Journal articles: 'Middle East nationalism'

1

Baram, Amatzia. "Territorial nationalism in the middle east." Middle Eastern Studies 26, no. 4 (October 1990): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263209008700830.

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Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 32, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v32i4.216.

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This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.

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Gökçek, Mustafa. "Late Ottoman Discourses on Nationalism and Islam and the Contributions of Russia’s Muslims." American Journal of Islam and Society 32, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v32i4.216.

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This study focuses on the early twentieth-century nationalist and Islamist discourses in the Ottoman Empire. Particularly after the 1908 coup, Turkish and Arab nationalism spread among the intellectuals. Under the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) party’s leadership, Turkish nationalists received tremendous support to spread their views through associations and publications. Some of them defended the compatibility of Turkish nationalism with Islam. In response, traditional Islamist intellectuals argued that Islam was opposed to nationalism and tribalism and pointed out the potential dangers of pursuing nationalism in a multiethnic society. This article mostly focuses on the nationalist and traditionalist intellectuals. Among the first group was Halim Sabit, a Kazan Tatar who moved to Istanbul from Russia to pursue religious studies at a madrasa. He eventually became heavily involved in nationalist circles and published articles in Sırat-i Mustakım and İslam Mecmuası on how Islam allowed nationalism and how Turkish nationalism could serve Islam. At the same time, he participated in a trip to the Middle East to convince the Arabs of the need for Islamic unity. In contrast to Musa Kazım, Said Nursi, and other intellectuals, Sabit emphasized the unity of Muslim nations within the empire.

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Gershoni, Israel, and James Jankowski. "Print Culture, Social Change, and the Process of Redefining Imagined Communities in Egypt; Response to the Review by Charles D. Smith of Redefining the Egyptian Nation (IJMES 29, 4 [1997]: 606–22)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 1 (February 1999): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800052983.

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Charles D. Smith's review essay on our book Redefining the Egyptian Nation in the October 1997 issue of IJMES undertakes a critical analysis of the work. Simultaneously, it raises broader questions about the relevance of some of the insights of theoreticians of nationalism, particularly Benedict Anderson, to the case of Egyptian nationalism. The essay's attempt to evaluate the utility of recent theoretical writing on nationalism for the study of the Middle East is a worthwhile endeavor. However, we believe that the essay's analysis of the book itself is based on a familiarity with only a small selection of the sources relevant to understanding Egyptian nationalism, and that it provides a misleading interpretation of the contents of the work. We also feel that its observations about nationalist theory sometimes misconstrue our use of the same, and in general underestimate the importance of recent theoretical work on nationalism for the study of Egypt and the Middle East.

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Ahmida, Ali Abdullatif. "RALPH M. COURY, The Making of an Egyptian Arab Nationalist: The Early Years of Azzam Pasha, 1893–1936 (Reading, U.K.: Ithaca Press, 1998). Pp. 536. $50.40 cloth." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 623–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801264071.

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With few exceptions, Orientalist polemics and nationalist inventions of history have dominated the study of nationalism in the Arab Middle East. The lack of a critical framework and historical analysis has led many scholars to doubt the very existence of nationalism in the region. Nationalism has been treated either as a political instrument of ambitious leaders and intellectuals or an insignificant phase in Arab history, soon replaced by political Islamic movements, regionalism, and tribalism.

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Ochsenwald, William, James Jankowski, and Israel Gershoni. "Rethinking Nationalism in the Arab Middle East." American Historical Review 104, no. 5 (December 1999): 1798. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649544.

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Lalor, Paul. "Rethinking Nationalism in the Arab Middle East." Nations and Nationalism 5, no. 2 (April 1999): 303–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1354-5078.1999.00303.x.

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Özoğlu, Hakan. "“NATIONALISM” AND KURDISH NOTABLES IN THE LATE OTTOMAN–EARLY REPUBLICAN ERA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 3 (August 2001): 383–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801003038.

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The era culminating in World War I saw a transition from multinational empires to nation-states. Large empires such as the Austro-Hungarian and the Ottoman searched for ways to cope with the decline of their political control, while peoples in these empires shifted their political loyalties to nation-states. The Ottoman Empire offers a favorable canvas for studying new nationalisms that resulted in many successful and unsuccessful attempts to form nation-states. As an example of successful attempts, Arab nationalism has received the attention that it deserves in the field of Middle Eastern studies.1 Students have engaged in many complex debates on different aspects of Arab nationalism, enjoying a wealth of hard data. Studies on Kurdish nationalism, however, are still in their infancy. Only a very few scholars have addressed the issue in a scholarly manner.2 We still have an inadequate understanding of the nature of early Kurdish nationalism and its consequences for the Middle East in general and Turkish studies in particular. Partly because of the subject's political sensitivity, many scholars shy away from it. However, a consideration of Kurdish nationalism as an example of unsuccessful attempts to form a nation-state can contribute greatly to the study of nationalism in the Middle East.

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Bendebka, Ramzi. "Pitfalls of Nationalism in the Middle East and North Africa Region." Current Research Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 3, no. 1 (February 24, 2020): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.12944/crjssh.3.1.07.

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Nationalism in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region is a fundamental issue. As long as this fundamental issue is not well discussed, any reforms in the regional system, including integration and state building, would be insufficient in alleviating the challenges faced by Arab nations as they attempt unity in the region. Any understanding of how and why MENA states make political choices towards stability and unity, necessitates the understanding of how they view themselves in terms of representing identity. The objective of this study is to investigate the transformation and the changing nationalism in the modern MENA region. For instance, Arab society has courted several ideologies from Arabism or Arab nationalism and Arab Islamic nationalism, among others. Ideologies do not exist in a vacuum. Therefore, it is necessary to investigate the context in which several ideologies interact with each other and affect nationalism in the MENA region. Although Arab nationalism continues to play an ideological role, what is its relation with Islam? Why Arab Islamic nationalism in the MENA region does not unite states or non-state groups like the cases of Iran and the Kurds? It is therefore useful for this article to illustrate firstly, the relation between Arab nationalism and Arab Islamic nationalism, secondly, the case of Iran nationalism and finally, the Kurds and their strive for a separate nationalism.

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10

Razi, G. Hossein. "Legitimacy, Religion, and Nationalism in the Middle East." American Political Science Review 84, no. 1 (March 1990): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963630.

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The significance of legitimacy to regime maintenance has been much neglected in recent investigations of the Third World, particularly by behavioralists and rational choice theorists. I define legitimacy, discuss factors that may have contributed to this neglect, and explore the significance of nationalism and religion as major sources of legitimacy in the Middle East. Both a misunderstanding of the role of higher values and rationality in individuals' relationship to social systems and a faulty projection applied to the mainsprings of behavior in other cultures have distorted the perceptions of a number of Western analysts. The relationship between religion and nationalism is complex. Contrary to the common assumption in the West, Islam in general has generated fairly sophisticated constitutional theories. Islamic fundamentalism in particular has been a major source of innovation and adaptation—as well as of spiritual gratification—for the Muslim masses.

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Eliassi, Barzoo. "Nationalism, cosmopolitanism and statelessness: An interview with Craig Calhoun." Kurdish Studies 2, no. 1 (May 17, 2014): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v2i1.379.

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This interview with Professor Craig Calhoun expands on issues of nationalism and cosmopolitanism in relation to the question of statelessness. Since the 1990s, Calhoun has worked on nationalism, ethnicity and cosmopolitanism. For Calhoun, nations still matter despite post-national and cosmopolitan elaboration and repudiation of so-called parochial and provincialised identities like nation or national identity and citizenship. In this interview, Calhoun dis-cusses the material, political and cultural situations of the Kurds in the Middle East and the role of Kurdish nationalism in the context of statelessness. Calhoun finds class-based understanding of inequalities between the Kurds and their dominant others in the Middle East as problematic and incomplete since the cultural, political and material inequalities are intimately interlinked in rendering the Kurds to a subordinated position in the states they inhabit. The interview also engages with diasporic identities and examines how countries of residence can impinge on the identity formation of diasporas and how they obstruct or facilitate migrants translating their citizenship status into the right to have rights (Arendt). An important issue that Calhoun discusses is that there are both asymmetrical power relations between dominated (Kurdish) and dominating nationalisms (Turkish, Iraqi, Iranian and Syrian) and within the same nationalisms.

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12

Ashaf, Mohammad Arifullah. "AKAR EPISTEMIK HEGEMONI POLITIK BARAT TERHADAP NASIONALISME DI TIMUR TENGAH." Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 24, no. 2 (December 15, 2016): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.24.2.954.

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Nationalism in the Middle East until now have not been able to create an atmosphere of peace in the life of the nation. This spawned the thesis that the nationalism that developed there really is not free from the influence of Western Europe to split the power of Islamic world power. This paper is directed to probe the roots of Western European political epistemic hegemony on nationalism in the Middle East by applying the method of literature study. Hegemony of colonialism in Middle East supported the rise of nationalism. Nationalism made Islam no longer used as the basis of unity of nations in the Middle East as is in the caliphate system. Nationalism is an imported product that is inseparable to modernization with the effect of disrupting the unity of the Islamic world, especially in countries of the Middle East. ***Nasionalisme di Timur Tengah hingga saat ini belum mampu menimbulkan suasana damai dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Hal ini melahirkan thesis bahwa Nasionalisme yang berkembang di sana sebenarnya tidak lepas dari pengaruh atau bahkan sketsa Eropa Barat untuk memecahbelah kekuatan dunia Islam. Tulisan ini diarahkan untuk menelisik akar epistemik hegemoni politik Eropa Barat atas Nasionalisme di Timur Tengah dengan menggunakan metode studi literatur. Kolonialisme yang menghegemoni Timur Tengah mendorong lahirnya Nasionalisme. Nasionalisme membuat Islam tidak digunakan lagi sebagai dasar persatuan bangsa-bangsa di Timur Tengah sebagai mana pada sistem khilafah. Nasionalisme merupakan produk impor yang tidak dapat dipisahkan dengan modernisasi, yang mengakibatkan kekacauan bagi persatuan di dunia Islam khususnya di negara-negara Timur Tengah.

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13

Bokhari, Kamran Asghar. "Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 124–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i1.1958.

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Many scholars have attempted to tackle the question of why democracy has seemingly failed to take root in the Islamic milieu, in general, and the pre dominantlyArab Middle East, in particular, while the rest of the world has witnessed the fall of"pax-authoritaria" especially in the wake of the demercratic revolution triggered by the failure of communism. Some view this resistance to the Third Wave, as being rooted in the Islamic cultural dynamics of the region, whereas others will ascribe it to the level of political development (or the lack thereof). An anthology of essays, Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East furnishes the reader with five historical casestudies that seek to explain the arrested socio politico-economic development of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey, and the resulting undemercratic political culture that domjnates the overall political landscape of the Middle East. The first composition in this omnibus is "The Crisis of Democracy in Twentieth Century Syria and Lebanon," authored by Bill Harris, senior lecturer of political studies at the University of Otago in Dunedin, New Zealand. Haris compares and contrasts the political development of Syria and Lebanon during the French mandate period and under the various regimes since then. He examines how the two competing forms of nationalism, i.e., Lebanonism and Arabism, along with sectarianism, are the main factors that have contributed to the consolidation of one-party rule in Syria, and the I 6-year internecine conflict in Lebanon. After a brief overview of the early history of both countries, the author spends a great deal oftime discussing the relatively more recent political developments: Syria from 1970 onwards, and Lebanon from I 975 to the I 990s. Harris expresses deep pessimism regarding the future of democratic politics in both countries, which in his opinion is largely due to the deep sectarian cleavages in both states. The next treatise is "Re-inventing Nationalism in B􀀥thi Iraq 1968- 1994: SupraTerritorial Identities and What Lies Below," by Amatzia Baram, professor of Middle East History at the University of Haifa. Baram surveys the Ba·th's second stint in power (1968-present) in lraq. Baram's opinion is that a shift has occurred in B􀀥thist ideology from an integrative Pan-Arab program to an Iraqi-centered Arab nationalism. She attributes this to Saddam's romance with the past, on the one hand, which is the reason for the incorporation of themes from both the ancient Mesopotamian civilization and the medieval Abbasid caliphal era, and, on the other hand, to Islam and tribalism, that inform the pragmatic concerns of the Ba'thist ideological configuration ...

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14

Behar, Moshe. "DO COMPARATIVE AND REGIONAL STUDIES OF NATIONALISM INTERSECT?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, no. 4 (September 23, 2005): 587–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743805052219.

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The question behind this article evolved from two separate observations. While the expansion of comparative and cross-regional research has been actively promoted by leading scholars of the Middle East (and was later encouraged by such bodies as the Middle East Studies Association and this journal), so has the incorporation of scholarly insights from area studies been urged by leading political scientists as a prerequisite for revitalizing all of the discipline's subfields and institutionally endorsed by the American Political Science Association. Viewed as interrelated, these observations prompted the question framing this text: if the aims of many Middle East scholars and institutions are compatible with the aims of many political scientists and their association, why have they remained largely parallel, as suggested by scholars within both fields?

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15

Burrows, Mathew. "‘Mission Civilisatrice’: French Cultural Policy in the Middle East, 1860–1914." Historical Journal 29, no. 1 (March 1986): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018641.

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Mission civilisatnce was one of the bywords of French colonial expansion under the Third Republic. Unfortunately until now there have been few works devoted to its study. Indeed, the notion itself has not been taken very seriously by scholars. As long ago as 1960 when Henri Brunschwig published his seminal work on French colonialism, he stated quite categorically: ‘en Angleterre la justification humanitaire l'emporta’ while ‘en France le nationalisme de 1870 domina’ even if that nationalism ‘ne s'exprima presque jamais sans une mention de cette “politique indigène” qui devait remplir les devoirs du civilisé envers des populations plus arriérées.’ Since then academics both in France and outside have tended to concentrate (in what few works have been written on French colonialism) on the political and economic aspects of the French Empire to the detriment of its cultural components.

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16

Mikdashi, Maya. "Queering Citizenship, Queering Middle East Studies." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 2 (April 25, 2013): 350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000111.

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Critical citizenship studies have argued that researchers should not take the myth of the universal unmarked citizen to heart, but rather focus on the distance between the ideal of citizenship and its everyday embodied practices and on what the citizen and the state do rather than on the state's narration of itself. As Partha Chatterjee writes in his critique of Benedict Anderson, to endorse “unbound serialities” such as the universal and anonymous citizen is to imagine that nationalism and state practices can function without governmentality. In fact, the state's job is to organize and regulate the shared life of its structurally and practically unequal citizens and residents. Normative political theory of citizenship elides the ways that governmentality and biopower produceeachcitizen (as well as groups of citizens) as a particular derivation from the norm. It is with each iteration of these technologies that the state comes into view as a bounded entity.

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17

Brown, L. Carl, and Salim Yaqub. "Containing Arab Nationalism: The Eisenhower Doctrine and the Middle East." Foreign Affairs 83, no. 3 (2004): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034019.

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18

Matthews, Elizabeth G. "Containing Arab Nationalism: The Eisenhower Doctrine and the Middle East." Presidential Studies Quarterly 35, no. 1 (March 2005): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0360-4918.2005.244_6.x.

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19

Liu, Zhongmin. "The Relations between Nationalism and Islam in the Middle East." Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies (in Asia) 2, no. 1 (March 2008): 69–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19370679.2008.12023112.

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20

Baban, Feyzi. "Nationalism and the crisis of community in the Middle East." Dialectical Anthropology 42, no. 4 (November 10, 2018): 351–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10624-018-9534-5.

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21

Burton, Elise K. "Narrating ethnicity and diversity in Middle Eastern national genome projects." Social Studies of Science 48, no. 5 (October 2018): 762–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312718804888.

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Most Middle Eastern populations outside Israel have not been represented in Western-based international human genome sequencing efforts. In response, national-level projects have emerged throughout the Middle East to decode the Arab, Turkish and Iranian genomes. The discourses surrounding the ‘national genome’ that shape scientists’ representation of their work to local and international audiences evoke three intersecting analytics of nationalism: methodological, postcolonial and diasporic. Methodologically, ongoing human genome projects in Turkey and Iran follow the population logics of other national and international genome projects, for example justifying research with reference to projected health benefits to their fellow citizens. Meanwhile, assumptions about and representations of ethnicity and diversity are deeply inflected by local histories of scientific development and nationalist politics. While Iranian geneticists have transformed this paradigm to catalog national genetic diversity through a discourse of ‘Iranian ethnicities’, Turkish geneticists remain politically constrained from acknowledging ethnic diversity and struggle to distance their work from racialized narratives of Turkish national identity. Such nationally-framed narratives of genomic diversity are not confined to their original contexts, but travel abroad, as demonstrated by a US-based genome project that articulates a form of Iranian-American diasporic nationalism.

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Chalcraft, John. "Question: What Are the Fruitful New Directions in Subaltern Studies, and How Can Those Working in Middle East Studies Most Productively Engage With Them?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, no. 3 (August 2008): 376–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808080963.

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More than twenty-five years ago, a small group of South Asianists challenged the bourgeois-nationalist and colonialist historiography of Indian nationalism. Based mostly in India and critical of “economistic” Marxism, they aimed to recover the occluded histories of what Antonio Gramsci calls “subaltern social groups” and to put into question the relations of power, subordination, and “inferior rank” more generally. The influence of subaltern studies quickly became international, inspiring research projects in Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, Latin America, and the Middle East.

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23

Joshi, S. "Being Modern in the Middle East: Revolution, Nationalism, Colonialism, and the Arab Middle Class." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 29, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 334–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-2009-014.

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Rickenbacher, Daniel. "The Anti-Israel Movement in Québec in the 1970s: At the Ideological Crossroads of the New Left and Liberation-Nationalism." Canadian Jewish Studies / Études juives canadiennes 29 (June 13, 2020): 81–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1916-0925.40170.

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Since the late 1950s, Third World nationalism in Algeria, Vietnam, and the Middle East had fascinated radical Quebec nationalists. Quebec nationalism’s militant arm, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), styled itself as a national-liberation movement fighting against Anglo-Canadian exploitation and oppression. After the Six-Day-War, the PLO became a significant source of inspiration for these elements. Quebec was their Palestine, as one prominent Quebec Nationalist asserted. This militant Quebec nationalism coincided and often overlapped with the rise of the New Left at Quebec’s universities and in its unions. Like its European and American counterparts, the Quebec New Left adopted the ideologies of anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism, and in 1972, the Quebec-Palestine Association was established in this milieu. Anti-imperialism combined the Marxist analysis of class struggle with a nationalistic worldview, which saw the world divided between oppressor and oppressed nations. For the New Left, Israel became the epitome of an oppressor nation. It was associated with all the supposed vices of the West: Racism, capitalism, inauthenticity, and militarism. This paper sheds light on the founding years of the Quebec anti-Zionist movement in the early 1970 and discusses the themes and images it used to describe Israel and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Furthermore, the paper investigates whether these articulations a genuine critique of Zionism and Israeli policies or whether they were, instead, a reflection of antisemitic stereotypes. Moreover, the paper compares Quebec anti-Zionism to parallel manifestations of New Left anti-Zionism in Germany, asking whether the cultural context in Quebec affected the message of anti-Zionism.

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Lawson, Fred H. "Pensée 4: Out with the Old, In with the New." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 1 (February 2009): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808090077.

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Historical scholarship on Arab nationalism has experienced a conceptual revolution over the last two decades. It is now widely accepted among historians that local identities and loyalties have been crucial components of nationalist thought and action from the very beginning; it is equally well established that the line between nationalism and various elements of Islam is much harder to draw than one might imagine. In addition, there is solid evidence that nationalism across the Arab world took shape, arguably as an unintended consequence, out of sustained interaction among conflicting elite and popular conceptions of political community. Moreover, it turns out to be important to differentiate Arab nationalism as a cluster of ideological principles from Pan-Arabism as a set of diplomatic practices that constituted a basic component of regional statecraft, initially at the time the Ottoman Empire found itself disintegrating and later on as the newly independent states of the Middle East and North Africa experimented with ways to get along simultaneously with one another and with outside powers.

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Omri, Mohamed-Salah. "Post-Colonial Perspectives on Literature and Nationalism in the Middle East." Holy Land Studies 5, no. 2 (November 2006): 227–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hls.2007.0007.

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Pochta, Yuriy M. "Islamism and Nationalism in the Greater Middle East: Enmity or Symbiosis?" Asia and Africa today, no. 3 (2020): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750008741-7.

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Göl. "Imagining the Middle East: the state, nationalism and regional international society." Global Discourse 5, no. 3 (July 3, 2015): 379–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2015.1053191.

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Samarskaya, Liudmila M. "POLITICAL AND DIPLOMATIC CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE EMERGENCE OF THE MANDATE PALESTINE: Old and “New Diplomacy” (1918–1923)." Humanitarian: actual problems of the humanities and education, no. 4 (December 30, 2018): 398–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2078-9823.044.018.201804.398-408.

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Introduction. The Mandate Palestine as a separate administrative unit inside the British empire emerged after the First World War. The aim of the present article is to research and analyze the key factors of its creation, the so-called «new diplomacy», which was formed on the verge of 1910s–1920s. Materials and methods. The methods used in the article are historical-analytical and historical-systematical applied to the original sources, as well as to the research literature on the relevant topics. Results and Discussion. During and after the First World War there happened considerable changes in the international political system: nationalist movements of the Middle East became the leading players in it; among them a major role was played by the Jewish and Arab nationalism. Their aspirations were supported by the United States of America, which with the help of the «new diplomacy» and the League of Nations tried to change the balance of powers on the international arena of that period. Conclusion. As a result of all the changes the mandate system was created – a new phenomenon in the international relations of that period. Thus the appearance of the Mandate Palestine became possible Keywords: the Mandate Palestine, Zionism, nationalism, the Middle East, «new diplomacy», the League of Nations

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Copuroglu, Ozge. "Behind Hummus Wars: The Role of the Food in National Identity in the Middle East." Transnational Marketing Journal 6, no. 2 (October 31, 2018): 121–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/tmj.v6i2.593.

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Food is an essential part of our everyday lives and it is significantly important for international politics as for national identities. The future of food is widely discussed in political and social sciences in the contexts of food security, health, international marketing cultural identities, and migratory issues. Despite the growing importance of food studies, the enduring power of nationalism and the apparent relationship between food culture and national identity, writers on nationalism have made little reference to food in their research. This article aims to explore the connection between food and nationalism and I argue that food plays a central role in performing the nation's culture and expresses the idea of the nation through portraying spiritual, material and commercial aspects of the national identity. Here, the discussion will proceed through a well – known Middle Eastern food, Hummus.

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Anderson, Lukas. "Iran’s New Cultural Nationalism: Iranian Cultural Diplomacy in Tajikistan." Central Asian Affairs 6, no. 1 (February 16, 2019): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00601002.

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Iran’s state identity is frequently described as Islamist, Shia, and anti-imperialist when discussing its behavior in the Middle East, but as pragmatic and even non-ideological in its approach to Central Asia. By parsing Iranian officials' speeches and purpose-written schoolbooks for ideology, this article documents the multiple identities that cultural diplomats present in Tajikistan and the functions they perform, including propagating normative Iranian identity among Iranian expats, lobbying Tajik officials, and influencing Tajik citizens. In contrast to the Middle East, Iranian cultural diplomacy in Tajikistan prioritizes a Persian identity as the basis for economic, scientific, cultural, and political integration in the region. Moreover, this identity is being discursively securitized as a strategic asset and an answer to threats from Salafism and globalization.

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LILA, Fejzi. "Rising Nationalism in the Balkans." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 4 (January 21, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v4i4.p31-35.

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Balkans consists of the geographic and demographic diversity of the complex, with division of the region into new states, with local antagonisms. Balkan leaders, the Great Powers would urge the expansion of national states where and when he wanted interest and would not ignore claims it was one nation over another. The process of developing the nationalist movements and the state - forming in the Balkans, starting with the Patriarchies autonomous movements within the Ottoman Empire, involves the movement of Serbs, Greeks, Bulgarians, Romanians and Albanians. The fall of Bonaparte in 1815, was accompanied by significant changes in Europe in the system of international relations, the diplomacy of the Great Powers. Europe was thrown into the system the concert of Europe, after that of Vienna, while the Ottoman Empire was beginning its stagnation, other European powers had begun to feel the threat of Russia's interests in the Middle East. During this period of time the nationalist movement took place in the region. The nationalism confronted Concert of Vienna principles provoking the First World War.

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Gallagher, Nancy. "MEDICINE AND MODERNITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (October 12, 2012): 799–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000931.

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In recent decades historians specializing in the Middle East and North Africa have studied endemic and epidemic diseases as well as evolving medical and public health knowledge and policy to better understand major historical transformations. The study of gender and empire, class and ethnicity, and civil society and government in the determination of medical and public health policy has yielded new insights into questions of state power, colonialism, imperialism, nationalism, modernity, and globalization. Historians have asked why, when, and how Western medicine took root in Muslim societies, which had their own complex and longstanding medical traditions.

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Gerber, Haim. "The limits of constructedness: memory and nationalism in the Arab Middle East." Nations and Nationalism 10, no. 3 (July 2004): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1354-5078.2004.00166.x.

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Abdelrehim, Neveen. "Rethinking “Oil Nationalism”." International Journal of Signs and Semiotic Systems 4, no. 2 (July 2015): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsss.2015070103.

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In the early twentieth century, Great Britain began a new wave of imperialism, focusing on areas in the Middle East strategic to enhance their trade. Iran was one of the countries in which Britain gained enormous power and influence. This power was derived from its control of Iranian oil resources, through the Anglo Iranian Oil Company (AIOC). After many years of AIOC producing oil in Iran with Iranian Government support, a wave of economic nationalism led to the nationalization of AIOC in 1951 by the Iranian Prime Minister Musaddiq. The nationalization of the AIOC angered the British and seemed part of a growing pattern of pressure on their interests culminating in wresting Musaddiq from the control of the oil industry. As a result, in considering the above effects, by using AIOC as a case study, a textual analysis of the Chairman's Statement to Shareholders is conducted and the validity of the Statements is reappraised with reference to historical evidence.

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Green, Abigail. "Nationalism and the ‘Jewish International’: Religious Internationalism in Europe and the Middle East c.1840–c.1880." Comparative Studies in Society and History 50, no. 2 (April 2008): 535–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417508000236.

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Jewish cosmopolitanism has long assumed a central place in the ideology of anti-Semitism. Well before the publication of “The Protocols of the Elders of Zion,” the idea of international Jewish solidarity served as an argument against Jewish emancipation. In Britain, Sir Robert Inglis famously opposed granting the Jews political rights because “[t]he Jews of London have more sympathy with the Jews resident in Berlin or Vienna than with the Christians among whom they reside.” Likewise, in 1840, the ultramontane Univers saw international lobbying on behalf of Jews accused of ritual murder in Damascus as proof that “the Hebrew nationality is not dead … What religious connection is there between the Talmudists of Alsace, Cologne or the East, and the Messrs. Rothschild and Crémieux?” That L'Univers saw this cosmopolitan fellow-feeling as an expression of Jewish national identity is irrelevant. The point is rather that for anti-Semites Jewish ‘nationalism’ was an inherently international force.

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Heuman, Johannes. "The Challenge of Minority Nationalism." French Historical Studies 43, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 483–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-8278500.

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Abstract This article investigates how the French antiracist movement and its main organizations dealt with Zionism and the Middle East conflict from the liberation of France until the early 1970s. Their generally positive view of Israel and their concern for Arab interests at the end of the 1940s demonstrate these republican organizations' desire to recognize ethnic identities. During the 1950s an ideological split between left-wing antiracism and Zionism began to develop, and by the end of the 1960s a number of new antiracist associations questioned the very foundation of the Jewish state. Overall, the study argues that antiracist organizations' stances on and statements about Zionism and the Middle East conflict influenced Jewish-Arab relations during the postwar period and played an important role for both Jews and Arabs. Cet article examine comment le mouvement antiraciste français et ses principales organisations ont abordé le sionisme et le conflit au Moyen-Orient depuis la Libération jusqu'au début des années 1970. Leur opinion surtout positive d'Israël ainsi qu'un souci pour les intérêts arabes à la fin des années 1940 montrent un certain désir par ces organisations républicaines de reconnaître les identités ethniques. Pendant les années 1950, une fracture idéologique entre l'antiracisme de gauche et le sionisme commence à se développer, et dès la fin des années 1960 un activisme plus poussé a amené de nouvelles associations antiracistes à remettre en question les fondements mêmes de l'Etat juif. Dans l'ensemble, l'étude montre que les organisations antiracistes ont été impliquées dans l'élaboration des relations judéo-arabes après la guerre à travers leurs positions et déclarations sur le sionisme et le Moyen-Orient, des questions qui jouent un rôle important pour les Juifs et les Arabes.

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Gelvin, James L. "“Arab Nationalism”: Has a New Framework Emerged? (question posed by James L. Gelvin)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 1 (February 2009): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808090041.

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The “origins problem” has loomed large in the historiography of nationalism in the Arab Middle East and for good reason: it is constitutive and representative of other issues surrounding the problem of nationalism. George Antonius published the first iteration of what might be termed the “standard [origins] narrative” in 1938. Since that time, the narrative has undergone a number of revisions, the most notable of which are by C. Ernest Dawn, Philip S. Khoury, and Rashid Khalidi, among others.

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Mir, Raza. "of Prophets, Pagans and the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 2 (April 1, 2001): 147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i2.2030.

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The term “postmodernity” perhaps owes its very popularity to the fact thatit is notoriously difficult to define. It often means all things to all people,and by its very orientation, is critical of any attempts to offer blanketdefinitions. Nevertheless, we may discern three broad orientations thatdefine postmodernity:1. It involves an “incredulity toward metanarratives.”* In other words, itrepudiates the modernist view thd individual actions can be explainedthrough universal laws.2. It focuses on the crisis of repre~entation.I~n other words, it is critical ofthe power vested in any subjectivity to represent the reality of another.3. It problematizes the issue of subject and author? For example, it wouldquestion the claim made by this journal that it is a more ‘official’ interpreterof Islamic thought than some others: a claim this joumal may seek toadvance on the basis of its institutional power.This somewhat arbitrary set of attributes associated with postmodernitymay seem quite innocuous at first reading. But postmodernity (or its nowemerging normative arm, postmodernism) is evidently much more thanthat, as its adherents and critics have pointed out. It has been associatedwith a lot of other phenomena. For instance, in the economic realm, wehave the notion of post-Fordism, a situation where the precepts of massproduction are being overturned. Based on computer-aided manufacture, arapidly heterogenizing consumer demand, and the emergence ofnewer forms of commerce (such as Ecommerce over the internet), a newindustrial paradigm is emerging.5 At the same time, we have thephenomenon of post-nationalism, where the sovereignty of nations is beingthreatened by the emergence of supranational forms of governance suchas multinational corporations and the WT0.6 However, the issue that ...

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SOLINGEN, ETEL. "Pax Asiatica versus Bella Levantina: The Foundations of War and Peace in East Asia and the Middle East." American Political Science Review 101, no. 4 (November 2007): 757–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055407070487.

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Although turmoil characterized both the Middle East and East Asia in the two decades following World War II, the two regions looked dramatically different at the dawn of the twenty-first century. Since 1965 the incidence of interstate wars and militarized conflicts has been nearly five times higher in the Middle East, as was their severity, including the use of ballistic missiles and chemical weapons. By contrast, declining militarized conflict and rising intraregional cooperation has replaced earlier patterns in East Asia. There are no systematic efforts explaining this contrast betweenBella Levantinaand an evolvingPax Asiatica. This article traces these diverging paths to competing domestic models of political survival. East Asian leaders pivoted their political control on economic performance and integration in the global economy, whereas Middle East leaders relied on inward-looking self-sufficiency, state and military entrepreneurship, and a related brand of nationalism. I examine permissive and catalytic conditions explaining the models' emergence; their respective intended and unintended effects on states, military, and authoritarian institutions; and their implications for regional conflict. The final section distills conceptual and methodological conclusions.

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McConnell, Brian E., and Neil Asher Silberman. "Between Past and Present. Archaeology, Ideology, and Nationalism in the Modern Middle East." American Journal of Archaeology 95, no. 1 (January 1991): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505168.

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Provence, Michael. "Keith David Watenpaugh. Being Modern in the Middle East: Revolution, Nationalism, Colonialism, and the Arab Middle Class." American Historical Review 117, no. 4 (September 21, 2012): 1336–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/117.4.1336.

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Lamberg-Karlovsky, C. C. "James F. Goode.Negotiating for the Past: Archaeology, Nationalism, and Diplomacy in the Middle East, 1919–1941.:Negotiating for the Past: Archaeology, Nationalism, and Diplomacy in the Middle East, 1919–1941." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 615–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.615a.

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Wheeler, Brannon. "Guillaume Postel and the Primordial Origins of the Middle East." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 25, no. 3 (2013): 244–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700682-12341262.

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Abstract Guillaume Postel is often credited as one of the founding fathers of the modern “orientalist” European study of the Middle East, and of Arabic, Islam, and the Quran in particular. He published his most influential work in 1544, calling on the French king to lead a Crusade against the Ottomans and usher in a new, apocalyptic age. Although usually credited as a pioneer in the comparative study of Semitic languages, an influential figure in French-Ottoman relations, and as one of the first Europeans to study the Quran in comparison with the Bible, it was the unique sixteenth-century renaissance combination of apocalyptism, European nationalism, and alchemy behind the specific formation of Postel’s universal linguistic theories that would most influence future scholarship. The following pages examine the historical context in which Postel produced his work with particular attention to the apocalyptism of his religious ideas and the kabbalistic sources of his linguistic scholarship.

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Stegagno, Carlotta. "Mīšīl ʿAflaq’s Thought between Nationalism and Socialism." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 154–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340143.

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This article analyses and describes the political thought of Mīšīl ʿAflaq, the founder—together with Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Bīṭār—and the main ideologue of the Arab Baʿṯ Socialist Party (Ḥizb al-Baʿṯ al-ʿarabī al-ištirākī).1 Mīšīl ʿAflaq was an atypical figure in his contemporary Middle Eastern society, who differ from the strongmen that typified his era such as Ǧamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣer and Qaḏḏāfī. He was an intellectual, a philosopher, who, with his ideas of Panarabism and Arab socialism affected more than a generation of Arab youth. His dream of Arab Unity became a reality from 1958-1961 with the merger of Egypt and Syria into the United Arab Republic, and the Panarabist Party he created became one of the key players in Middle East from the 1940s onwards. This paper, after sketching a brief biography of Mīšīl ʿAflaq, focuses on his understanding of Nationalism and Arab Socialism, on which his ideology is grounded. By connecting these two ideas, he created a monist ideology in which the mission of Arab Unity is both the starting point and the final goal.

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Ishay, Micheline. "Human rights amidst despair in the Levant and the West." Philosophy & Social Criticism 46, no. 5 (February 19, 2020): 613–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453720905329.

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In 2019, protests in the streets of Algeria and Sudan, Lebanon and Iraq brought back the fragrance of the Jasmine revolution. Can the pendulum swing back towards democracy and human rights in the Middle East and North Africa region – and in Europe? What will it take to endure? I argue three points. First, I maintain that the human rights aspirations of the Arab Spring rippled across the West in 2011 as disenfranchised groups reacted to increasing social and economic grievances. Second, I contend that the failure to counter these problems has fed a vicious cycle of religious radicalism and right-wing nationalism. Third, I argue that despite widespread Western exhaustion and an inclination to disengage from turmoil in the Middle East, current circumstances make possible new international human rights initiatives, drawn from history, to advance civil liberties, economic progress, security and gender equality in the Middle East, the West and beyond.

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Hopwood, D. "Being Modern in the Middle East: Revolution, Nationalism, Colonialism, and the Arab Middle Class * BY KEITH DAVID WATENPAUGH." Journal of Islamic Studies 18, no. 2 (February 9, 2007): 264–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etm013.

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Coakley, John. "The Religious Roots of Irish Nationalism." Social Compass 58, no. 1 (March 2011): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0037768610392726.

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The intensity of conflict in the Middle East tends to overshadow other instances where ethno-national conflict has a religious base. The author draws attention to one of them: Ireland. He considers the link between religion and nationalism in Ireland from three perspectives. The first is the significance of religion as an “ethnic marker”: as an indicator of geopolitical (and therefore ethnic) origin rather than of belief system. The second is the role of religious belief, and its potential to accentuate differences between communities. The third is the impact of social organization: the tendency of faith groups towards separate but internally integrated organization, and therefore towards the promotion of group solidarity. The author concludes by exploring the implications of this link between religion and nationalism following the partition of the island.

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Szanto, Edith. "Middle Eastern Belongings." American Journal of Islam and Society 27, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 125–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v27i3.1318.

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Diane King captures the sentiment undergirding this book by quoting VirginiaDominguez and “returning to ‘bonds of affection for people or places’”(p. 10) in the conclusion of her introduction. She sums up the book’s chaptersas “hav[ing] in common attention to various ways of belonging in (and,in the case of the European headscarf debates, adjacent to and with referenceto) the Middle East. All treat Middle Eastern collectives as sites of what Herzfeld(2005: 6) calls the ‘cultural intimacy’ of nationalism, in which particularnationalisms are composed of ‘the details of everyday life – symbolism, commensality,family and friendship’” (p. 1). Each chapter shows how “belonging”is contested and destabilized in and by imagined communities andfragile states. By addressing questions of violence, moreover, each articlehighlights “both belonging’s messiness and its joys” (p. 10).King’s edited volume ties together six articles and an introduction, allof which previously appeared in Identities, a peer-reviewed cultural anthropologyjournal published by Routledge. With the exception of the fiftharticle, which appeared in a separate volume, the articles were published asa special edition, also entitled “Middle Eastern Belongings.” ...

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Beinin, Joel. "The Working Class and Peasantry in the Middle East: From Economic Nationalism to Neoliberalism." Middle East Report, no. 210 (1999): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012498.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Middle East nationalism'

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