Relevant bibliographies by topics / Michigan. Legislators

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Michigan. Legislators'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 29 July 2024
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Michigan. Legislators"

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Yantus, Anne. "Sentence Creep: Increasing Penalties in Michigan and the Need for Sentencing Reform." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 47.3 (2014): 645. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.47.3.sentence.

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The governor and several legislators have requested review of Michigan’s sentencing practices with an eye toward sentence reform. Michigan leads the country in the average length of prison stay, and by internal comparisons the average minimum sentence has nearly doubled in the last decade. This Article explores cumulative increases to criminal penalties over the last several decades as reflected in amendments to the sentencing guidelines, increased maximum sentences, harsh mandatory minimum terms, increased authority for consecutive sentencing, wide sentencing discretion for habitual and repeat drug offenders, and tough parole practices and policies. The reality for legislators is that it is much easier to increase a penalty than to decrease it, but the continued incremental increases in penalty and sentence length over the years have led Michigan to the point of necessary sentence reform.
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Southwell, Priscilla L., Eric A. Lindgren, and Ryan A. Smith. "Lifetime Term Limits: The Impact on Four State Legislatures." American Review of Politics 25 (January 1, 2005): 305–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.305-320.

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This research examines the roll call voting record of state legislators in Arkansas, California, Michigan, and Missouri in order to assess if there are any substantive differences between those legislators who are nearing retirement due to term limits (“last term” legislators) and those legislators who are at an earlier stage of their legislative careers. These are the only four states in the United States that have lifetime term limits in full effect. Binomial logit analysis of key roll call votes suggests that these “last term” legislators stand apart from their other colleagues on certain issues. This characteristic arises from the increased tendency of last-term legislators to defy the party leadership, albeit on a limited number of bills. This “independent streak” of last-term legislators is even more pronounced among Republican legislators, although this effect is not present in the state of California. Therefore, term limits appear to have a modest, but potentially significant effect on the policy preferences of legislators.
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Edwards, Barry. "Formal Authority, Persuasive Power, and Effectiveness in State Legislatures." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 18, no. 3 (July 21, 2018): 324–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440018786730.

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What makes some lawmakers more effective than others is a central question in American politics. Recent research has emphasized the role of informal, persuasive leadership, but this research has focused almost exclusively on Congress, so it is unclear whether this approach to lawmaking is generally effective. Analysis of state legislatures is hampered by the lack of a theoretically sound and practically feasible measure of legislative effectiveness. I offer a solution to the primary problem with traditional hit rates. I apply this approach to North Carolina legislators and show my effectiveness estimates correspond with expert evaluations. I then examine recent terms of the Michigan, Georgia, and North Carolina legislatures to evaluate the relative importance of formal and informal powers at the state level. I hypothesize and find that informal, persuasive leadership is not effective in state legislatures where lawmaking is better explained by formal, hierarchical authority.
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Bianco, William. "The Movers and the Shirkers: Representatives and Ideologues in the Senate. By Eric M. Uslaner. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999. 218p. $44.50." American Political Science Review 95, no. 1 (March 2001): 224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401472017.

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The Movers and the Shirkers is a critique and extension of a well-cited and important research program: attempts to measure the degree to which legislators shirk, or advance their own policy goals at the expense of those held by their constituents. Such analyses (e.g., Joseph P. Kalt and Mark Zupan, "Capture and Ideology in the Economic Theory of Politics," American Economic Review 74 [June 1984]: 279­ 300; John R. Lott, "Political Cheating," Public Choice 52 [1987]: 169­86) typically assume a principal-agent relation- ship between constituents and elected representatives, and they specify a regression analysis with roll-call behavior as a left-hand side variable and various measures of constituency interests and legislator ideology as right-hand side variables. Previous work (John E. Jackson and John W. Kingdon, "Ideology, Interest Groups, and Legislative Votes," American Journal of Political Science 36 [August 1992]: 805­23) shows that these analyses are bedeviled by measurement and esti- mation issues. Eric Uslaner highlights a more fundamental flaw: By ignoring important and well-understood mechanisms that tie legislators to their constituents, these analyses as- sume what should be tested.
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White, Ann Folino. "(In)Decorous Abortion Debate: Michigan Legislators’ Protest Performance of The Vagina Monologues." Theatre Topics 28, no. 2 (2018): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tt.2018.0021.

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Adinkrah, Mensah, and William M. Clemens. "To Reinstate or to Not Reinstate? An Exploratory Study of Student Perspectives on the Death Penalty in Michigan." International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 62, no. 1 (April 15, 2016): 229–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306624x16643743.

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The U.S. state of Michigan abolished the death penalty in 1846. Since then, several abortive efforts have been made by state legislators to re-establish the death sentence to deal with convicted murderers. Concurrently, some support exists among Michigan residents for the restoration of capital punishment in the state. This article presents the results of the analysis of an attitudinal survey of 116 college students enrolled in three criminal justice courses in a Michigan public university concerning the reinstatement of the death sentence in the state. The data from this exploratory study show that a slight majority (52.6%) of respondents favored reinstatement whereas 45.7% opposed restoration. Advocates and opponents of re-establishment of the death penalty in Michigan provided similar religious, moral and economic arguments proffered by others in previous surveys on capital punishment available in the death penalty literature. The current study makes a contribution to the scant extant literature on attitudes toward the death penalty in abolitionist jurisdictions. As this body of literature grows, it can provide baseline data or information with which to compare attitudes in retentionist states.
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STRICKLAND, JAMES. "Incremental Lobby Reform: Elite Interests and Governance Policies." Journal of Policy History 35, no. 3 (July 2023): 333–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030622000331.

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AbstractCommon examples of governance policies include regulations of lobbying, campaign-finance restrictions, and term limitations. Although the public generally favors these good-government reforms, the laws often restrict the autonomy of political elites. The histories of lobby reform in New York, Georgia, and Michigan illustrate how governance policies might be adopted despite elite opposition. In the states, initial reform efforts came about due to agenda-setting events or policy entrepreneurs. Although legislators adopted lobby reforms, they preferred transparency to other lobby reforms given its limited effect on mutualistic relationships. Initial lobby laws required only disclosure and did not restrict legislator–lobbyist interactions much. Only with the advent of additional events and entrepreneurs were the initial laws strengthened to limit interactions. The histories of reform imply that narratives of policy innovation or diffusion may be complicated somewhat by elite interests and that governance policies, once adopted, may have a unique immunity from repeal.
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8

Sarbaugh-Thompson, Marjorie, Lyke Thompson, Charles D. Elder, Meg Comins, Richard C. Elling, and John Strate. "Democracy among Strangers: Term Limits' Effects on Relationships between State Legislators in Michigan." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 6, no. 4 (December 2006): 384–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000600600402.

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9

Strate, John, and Marvin Zalman. "Interest Group Lobbying on a Morality Policy Issue: The Case of Physician-Assisted Suicide in Michigan." American Review of Politics 24 (January 1, 2004): 321–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2003.24.0.321-342.

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Interest group lobbying on morality policy issues differs from lobbying on other kinds of issues. In this paper we use insights from the literature on morality policy politics to examine the lobbying of interest groups in Michigan on the issue of physician-assisted suicide (PAS). Morality policy politics is marked by the greater involvement of citizens groups. Citizens groups advocating policies that are publicly popular engage in disproportionate outside lobbying, but their capacity in this regard may be curtailed because of limited resources. Inside lobbying on morality policy issues focuses especially on getting various kinds of help from sympathetic legislators but does not try to change their opinions.
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Munnich, Lee W., and Matthew P. Schmit. "Roadway Safety Policy and Leadership: Case Study of Six Midwest States." Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board 2635, no. 1 (January 2017): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3141/2635-03.

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This study examined various factors that determine policy and political leadership in the adoption of evidence-based policy countermeasures and integrated, performance-based approaches such as Toward Zero Deaths to reduce road fatalities and serious injuries. Specifically, the study sought to increase understanding of the policy context for safety and to engage policy and political leaders and institutions at the state and local level in the application of these approaches. The study focused on six states in the Midwest region—Illinois, Indiana, Michigan, Minnesota, Ohio, and Wisconsin—and engaged legislators and policy safety policy leaders to better understand the challenges and opportunities to improve roadway safety through public policy. In a comparison of the extent of policy adoption and political leadership from one state to another, the study developed, applied, and tested an assessment tool of Toward Zero Deaths and roadway safety programs for each of the six states under review.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Michigan. Legislators"

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ZIMMERMAN, JANET B. "SETTING THE AGENDA IN HEALTH CARE: POLITICS AND PROCESSES IN THE MICHIGAN LEGISLATURE (LEGISLATURE)." 1990. http://books.google.com/books?id=D8k9AAAAMAAJ.

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Books on the topic "Michigan. Legislators"

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Rusesky, Theodore. Compensation of Michigan legislators: An update. [Lansing, MI]: The Bureau, 1998.

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Theodore, Rusesky, Connors Paul G, and Michigan Legislative Research Division, eds. Compensation of Michigan legislators. [Lansing, MI]: Michigan Legislative Service Bureau, Legislative Research Division, 2002.

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Division, Michigan Legislative Research, ed. Compensation of Michigan legislators. [Lansing]: The Division, 1992.

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Division, Michigan Legislative Research. Compensation of Michigan legislators. Lansing, MI]: Michigan Legislative Service Bureau, Legislative Research Division, 2001.

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5

Inc, Public Sector Consultants, ed. The Michigan legislature: Personal profiles. Lansing, MI (Knapp's Centre, 300 S. Washington Square, Suite 401, Lansing 48933): Public Sector Consultants, 1987.

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6

Carl, Christopher J. A sesquicentennial look at the Michigan Legislature. [Lansing, Mich.?]: Michigan Legislative Council, 1987.

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7

Carl, Christopher J. A sesquicentennial look at the Michigan Legislature: 150 years of Lansing as the capital. [Lansing, Mich.]: Michigan Legislative Council, 1998.

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8

R, Brouwer Marilyn, and Michigan Independent News and Information Service., eds. Capitol profiles, 1987-1988. Lansing, MI (P.O. Box 12054, Lansing 48901): Capitol Publications, 1987.

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9

Adams, Barbara A. K. The unprepossessing Mr. Ryan: Understanding exemplary legislative leadership. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 1999.

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10

F, Kennedy Leo, Taylor Jennifer C, Curtiss Kammy, and Michigan Legislative Service Bureau, eds. Women in the Michigan Legislature, 1921-2002. Lansing, Mich: Michigan Legislative Service Bureau, 2002.

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Book chapters on the topic "Michigan. Legislators"

1

Rosenthal, Cindy Simon. "A Vision of Integrative Leadership." In When Women Lead, 159–67. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195115406.003.0009.

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Abstract State Representative Maxine Berman describes the anonymity of the unknown wives of Arlington cemetery to drive home the point that women remain collectively invisible in American politics. In a bitingly sarcastic, sometimes bawdy portrayal of life in the Michigan State Legislature, Representative Berman laments the absence of women wielding visible political power and wonders whether politics and legislatures would be different if they did.1 The picture of women as committee leaders suggests that when legislatures reflect the diversity in the general population, they also may “think, feel, reason and act” in a different fashion. Indeed, the perspective from the other side of the tombstone has the potential to be quite different.
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Bowman, Kristine L. "The Inadequate Right to Education." In A Federal Right to Education, 65–83. NYU Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479893287.003.0003.

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In this chapter, Kristine Bowman continues this volume’s exploration of why a federal right to education would be beneficial. She explores state-level obstacles to closing educational opportunity gaps that explain why the United States should not solely rely on state courts or legislatures to remedy inequitable and inadequate state education systems. At the state level, weak or unenforceable rights to education, limited fiscal capacity, and the absence of sufficient political will too often intersect in ways that undermine educational opportunity and leave many schoolchildren without an effective avenue for relief. Bowman focuses on Michigan as a case study to understand these dynamics and also situates Michigan’s experience in a national context that sheds light on the limitations of state reform.
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Lupia, Arthur. "From Infinite Ignorance to Knowledge that Matters." In Uninformed Why People Seem to Know So Little about Politics and What We Can Do about It. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190263720.003.0005.

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When I wrote this paragraph, I lived in the city of Ann Arbor, Michigan, which is located in the United States of America. Here are some things that recently happened in these places. In the decade prior to the one in which I completed this book, members of Congress proposed over 40,000 bills. In an average year, Congress passed and the president subsequently signed over 200 of these bills into law. My state legislature was similarly active. In one of the years when I was writing this book, Michigan’s House of Representatives produced 1,239 bills, 42 concurrent resolutions, 36 joint resolutions, and 174 resolutions. During the same period, Michigan’s Senate produced 884 bills, 25 continuing resolutions, 19 joint resolutions, and 106 resolutions. Michigan’s governor signed 323 of these proposals into law. In the same year, my city passed over 100 ordinances of its own. In addition to these laws, federal agencies such as the United States Department of Commerce promulgated thousands of rules and regulations. These rules and regulations are not trivial matters. Laws intended to fight crime, educate children, care for the sick, or accomplish other social priorities often lack specific instructions for what to do in individual cases. Rules and regulations provide these instructions. They clarify how to interpret and implement these laws. One other thing to know about these rules and regulations is that there are a lot of them. In one of the calendar years in which I was working on this book, federal agencies issued more than 3,500 rules spanning more than 82,000 pages of the Federal Register. Every one of these 3,500 rules, and the comparable number of rules proffered in other years, carry “the full force of law.” Beyond laws and rules, other participants in government activities make decisions that are legally binding on me. In law offices and court­rooms across the country, people challenge the meanings of the laws, rules, and regulations described above. Each case focuses on whether it is legal to interpret a law or rule in a particular way.
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Mehta, Jal. "E Pluribus Unum: How Standards and Accountability Became King." In The Allure of Order. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199942060.003.0009.

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In the years following A Nation at Risk, a storm of educational reform activities swept across the states, as governors and state legislatures tried everything they could think of to improve their schools. But beginning in the late 1980s and continuing through the 1990s, one idea became more popular than the rest. Standards-based reform—setting standards, creating assessments, and imposing accountability—became the most widely preferred school reform strategy; it was enacted in 42 states before federal legislation began to encourage it in 1994 and in 49 states before it became required under No Child Left Behind in 2001. Furthermore, since norms against federal involvement in education made it difficult for Congress to act in the absence of a state-level consensus, understanding how this consensus came to be formed is critical to understanding how standards-based reform became federal law as well. When a policy spreads across the majority of states in the absence of strong federal requirements, it is reasonable to hypothesize that diffusion processes are at work. Some states develop models, and their success begets adoption in other states. There is some evidence of such a process at work here, particularly in the case of later-adopting states copying some of the leaders. But the possibility of adopting a diffusing policy template still begs the question of state politics—why, exactly, did so many different states choose to put their eggs in the standards-based-reform basket? In this chapter I argue that the key to the widespread success of standards and accountability is the way that the policy crossed ideological divides. Democrats and Republicans, who had long been divided over issues such as vouchers and increased aid to schools, found themselves on the same side of the fence when it came to standards-based reform, if not always for the same reasons. The pages that follow trace the trajectory of three very different states in moving toward standards-based reform—blue Maryland, where a coalition of Democratic reformers championed standards as a way to gain leverage on failing schools in high-poverty districts; purple Michigan, where a mixed coalition of left and right came to support the same policy for different reasons; and red Utah, where an angry Republican legislature saw in standards-based reform a way to hold a recalcitrant educational establishment to account.
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Green, William. "Chemical Castration." In Contraceptive Risk. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479876990.003.0006.

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Judith Weisz's story of the politics of drug risk management comes full circle by returning to the FDA's limited control over Depo-Provera's experimental use first explored in Chapter 1. Now her story focuses on the drug's use by Dr. Fred Berlin at the Johns Hopkins Clinic and his failure to acquire FDA approval to test the drug on convicted sex offenders, to receive informed consent from his subjects, and to provide credible scientific evidence of the drug's safety and effectiveness as a means for chemical castration. In this setting, Roger Gauntlett's story joins Judith Weisz's when he is convicted of criminal sexual conduct and sentenced by a Michigan trial court judge to five years’ probation on the condition that he use Depo-Provera at the Johns Hopkins Clinic program, a sentence overturned by the state supreme court. His story analyzes the risk management roles of state trial judges who impose Depo-Provera as probation condition and state legislatures that grant trial judges the authority to mandate the drug's use as a parole condition. To protect themselves from Depo-Provera's serious side effects, his story tells these convicted sex offenders to use their federal constitutional rights to challenge Depo-Provera sentencing conditions.
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