Journal articles on the topic 'Micropolitics'

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1

Oehrtman, Jeremy P., and Colette T. Dollarhide. "Advocacy Without Adversity: Developing an Understanding of Micropolitical Theory to Promote a Comprehensive School Counseling Program." Professional School Counseling 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 2156759X2110066. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2156759x211006623.

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School counselors are urged to create systemic change within a school system by working as an advocate, leader, and collaborator within the school. Each of these roles requires a school counselor to be skilled in micropolitics and micropolitical literacy. This article explores the main concepts of micropolitical theory and its application to the school counseling profession. We also discuss the limitations and implications of this position.
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Sharpe, Scott. "Untoward laughter and the micropolitical: social action, politics and the will after the sovereign subject." cultural geographies 27, no. 1 (July 31, 2019): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474474019866205.

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From a commonsense perspective, an outburst of laughter appears to demonstrate little more than a lack of subjective will; it certainly does not register as having political significance. Yet, this is also to render the political in commonsense terms. As the emerging body of literature on the question of the micropolitical suggests, there is, beneath the essentially representational sphere of macropolitics, a micropolitics of affective force. In exploring the political potential of eruptions of laughter, I argue that grasping the novelty of the micropolitical requires that we shift debate away from the scalar questions of large and small, towards the distinction between the ordinary and the singular. Untoward laughter, by protracting the process through which affective force crosses a threshold of perception and becomes remarkable, draws attention to the micropolitics of everyday life. In pursuing this argument, first, I draw on the work of Helmuth Plessner to make a case for the fundamentally ‘undecidable’ nature of laughter: laughter expresses an ‘answer’ to an unanswerable situation. Yet, I argue that Plessner’s phenomenological explanation of laughter is insufficiently sensitive to the micropolitics of bodies, their affective and intensive transformations. Second, then, I draw on Nietzsche’s critique of the sovereignty of subjective will, arguing that the ‘I’ who laughs is merely the dominant drive among a series of conflicting drives. Finally, I draw on Gilles Deleuze’s The Fold, to show that such drives are never ‘mine’. As untoward laughter demonstrates so clearly, the events of the world are always constituted through much more dynamic foldings of material and incorporeal forces.
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Stenström, Albin, and Tove Pettersson. "The micropolitics of conflicts in total institutions – The case of special approved homes for youths in Sweden." Incarceration 2, no. 1 (February 24, 2021): 263266632199331. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2632666321993313.

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This article focuses on conflicts between youths and staff at special approved homes in Sweden. We direct a special focus at the institutional micropolitics within which these conflicts arise and which the conflicts also contribute to form. Drawing on the work of Emerson and Messinger, our point of departure is an interactionist analysis of the micropolitics of trouble. One focal aspect in our study is the recurring patterns of conflicts – a pattern we have chosen to label the ‘conflict script’. The conflict script is a process set in motion when the staff explicitly state that they have ‘had enough’. Once started, it becomes an imperative and is therefore, in a sense, a consistent micropolitical measure. The conflict script generates immutable positions – the staff cannot back down, since their authority is at stake, and the youths know that resistance will result in the use of coercion. However, what leads to the staff having ‘had enough’ varies between interactions, which thus produces inconsistent micropolitics. The conflict script is central to understanding how trivial breaches of the rules, or other forms of disturbances, can escalate into situations that involve the use of force in the form of physical restraint and isolation.
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Kairienė, Aida. "Toward a Broader Understanding: A Formal Concept Analysis of the Micropolitics of a School." Acta Paedagogica Vilnensia 40 (October 12, 2018): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/actpaed.2018.0.11892.

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[full article in English] The micropolitics of a school is one of the key factors that determine changes in member interactions in a learning organization and requires a careful study in order to create a favorable school environment. The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of the micropolitics of a school, highlighting the essential attributes of the concept. The research method – Formal Concept Analysis (FCA) – was used to identify the implicit relationships between objects described through a set of the attributes. The analysis of scientific literature reveals 6 sets of objects: micropolitics as a dimension of leadership; micropolitics as a part of macropolitics; micropolitics as a teacher’s life and actions; micropolitics as interactions within an organization; micropolitics as the daily life of an organization; micropolitics as the darker side of institutional life.
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Beck, Nathaniel. "Multilevel Analyses of Comparative Data: A Comment." Political Analysis 13, no. 4 (2005): 457–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpi023.

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The articles in this special issue all use multilevel methods to study comparative political behavior. This is obviously a good thing, for both methodology and comparative politics. Clearly comparative politics means comparing things and not just studying nations other than the United States. This is equally true of micropolitical studies. These articles all do a very nice job of showing how one can do comparative micropolitics (and tie together micro and macro variables).
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Olaisen, Johan, and Birgit Helene Jevnaker. "The Dynamics of Power and Micropolitics on Project Management." European Conference on Knowledge Management 23, no. 2 (August 25, 2022): 861–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/eckm.23.2.353.

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The empirically investigated problem of our paper is what impact do micropolitics and power have upon the conduct of project management in an organization? The informal power and micropolitics played a massive role in the projects, and personal and relational knowledge appeared in all projects to achieve the expected results. The project manager uses personal networks, personal relations, and mentor's network together with cognitive, affective, and emotional influence as power and politics if needed to achieve expected results. Power and micropolitics were necessary skills and tools for a successful project manager. The findings relate to the manager's intentions. The informal power and micro-politics process are reused in every project because informal power and micropolitics are a part of project work. Power accumulation and wise handling are essential leadership tools for every manager. Employees work for managers who have power over those who do not. The former can get them what they want: visibility, upwards mobility, and resources. Micropolitics and power represent a unique competence (i.e., knowledge, experiences, and attitudes) and tool for handling any project. A democratic and consensus-oriented decision process opens for power games and micropolitics rather than hedging them in more hierarchical organizations. A complex matrix organization involving employees in many projects is also open to micropolitics and power. Micropolitics and power might prolong and complicate decisions processes in ordinary projects and improve processes in fast-track projects. Micropolitics and power might thus both increase and reduce the effectiveness and efficiency of an organization.
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Haag, Susan, and Mary Lee Smith. "The Possibility of Reform: Micropolitics in Higher Education." education policy analysis archives 10 (April 16, 2002): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v10n21.2002.

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The purpose of this case study was to examine the restructuring of an institution of higher education's teacher preparation program and to assess the possibility for systemic reform. Although teacher education represents a vital link in not only the educational system but in curricular reform, the increased expectations for educational reform made this institution unavoidably more political. These conditions meant that the study of micropolitics was critical to understanding how organizations change or fail to initiate change. Any effort to reform an organization requires examination of the reform effort's underlying assumptions, social and historical context for the reform, and how reform is congruent with the values, ideologies, and goals of the constituents. This case will serve those critiquing reform and also takes the extant K-12 micropolitical research into the heretofore unstudied realm of higher education therefore impacting reform at the post secondary level. Schools are vulnerable to a host of powerful external and internal forces. They exist in a vortex of government mandates, social and economic pressures, and conflicting ideologies associated with administrators, faculty, and students. Efforts to reform school are confounded by competing political agendas. At the very least, reform is an opportunity for political action by people in power. While literature regarding effective schools touts strong leadership and shared values, accomplishing school reform continues to remain problematic. Despite the widespread interest and infusion of resources for restructuring teacher education, the history of educational reform shows that initiatives have often failed. The study began with the micropolitical hypothesis that the educational system comprises diverse constituencies with differing ideologies regarding schooling. Qualitative methodology was employed to portray intra-organizational processes, to provide concrete depiction of detail, and to study social change. Micropolitics and symbolic interactionism, the theoretical frameworks for the study, influenced the design and production of research and functioned as the interpretive focus. The study followed a multi method approach to understand meanings in context and to interpret these patterns in light of broader contexts. We employed the following multiple methods to generate a credible account of constituent ideologies: 23 semi-structured interviews, document review, and observational data. Data reveal fundamental differences in the images of five constituencies in these areas: curriculum, teachers, pupils, and teacher education and support the micropolitical assertion that systemic reform is unobtainable.
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Houle, K. L. F. "Micropolitics and Property." International Studies in Philosophy 32, no. 1 (2000): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil20003217.

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Anderson, Ben. "Hope and micropolitics." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 35, no. 4 (August 2017): 593–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775817710088.

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Iannaccone, Laurence. "Micropolitics of Education." Education and Urban Society 23, no. 4 (August 1991): 465–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0013124591023004008.

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Bramel, Dana. "The Micropolitics of Psychology." Contemporary Psychology: A Journal of Reviews 31, no. 6 (June 1986): 432–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/024811.

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Clayman, Steven E. "The Micropolitics of Legitimacy." Social Psychology Quarterly 80, no. 1 (December 30, 2016): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0190272516667705.

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Jellis, Thomas, and Joe Gerlach. "Micropolitics and the minor." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 35, no. 4 (August 2017): 563–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775817718013.

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Micropolitical investments and minor theoretical energies are of growing concern to geographers, yet conceptual ambiguity has inhibited broader discussion and deployment of these terms, even if they are the pivots of what we understand as, or take to be, the ‘political’. In an effort to reinvigorate a dialogue about these crucial but underplayed concepts, and in an effort to push a micropolitical ethos in and of itself, we introduce a forum composed of six short interventions by geographers engaged in matters of the minor and micropolitical. Following these interventions, and leaning on a landmark article published in this journal 21 years ago, Cindi Katz revisits and reflects upon a vibrant conceptual assemblage that perhaps matters more now than ever, not least in questions of hope, discipline, ethics, existence, and politics itself.
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Morley, Louise. "The micropolitics of quality." Critical Quarterly 47, no. 1-2 (July 2005): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0011-1562.2005.00616.x.

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Marcus, Laurence R. "The Micropolitics of Planning." Review of Higher Education 23, no. 1 (1999): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rhe.1999.0024.

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Fox, Nick J., and Pam Alldred. "New Materialism, Micropolitics and the Everyday Production of Gender-Related Violence." Social Sciences 11, no. 9 (August 24, 2022): 380. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci11090380.

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This paper assesses how a new materialist ontology can inform the sociological study of gender-related violence (GRV). The new materialisms are relational rather than essentialist; post-anthropocentric as opposed to humanist; and replace dualisms such as agency/structure, reason/emotion and micro/macro with a monist or ‘flat’ ontology. To make sense of GRV from within this ontology, we explore violence as assemblages of human and non-human matter and draw upon the DeleuzoGuattarian micropolitical concepts of ‘the war machine’ and ‘lines of flight’. While violence may supply a protagonist with new capacities (a line of flight), it typically closes down or constrains the capacities of one or more other parties in a violence-assemblage. This theoretical exploration establishes the basis for a methodological approach to studying GRV empirically, using a Deleuzian toolkit of affects, assemblages, capacities and micropolitics. The paper concludes with an assessment of what is gained from this new materialist ontology of GRV.
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Cohen, Anna S., and Rodrigo Solinis-Casparius. "The micropolitics of public archaeology: Working with the ejido in Michoacán, Mexico." Journal of Social Archaeology 17, no. 3 (August 13, 2017): 326–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605317724526.

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Approximately 90% of Mexican archaeological sites are on communal ejido lands and yet the Mexican Constitution stipulates that all cultural heritage is the property of the federal government. Considering this disconnect between federal and local practices, how can archaeologists work with ejido communities to help preserve cultural patrimony? This article explores the micropolitics associated with archaeological fieldwork on communal ejido lands in Western Mexico. We show how long-standing practices based on local histories, community political theater, and interpersonal relations shape fieldwork and cultural conservation initiatives in important and unintended ways. In our study near the site of Angamuco, Michoacán, we draw upon ethnographic and archival research and outreach projects over five field seasons, and address the tensions that emerge when informal micropolitical and formal top–down sociopolitical practices interface. We show how aspects of a policy science approach are appropriate for long-term community-supported archaeology and cultural heritage management.
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Kairienė, Aida. "THE MANIFESTATION OF THE MICROPOLITICS IN CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT." SOCIETY. INTEGRATION. EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 2 (May 21, 2019): 181. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2019vol2.3968.

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The purpose of the research paper is to disclose the manifestation of micropolitics in curriculum development. The objectives of the research are: 1) to analyze scientific literature by presenting the main concepts; 2) to discuss how they help to develop a curriculum. The novelty is that the research is based on the postructuralism theory, where micropolitics is not only a resistance, but also a novelty, in this case self-education. The research method is hermeneutic review of literature. It is important to understand the meaning and importance of individual texts, which, in turn, can be seen as parts of the whole body. The analysis of scientific literature revealed that the main concepts are the following: rhizome, assemblages, the strata, and micropolitics. Self-education should be implemented through rhizomatic learning, observation of self-education, creation of new learning territories and a favourable micro environment.
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Fox, Nick J., and Pam Alldred. "Inside the Research-Assemblage: New Materialism and the Micropolitics of Social Inquiry." Sociological Research Online 20, no. 2 (May 2015): 122–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3578.

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This paper explores social inquiry in terms of the ‘research-assemblages’ that produce knowledge from events. We use the precepts of new materialism (and specifically DeleuzoGuattarian assemblage ontology) to develop understanding of what happens when social events are researched. From this perspective, research is not at root an enterprise undertaken by human actors, but a machine-like assemblage of things, people, ideas, social collectivities and institutions. During social inquiry, the affect economies of an event-assemblage and a research-assemblage hybridise, generating a third assemblage with its own affective flow. This model of the research-assemblage reveals a micropolitics of social research that suggests a means to interrogate and effectively reverse-engineer different social research methodologies and methods, to analyse what they do, how they work and their micropolitical effects. It also suggests a means to forward-engineer research methods and designs to manipulate the kinds of knowledge produced when events are researched.
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DeHart, Monica. "A Contemporary Micropolitics of Indigeneity." Latin American and Caribbean Ethnic Studies 3, no. 2 (July 2008): 171–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17442220802080618.

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Parisi, Luciana. "Information Trading and Symbiotic Micropolitics." Social Text 22, no. 3 (2004): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-22-3_80-25.

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Bush, Tony. "The Micropolitics of Educational Change." Educational Management Administration & Leadership 39, no. 6 (November 2011): 642–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741143211424559.

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Piot, Liesbeth, and Geert Kelchtermans. "The micropolitics of distributed leadership." Educational Management Administration & Leadership 44, no. 4 (May 27, 2015): 632–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741143214559224.

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Waitzkin, Howard. "Micropolitics of Medicine: Theoretical Issues." Medical Anthropology Newsletter 17, no. 5 (November 1986): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/maq.1986.17.5.02a00080.

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Waitzkin, Howard. "Micropolitics of Medicine: Theoretical Issues." Medical Anthropology Quarterly 17, no. 5 (November 1986): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1937-6219.1986.tb01059.x.

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Hoyle, Eric. "The Two Faces of Micropolitics." School Leadership & Management 19, no. 2 (May 1999): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13632439969249.

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King, Charles. "The Micropolitics of Social Violence." World Politics 56, no. 3 (April 2004): 431–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2004.0016.

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The debates of the 1990s over the causes of and responses to substate conflict were significant and wide ranging; there is now a sizable literature on ethnic conflict and civil war. But this literature makes few connections to long traditions of scholarly theorizing about collective violence in political science and in allied fields. This article examines two recent books by Mark Beissinger and Ashutosh Varshney that help turn mainstream theorizing about mass violence back toward its roots in problems of social order, state-society relations, and group mobilization. They break down the intellectual wall that has grown up between the study of something called “ethnic” or “nationalist conflict” and a long line of work on collective action in political sociology and cognate disciplines. These books are part of a new micropolitical turn in the field:a concern with uncovering the precise mechanisms by which individuals and groups go about trading in the benefits of stability for the inherently risky behavior associated with mass killing. The final section of the article assesses what such a turn might mean for research methods and theory making in comparative politics and international relations as a whole.
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Flessa, Joseph. "Educational Micropolitics and Distributed Leadership." Peabody Journal of Education 84, no. 3 (August 7, 2009): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01619560902973522.

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Hampel, Robert L. "The Micropolitics of RE: Learning." Journal of School Leadership 5, no. 6 (November 1995): 597–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105268469500500604.

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From Janice's journal: Our attempt at integrating curriculum? I taught outlining, and communicated what I was doing to my team. If they could do it too, what great reinforcement, I thought. I even gave out materials so they knew what I had done. All three thought the idea was great. So they said! Pam began to outline her material. Dave ignored it. Last week my kids told me that outlining is now used as a punishment in Steven's science class. “Be good or you outline two chapters!” HELP! Not everyone took the chance to innovate and lead, as Janice did in her middle school. Quite a few were like Pam, watchful, cautious, waiting until they knew and saw more. Some were as indifferent and apathetic as Dave, and several scorned the innovations, as Steven did. Each of those teachers represents one of the four different factions which arose within the member-schools of the Delaware RE: Learning initiative. This article explores the traits of those four perspectives, looks at how the groups ran “steering committees,” and considers the impact of factionalism on the changes the school made.
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Schempp, Paul G., Andrew C. Sparkes, and Thomas J. Templin. "The Micropolitics of Teacher Induction." American Educational Research Journal 30, no. 3 (January 1993): 447–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/00028312030003447.

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Caffyn, Richard. "The Micropolitics of International Schools." Journal of Research in International Education 6, no. 3 (December 2007): 382. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14752409070060030702.

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Day. "The Sudans: Macrohistory and Micropolitics." Northeast African Studies 16, no. 2 (2016): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.16.2.0129.

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LeChasseur, Kimberly, Morgaen L. Donaldson, and Jeremy Landa. "District micropolitics during principal professional learning." Educational Management Administration & Leadership 48, no. 5 (July 31, 2019): 935–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741143219864947.

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Principal professional learning is shifting in many districts in the United States of America away from didactic, central office-managed workshops to include more peer-led learning opportunities. Yet researchers have largely failed to examine issues of positionality and authority in principal professional learning, despite international scholarship that demonstrates the influence of micropolitics on the enactment of change. Using event analysis of a critical case study in an urban district in the northeast USA, we examine three chains of events. Principals and central office administrators used a variety of tactics – cooperation, compromise, and co-optation – to navigate overt and covert conflict during implementation of peer-led principal professional learning. Principals and central office administrators encountered micropolitics as they determined authority over the learning agenda, negotiated a redefinition of a new principal role, and co-constructed official spaces for peer-led learning. Findings provide lessons for educational leaders and those responsible for professional learning in districts with middle manager roles in any context, as well as suggesting that future research on the micropolitics of principal professional learning is warranted.
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Rasch, Elisabet Dueholm, and Michiel Köhne. "Micropolitics in Resistance: The Micropolitics of Large-Scale Natural Resource Extraction in South East Asia." Society & Natural Resources 29, no. 4 (November 17, 2015): 479–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08941920.2015.1086458.

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Becker, Carmen. "The “Muslim Question”." Implicit Religion 23, no. 4 (May 5, 2022): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/imre.22543.

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The introduction to the special issue The “Muslim Question”: The Micropolitics of Normalizing Islam and Muslims outlines three dynamics at play in all four contributions: normalization, classification and micropolitics. Starting with Michel Foucault and his notion of normalization, I argue that Muslims are classified and problematized in specific ways depending on the particular socio-historical context. Every problem and every classification depends on an idea of the “normal” or on norms. These norms central to the dynamics of normalization are reproduced through practices in everyday life. From this perspective, norm-reproducing micropo- litics shapes the social fabric of interaction.
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Fox, Nick J., and Pam Alldred. "Social structures, power and resistance in monist sociology: (New) materialist insights." Journal of Sociology 54, no. 3 (September 11, 2017): 315–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783317730615.

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Though mainstream sociological theory has been founded within dualisms such as structure/agency, nature/culture, and mind/matter, a thread within sociology dating back to Spencer and Tarde favoured a monist ontology that cut across such dualistic categories. This thread has been reinvigorated by recent developments in social theory, including the new materialisms, posthumanism and affect theories. Here we assess what a monist or ‘flat’ ontology means for sociological understanding of key concepts such as structures and systems, power and resistance. We examine two monistic sociologies: Bruno Latour’s ‘sociology of associations’ and DeLanda’s ontology of assemblages. Understandings of social processes in terms of structures, systems or mechanisms are replaced with a focus upon the micropolitics of events and interactions. Power is a flux of forces or ‘affects’ fully immanent within events, while resistance is similarly an affective flow in events producing micropolitical effects contrary to power or control.
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Rink, Bradley. "Race and the Micropolitics of Mobility." Transfers 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2016.060106.

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Th is article takes an autoethnographic approach in exploring the micropolitics of mobility with particular reference to race, class, and identity on one South African bus service. For his daily commute between an inner-city Cape Town suburb and a worksite near the metropolitan edge, the author explores personal, embodied, and political dimensions of mobility in a context where race continues to dictate the expected parameters of mobility practice. When socioeconomics might allow for private car ownership and use (and when timegeographies almost require it), the autoethnography at the heart of this article requires the author to question the politics of choosing not to drive; to be a public transport passeng er when one is expected to be a driver. In spite of the author’s intentional status in the member group of bus passengers, experience of six months of everyday bus use sheds light on hidden dimensions of mobility inequality. It contributes toward filling a gap in empirical evidence on contemporary bus passengering and the continuing role of race in contexts of visibly differentiated and differentiating everyday mobility.
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Townsend, Richard G., and Stephen J. Ball. "Toward a Broader Micropolitics of Schools." Curriculum Inquiry 20, no. 2 (1990): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1180126.

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Montes López, Estrella, and Pat O’Connor. "Micropolitics and meritocracy: Improbable bed fellows?" Educational Management Administration & Leadership 47, no. 5 (February 20, 2018): 678–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741143218759090.

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Universities present themselves as meritocratic organizations; however, there is evidence that such claims are ‘rationalised myths’. This article is concerned with the perceived effect of micropolitics on academic careers in two case study universities: a collegial Spanish and a managerial Irish one. The data are drawn from 86 semi-structured interviews with academics (43 from each context). The focus is on two aspects of micropolitics: those related to career experiences, particularly networks; and those related to the evaluation of candidates, particularly double standards. Research results show that informal social networks are perceived to facilitate career progression; and these are referred to in particular by the Spanish male respondents. Double standards in evaluation are used to favour specific candidates: local ones in the Spanish case, men in the Irish case. Men in the Spanish context refer more openly than their Irish counterparts to these double standards, arguably reflecting the strength of discourses other than merit in that context. The results suggest that the informal structure influences the formal structure regardless of the governance model, raising fundamental questions about the nature of universities and the limitations of structural changes.
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Webb, P. Taylor. "Re‐mapping power in educational micropolitics." Critical Studies in Education 49, no. 2 (September 2008): 127–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17508480802040183.

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Langley, A., and J. L. Denis. "Beyond evidence: the micropolitics of improvement." BMJ Quality & Safety 20, Suppl 1 (March 30, 2011): i43—i46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjqs.2010.046482.

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Cilo, Daniel C. "Micropolitics: Empowering Principals To Accomplish Goals." NASSP Bulletin 78, no. 564 (October 1994): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019263659407856418.

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Presser, Lois, and Cynthia A. Hamilton. "The Micropolitics of Victim-Offender Mediation." Sociological Inquiry 76, no. 3 (August 2006): 316–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682x.2006.00158.x.

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44

Björk, Lars G., and Joseph Blase. "The micropolitics of school district decentralization." Educational Assessment, Evaluation and Accountability 21, no. 3 (July 18, 2009): 195–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11092-009-9078-y.

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45

Ball, Stephen J. "Putting Politics Back into MicroPolitics: A Response to Richard G. Townsend's 'Toward a Broader Micropolitics of Schools'." Curriculum Inquiry 20, no. 2 (1990): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1180127.

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46

Fortuna, Cinira Magali, Trude Ribeiro da Costa Franceschini, Silvana Martins Mishima, Silvia Matumoto, and Maria José Bistafa Pereira. "Movements of permanent health education triggered by the training of facilitators." Revista Latino-Americana de Enfermagem 19, no. 2 (April 2011): 411–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-11692011000200025.

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Abstract:
This study mapped the movements of Permanent Health Education in the region of Araraquara, São Paulo, Brazil, begun by the Permanent Health Education Facilitators program, promoted by the Ministry of Health and the National School of Public Health. This qualitative study was grounded on the theoretical framework of institutional and schizoanalysis. Data were collected from operative groups of individuals who finished the program. The results were grouped into two plans: micropolitics and organization. Micropolitics indicates the production of different concepts concerning permanent education and different ways to establish it. Autonomy and control and also a tenuous relationship between tutorship and autonomy were highlighted, in the plan of organization. In conclusion, the program was an important device that suffered captures/overcoding but also produced changes in practice.
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West, Mel. "Micropolitics, Leadership and all that … The need to increase the micropolitical awareness and skills of school leaders." School Leadership & Management 19, no. 2 (May 1999): 189–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13632439969195.

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48

Daly, Jeanne. "The Micropolitics of Qualitative Health Research Funding." Annual Review of Health Social Science 8, no. 1 (January 1998): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5172/hesr.1998.8.1.19.

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Braungart, Richard G., and Samuel Long. "Research in Micropolitics: Vol. 1: Voting Behavior." Contemporary Sociology 17, no. 3 (May 1988): 338. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069635.

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Eilertsen, Tor‐Vidar, Niklas Gustafson, and Petri Salo. "Action research and the micropolitics in schools." Educational Action Research 16, no. 3 (September 2008): 295–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09650790802260208.

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