans le monde entier, notamment l'avènement des États-Unis et de l'URSS comme superpuissances mondiales, le nationalisme arabe…etc. Dans ce cadre d'intérêts politiques et économiques, nous avons souligné que la création de l'État d'Israël répondait aux besoins stratégiques des puissances occidentales au Moyen-Orient. D'ailleurs, cette approche prouvera sa validité dès 1956 quand l'État d'Israël va jouer un rôle déterminant pendant l'expédition de Suez. Nous avons mis l'accent sur la place qu'occupait l'industrie du pétrole et les intérêts commerciaux dans le processus de la décolonisation britannique du Moyen-Orient pendant les années 1950 et 1960. Bien que l'étude de la politique britannique au Proche-Orient soit négligée, et ce, en raison de son « déclassement politique », notre recherche a bien montré que la Grande-Bretagne a joué un rôle aussi important que celui des Américains dans la sauvegarde de leurs intérêts à travers une « gestion » commune des affaires du Moyen-OrientThe aim of this thesis is to study the British policy towards the Arab-Israeli conflict through the prism of British interests in the Middle East from the first Arab-Israeli war in 1948-1949 to the Six-Day War in 1967. In addition to economic and political interests, we show that in the years under review the British policy has also been marked by a change in the world balance of power, namely the emergence of the United States and the Soviet Union as the world's leading superpowers, Arab nationalism ... etc. In this context, we emphasize that the creation of the State of Israel met the strategic needs of Western powers in the Middle East. This approach will prove its effectiveness only eight years after the creation of Israel when the latter played a decisive role during the tripartite invasion of Egypt in late 1956. Moreover, we point out the place occupied by oil industry and commercial interests in the process of British decolonization in the Middle East in the 1950s and 1960s. The study of British foreign policy in the Middle East has been neglected because of the “demise of Britain's political supremacy” worldwide. Nevertheless, we show that Britain has played a role as important as that of the United States in safeguarding their common interests in the Middle East through a close collaboration
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Bringuez, Jacques. "Les conséquences de la crise de Suez de 1956 sur le système international." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL010.
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La crise de Suez de 1956 est avant tout synonyme d'une opération militaire menée par les Français et les Anglais, dont l'échec retentissant a sonné le glas de la politique colonialiste des deux États. Mais Suez 1956 représente aussi et surtout un véritable tournant dans les relations internationales pour plusieurs raisons. Tout d'abord parce que, pour la première fois depuis l'avènement de la Guerre froide, l'URSS et les USA vont faire front commun contre les puissances occidentales associées à Israël. Ensuite parce que concomitamment, les Soviétiques répriment l'insurrection hongroise, battant en brèche leur toute nouvelle théorie de la coexistence pacifique. Enfin parce que le Tiers-monde trouve naissance dans cet affrontement, et devient l'objet de conquête idéologique, notamment au Moyen-Orient. En quoi la crise a-t-elle modifié les interactions au niveau diplomatique, l’équilibre des institutions internationales, les relations géopolitiques, les relations bilatérales dans l'univers de la Guerre froide, les relations intra blocs Est-Ouest ? Quelles conséquences la crise aura-t-elle eue sur la stratégie et les objectifs politiques des différents acteurs ?The Suez crisis of 1956 is generally synonym for a military operation led by the French and the English army, whose resounding failure sounded the end of the colonialist policy of both States. But Suez 1956 represents also and above all a real turning point in the international relations for several reasons. Firstly, because, for the first time since the advent of the cold war, the USSR and the USA are going to join forces against the western powers associated with Israel. Then, because concomitantly, the Soviet power repress the Hungarian revolution, damaging their quite new theory of the peaceful coexistence. Finally, because the Third World finds birth in this confrontation, and becomes the object of ideological conquest, especially in the Middle-East In what did the crisis modify the interactions at the diplomatic level, the balance of the international institutions, the geopolitical relations, the bilateral relations in the universe of the Cold war, the relations intra East-West blocks? What consequences the crisis will generate on the strategy and the policy of the various actors?
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Sattler, Verena. "Entre chocs pétroliers et conflit israélo-arabe : la France et l’institutionnalisation de la politique proche-orientale de la Communauté Européenne : de la création de la Coopération Politique Européenne en 1969/70 à la déclaration de Venise de 1980." Thesis, Paris 4, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA040078.
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C’est avec le lancement de la Coopération Politique Européenne (CPE) en 1969/70 que les six États membres de la Communaute européenne (CE) ont tourné une page dans l’histoire de l’intégration européenne. À partir de cette date les membres de la CE se sont consultés sur des questions de politique étrangère afin d’harmoniser leurs vues et d’élaborer des positions communes. Dès le début la France avait le plus grand intérêt à mettre le Proche-Orient sur l’agenda des Six. Comme les deux chocs pétroliers de 1973/74 et de 1979 risquaient de peser lourd sur les relations euro-arabes, les autres États membres de la Communauté ont consenti en principe à développer une position commune envers le Proche-Orient. Ainsi une politique proche-orientale des Six, et àpartir de 1973 des Neuf, s’est institutionnalisée au cours des années 1970 qui était basée d’une part sur des déclarations communes sur la situation au Proche-Orient et d’autre part sur une coopération économique interrégionale plus étroite, notamment dans le cadre du dialogue euro-arabe. Sous la présidence de Georges Pompidou tout comme sous la présidence de Valéry Giscard d’Estaing la France a été le moteur dans le développement des relations euro-arabes des années 1970. Même si l’action française qui visait à faire adopter sa propre politique proche-orientale par ses partenaires européens n’était pas toujours couronnée de succès la déclaration commune du 6 novembre 1973 et surtout la déclaration commune de Venise du 13 juin 1980reflètent nettement position pro-palestinienne de la FranceBy launching European Political Cooperation (EPC) in 1969/70 the six member states of the European Community (EC) openend a new chapter in the history of European Integration. Henceforward the six member states consulted each other in foreign policy issues in order to develop commun positions where possible. From the beginning France showed the greatest interest in putting the Middle East on the European agenda. As the two oil price shocks of 1973/74 and 1979 put a strain on the euro-arab relations the other member states of the EC supported the French request to develop a commun European Near-Eastern policy. Consequently, the 1970ies were marked by a process of institutionalisation of commun policy towards that region that was, on theone side, based on common European declarations, and, on the other side, on a more intense euro-arab cooperation in the field of economics, and this especially within the framework of the euro-arab dialogue. Both under the presidency of Georges Pompidou and under the presidency of Valéry Giscard d’Estaing France can be described as motor of the development and the extension of euro-arab relations. Even if the French diplomacy that tried to make her Near-Eastern policy a common European policy has not always been crowned with succes the common Brussels declaration of November 1973 and especially the common Venicedeclaration of June 1980 reflect clearly the pro-Palestinian stance of France
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Kanan, Yara. "The design of refugee camps in the Middle East : "Good design for bad world"." Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10437/12244.
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Orientação: Lígia Paula Simões Esteves Nunes Pereira da SilvaA cada minuto em todo o mundo, 24 pessoas são forçadas a abandonar as suas casas: 34.000 por dia deixam tudo para traz, na esperança de encontrar segurança (UNHCR, 18 de Junho de 2015). Esta dissertação foca-se na importância do papel da arquitetura no desenvolvimento e na melhoria dos campos de refugiados no sentido de obter melhores condições de vida e reconsiderar o desenho de abrigos e planeamento urbano dos campos uma vez que estes deixaram de ser temporários e passaram a ser residências de longa duração. Como exemplo desta situação, o estudo é dedicado aos refugiados sírios no Medio Oriente, usando como caso de estudo, o campo de Zaatari na Jordânia, o segundo maior campo de refugiados do mundo, onde a maioria da população é proveniente da Síria. Este trabalho pretende também chamar a atenção para como um abrigo pode afetar o comportamento dos seus habitantes e a necessidade de refletir sobre o ambiente em que vivem estas comunidades para considerar como o seu planeamento deve ser pensado para que se tornem sustentáveis a longo prazo
Every minute, 24 people worldwide are forced to flee their homes; 34,000 people a day leave everything behind, hoping to find safety (UNHCR,18 June 2015). Thisresearch focuses on the importantrole of architecture in developing and improving refugee camps to obtain a better environment to live in and reconsider the shelter design and urban planning of the camps when it has turned up from temporary to a long-term accommodation. As an example of that refugee situation, the focus within this research is upon Syrian refugees in the Middle East, taking as case-study, the Zaatari camp in Jordan, the second-largest refugee camp globally, where Syrian refugees are the main population. Furthermore, this study aims to shed light on how much the shelter can affect the displaced people’s behavior and the importance of studying the refugee’s old environment and consider it to design sustainable long-term camps
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Bowker, Robert. "UNRWA : memories, mythologies and the Palestinian refugee issue." Phd thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147696.
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Teahen, Shannon Hope. "Nuisance to Crisis: Conceptualizing Terrorism During the Nixon Administration." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10012/3954.
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The study of terrorism has gained attention and prominence post-September 11, 2001. Much of the literature on terrorism is teleological, and many authors focus their research on America’s involvement with terrorism in the Middle East beginning with the Iran hostage crisis in 1979. Accordingly, the literature fails to highlight the rise of terrorism in the Middle East and the importance of the Middle East to American foreign policy during the Nixon Administration. This study looks at how the American media and the American government conceptualized terrorism during the Nixon Administration, from 1969 to 1974. An analysis of American print media sources demonstrates that terrorism was associated with the Middle East more than other regions in the later years of Nixon’s presidency. American government documents reveal that the government linked terrorism with the Middle East after a fundamental shift in the perception of terrorism took place after the Munich Olympics massacre in 1972. In order to understand the contemporary manifestation of terrorism in American life, it is imperative to understand the history of how America conceptualized terrorism.
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Ward, Patricia S. "How humanitarian relief 'works': international aid organizations and local labor in crisis contexts." Thesis, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/42046.
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This dissertation explores the changing organization of work in the transnational humanitarian aid sector. I specifically examine aid localization: a sector-wide strategy to increase the role of local labor in humanitarian aid projects. What does the aid sector’s localization look like in practice? What are the effects of localization on local labor? To answer these questions, I conducted a qualitative study of aid operations in Jordan, a major global aid hub. I find that localization creates a particular structure of work in which tasks, resources, and expectations are formally and informally organized and premised upon particular meanings associated with ‘the local’ as a category. This structure subsequently creates new forms of precarious labor and challenging work conditions for national employees under the framing of humanitarian aid, and also shapes how workers make sense of their own positions within the aid labor hierarchy. These effects are indicative of the tensions and contradictions embedded in conceptualizations of ‘the local’ in the aid sector. It is these tensions and ambiguities that subsequently become sources of productivity for aid employers: a space to generate new forms and relations of work that ensure successful project outcomes. I subsequently contend that localization ruptures and reinscribes Global North-Global South inequalities through ambivalent constructions of who local workers are, and how they should and can provide value to their organizations.
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Hoffstädt, Jord Malte. "The Establishment and Development of Asylum Policies in East Central Europe." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-352477.
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In the light of the current refugee crisis in the European Union, and the remarkably critical stance the East Central European states are taking in Brussels, this research contributes to a broader understanding of the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary and Poland's policies towards refugees. By scrutinizing the process of developing refugee policies during the 1990s and 2000s, the research will demonstrate that the countries united in the V4 platform in their first years of transition generously contributed to international refugee protection. Steep increase of asylum applicants and negotiation talks with the EU in the late 1990s brought various changes to the refugee policies in the region, marked by more closely defining and the enhancing of asylum seekers' and recognized refugees' rights, but also by lower refugee recognition rates. Accession to the European Union ultimately resulted in more complete and comprehensive asylum policies in line with the Common European Asylum System (CEAS). However, the V4 states maintained rather restrictive interpretations of the European policy, explained by the pressure the CEAS places on the states at the EU's external border and lower economic capacity to accommodate large numbers of refugees. Recent developments are mostly the result of political exploitation...
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FU-YANG, CHENG, and 程富陽. "The Studies on Peace and Conflict Changes inThe Middle East – Focus on "The Israel-Palestinian Conflict "and " Iran Nuclear Crisis "." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/37116940695062136362.
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碩士國防大學
戰略研究所
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Abstract In this paper, the Middle East peace and conflict changes being the main content, refers to Israel and Palestine issue between peace and conflict in the historical process; due to the 50's keen of Western political and promoting the "white revolution", as to the 90's Iran's development of nuclear weapons becoming the greatest threat nation of United States in the Middle East , Which is the critical point of the history shaft. Historical overview of the Israelis that the Jews suffered brutal repression when BC 63 years Romans Occupied Palestinian, the overwhelming majority of Jews fleeing Palestine, dispersed all over the world. The late 19th century, the Jewish bourgeoisie advocated Zionism, called the Jews return to Palestine for the establishment of the Jewish state. November 29, 1947, the United Nations adoption of the partition resolution of Palestine. May 14, 1948 "Jewish State" of Israel announced the establishment. The next day, refused to accept the UN partition resolution, five Arab countries launched the first war against Israel in the Middle East. Nearly 60 years, " Israel-Arab" conflict happened numerous times, The impacts of the Middle East and the world are giant. The "Israel-Arab" war which continued for 60 years has not yet stopped the international conflict and has always been the concern of scholars for international relations. This article attempts to explore the "Israel-Arab conflict" and "nuclear crisis in Iran" connotation by game、conflict and hegemony theory; divided by the number of studies to explain the conflict factors, more hope from the game point of view to explore ways of cooperate game theoretic framework, We try to discussed "the Israel-Palestinian conflict" and find out the possibility to achieve truce and peace.On the other way,We research to speculate the " Iranian nuclear crisis" in the current situation for the possible trend . In this paper, in addition to overviewing the historical、religious、cultural、 economic and other factors in the " Israel -Arab " conflict negotiations、peace and war cycle, We explore the United States hegemonic policy trying to mediate " the Israel -Arab conflict " ,and the study of late 60 years of leading the Middle East peace process in the whole；By the way the Iranian nuclear issue of regional security in the Middle East may be the impact, and only re-adjust the United States hegemonic thinking and to seek effective international mechanisms and mode for conflict mediation .Then we could realize the possibility of peace in the Middle East.
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Karaca, Bilal Bahadır. "Postoje zemí V4 k migrační a azylové politice EU." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-404120.
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Illegal immigration is one of the current problems that occupy the European agenda. With the beginning of the revolutionary movements called 'the Arab Spring' in the Middle East and North Africa, Europe has faced massive uncontrolled migration waves. In this period, the asylum applications in European countries have broken a record in the history of the EU. This situation has impelled the European Union and its member states to take certain measures. However, political disagreements were observed over some of the measures taken by the EU. In light of these developments, this thesis will focus on illegal immigration movements from the Middle East and North Africa region to Europe right after the beginning of the Arab Spring (in other words from at the end of 2010 to now). In this context, this master's thesis aims to give the immigration and asylum policies of the European Union aiming to prevent these illegal immigration waves and to evaluate the political positions of the Visegrad countries during this period.
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Campos, Lucien Vilhalva de. "O flagelo humanitário do século XXI : a crise de refugiados do Médio Oriente e o papel da diplomacia internacional." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10437/7792.
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Orientação: Fernando Rui de Sousa CamposA presente dissertação trata sobre o papel da diplomacia na decorrente crise de refugiados do Médio Oriente. Baseando-se na evolução das normas de proteção humana conferidas na ordem internacional humanitária, são analisadas as técnicas diplomáticas que interferem na problemática dos refugiados. Também são identificados os principais eventos e motivações geopolíticas que possivelmente ajudaram a estimular o estalar da violência humana no mundo árabe. Enquadrando os refugiados nas relações internacionais, a dissertação pretende oferecer argumentos para que a comunidade internacional renove um compromisso global assente em valores humanitários a fim de garantir a paz e proteção aos grupos vulneráveis aos atos de beligerância humana. Fenômeno milenar e resultante da guerra, a migração forçada é procedida de más decisões propulsoras de instabilidades e desordens em nome dos interesses de atores internacionais ou grupos sociais. Referente ao Médio Oriente, requer-se um empenho mais efetivo da comunidade internacional face a gravidade das crises humanitárias, bem como se observa uma viragem no quadro geopolítico por efeito de dois fatores: o declínio do poder hegemômico dos Estados Unidos e a nova doutrina militar russa. Estes fatores, por fim, produzem um cenário de imprevisibilidade e impunidade, cujas relações de poder estão deixando de ser claras.
The present study deals with diplomacy in the occurring refugee crisis in the Middle East. Based in the evolution of the human protection laws introduced in the international humanitarian order, diplomatic techniques that interfere with the refugee problematic will be analyzed. There will be also analyzed the main geopolitics events and motivations that most likely stimulated the human violence in the Arab world. Inserting the refugees in international relations, this study pretends to offer arguments for the international community to renew the global compromise set under humanitarian values pretended to guarantee peace and protection to vulnerable groups of human belligerence acts. Millennial phenomenon and resultant of war, the forced migration is proceeded by bad decisions driven by instability and disorder in the name of personal interest or international actors and social groups. In relation to the Middle East, it is required a bigger and more effective effort of the international community facing the gravity of the humanitarian crisis, as well as it is observed a slew in the geopolitical frame for the effect of two factors: the decline of the hegemonic power United States of America and the new Russian military doctrine. These factors, ultimately, create a scenario of unpredictability and impunity, in which the power relations are becoming ever more unclear.
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Labisch, Diana. "From Critical Race Theory to Critical Religion Theory: An Adaptation for In-Country Struggles based on Race, Religion, Skin Color, and Capitals. A Globalized Cultural, Social, Political, Educational, Historical, and Contemporary “East versus West” Crisis." 2019. https://ul.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A34345.
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Multiculturalism and the merging of local communities with immigrants demands glocal policies in various sectors—especially in education. In order to successfully integrate immigrants, language acquisition is oftentimes the first initiative educators and politicians regard as one of the most essential attributes for successful and prompt integration. However, language acquisition cannot be separated from the need to bridge communities and their different values, tradition, ideologies, and identities based on their cultural heritages and religious affiliations. In order to properly respond to newly-emerging glocal dynamics in, for instance, classrooms, it is crucial to understand the shifts in racisms from black versus white to East versus West. Therefore, concepts need to consider different dynamics and embrace issues related to gender, sexuality, skin color, habitus, social, financial, and cultural capital, as well as educational achievement (gaps) on an interdisciplinary level. While seeking to find appropriate adaptations of school curricula, it is necessary to not try to run before one can walk—in other words—to not try to let educators teach before they have been taught cross-cultural communication. In addition, racisms cannot be limited to conflicts between immigrants and non-immigrants; racisms also occur among a homogeneous group. The complexity of reuniting and/or integrating various immigrant, non-immigrant, (Middle) Eastern and Western identities and their (intercultural) belonging is critical because of the various circumstances and settings that need to be considered for responding to linguistic, cultural, social, psychological, educational, and financial matters individually. Although there is not one concrete theoretical framework or outcome that can be applied for integration; this dissertation thesis functions as a roadmap for becoming more aware of regional and international struggles. Despite the multifaceted approaches that need to be combined and implemented in terms of second language acquisition, updated teacher training, cross-cultural policies, access to social services and support systems, etc., the education sector remains the foundation for prospective integration: Integrative and multiculturally-aware education provides the glocal society with intercultural and interdisciplinary-applicable assets and capitals. Such abilities help create a politically, socially, financially, culturally, and educationally responsible future embracing transatlantic intermingling instead of oppressing Otherness. Local and global communities benefit from better-adjusted and well-integrated immigrant families and students. The better societies and politics educate, integrate, and value non-locals, the more societies will benefit culturally, socially, politically, and economically from the glocal population. The newly-introduced PIC SAM guidelines provide, in cooperation with key actors and community-centered programs for immigrants and non-immigrants, a roadmap for combining theory and practice in glocal contexts.:Table of Contents vi
List of Figures, Tables, and Illustrations x
Chapter One 1
Personal Narrative and Relevance: Education as Powerful Integration Tool 1
Rationale, Overview, and Global Integration and Education 7
Theoretical Framework and Methodological Approaches 14
Terminology 17
Steps for Globally-Adjusted Integration and Education 29
Step 1: Understanding Legal Challenges of Turkish Immigrants 29
Step 2: Understanding that Not Every Middle Easterner is a Muslim 33
Step 3: Starting Successful Integration in Kindergarten 33
Step 4: Nurturing Integration Instead of Oppressing Immigration 36
Step 5: Adapting CRT—From Colorblind to Headscarfblind 39
Step 6: Taking the Education Exit for Integration 43
Step 7: Taking the Education Exit to Integration 44
Step 8: Sprucing Up the Headscarf Image 45
Chapter Two 48
Literature Review 48
Chapter Three 103
“Other” Ideologies and Identities—Theoretical Approaches 103
(1) How to Approach Different Ideologies 103
(2) Reasons for Othering and Biased Headscarf Images 103
(3) Disempowering the Exotic Other 104
(4) The Danger of Ill-Ideologies 106
(5) Ideologies as Utopia and Fantasy 108
(6) Capitalization and Mass Economization of Identities and Ideologies 109
(7) Institutionalization of the ISA (aka the School) 110
Chapter Four 113
Individuals are Always-Already Subjects of Ideology 113
Concepts Creating the Multifaceted Constructions of Ideology 114
(1) Ideology as A-Historical 114
(2) Is Ideology “Real” or an Illusion? 115
(3) Individuals are Always-Already Subjects (of Ideology) 116
(4) Subjects within a Mass-Produced Media (Ill)Ideology 117
(5) Shift: From Dominant via Repressed Ideology to State Apparatus 119
(6) Concluding Thoughts on Ideologies 120
Chapter Five 123
Race as Product of Social, Political, and Educational Thought 123
Chapter Six 128
Shifts in Racisms: Whitewashed—From Black to (Middle) East 128
The Wende within Immigration and Globalization 134
(1) History and Its Effect on Pre- and Post-Activism 134
(2) GDR Museums—(False?) Nostalgia in Times of Globalization 141
(3) Cross-Generational Racisms and Racialized White Others 145
Chapter Seven 149
Different Social and Cultural Capitals: East vs. West (German) Habitus 149
Adapting Bourdieu’s Habitus to Different Contexts 151
Comparative Examples: Disadvantaged Groups in the Education Sector 154
Getting to the Nitty-Gritty: The Case of Oscar 156
Concluding the Nitty-Gritty: Political Trust and Progressive Educators 165
Chapter Eight 170
Reverse Activisms: The Importance of Transnational Post-Activism 170
Tear Down that Church! 173
Transferring Activism from the GDR to the 21st Century 177
From “Teaching” Activism to “Doing” Activism 181
East versus West: Striving for Balanced Activisms 184
Activism, Aktivismus, and Activisme—or Negativism? 187
Chapter Nine 190
Adapting and Diversifying CRT 190
Teaching and Learning German and Intercultural Communication 195
Global and Anti-Racist Pedagogies In- and Outside of Schools 200
Roadmap for Changing (the) Dynamics in Germany’s Education 203
(1) Cross-Language Policies: Bilingualism for Everyone 203
(2) Current Challenges in Germany’s Education System 207
(3) Key Actors and Levels in Addressing the Integration Problem(s) 208
(4) Solution Approaches 210
Chapter Ten 212
Glocal Frameworks: Adding “Bi-Religionism” to Bilingualism & Biculturalism 212
Getting to the Nitty-Gritty: The Case of Mo 215
Educational Policy Recommendations 224
Concluding the Nitty-Gritty 230
Chapter Eleven 233
Outlook and Conclusion: Striving for Glocal Awareness and Activist Change 233
References 243
Endnotes 263
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Albaba, Ahmed. "Palästinensische Familien in den Flüchtlingslagern im Westjordanland: Eine empirische Studie zum kollektiven Gedächtnis und den transgenerationellen Folgen von Flucht und Vertreibung." Doctoral thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/21.11130/00-1735-0000-0005-1518-9.
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