Relevant bibliographies by topics / Michigan Equal Suffrage Association

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Academic literature on the topic 'Michigan Equal Suffrage Association'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 29 July 2024
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Michigan Equal Suffrage Association"

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Enstam, Elizabeth York. "The Dallas Equal Suffrage Association, Political Style, and Popular Culture: Grassroots Strategies of the Woman Suffrage Movement, 1913-1919." Journal of Southern History 68, no. 4 (November 2002): 817. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3069775.

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Rosenberg, Rachel. "“Women Teachers’ Lobby”: Justice, Gender, and Politics in the Equal Pay Fight of the New York City Interborough Association of Women Teachers, 1906-1911." History of Education Quarterly 64, no. 1 (January 26, 2024): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2023.49.

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AbstractThis paper explores the movement of the New York City Interborough Association of Women Teachers (IAWT) for “equal pay for equal work” in teaching salaries, which it won in 1911. The IAWT’s success sheds light on the possibilities and limits of women teachers advocating for change within a feminized profession. Leading the movement were of a group of women teachers, organizing before woman’s suffrage and in an era of sex-differentiated work and pay, who convinced the city’s public and state’s legislators that they deserved pay equal to what men teachers received. They did so by strategic maneuvering in city and state politics and making equal pay look reasonable. And they did so by narrowly defining their goals and leaning on their identities as women to push a theoretically sex-neutral claim of justice. Their success, though limited, was nonetheless a victory in shifting ideas about women’s societal and professional status in New York City and the state.
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Hash, Phillip M. "Tournaments of the Michigan State Band Association: 1877–1884." Journal of Historical Research in Music Education 40, no. 1 (April 20, 2017): 34–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536600617706362.

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This study examined the history of band tournaments governed by the Michigan State Band Association (MSBA), beginning with the first competition in 1877 and ending with the disbandment of the Association and tournaments in 1884. The research focused specifically on the (a) organization, rules, and procedures of the tournaments; (b) details surrounding the individual competitions held throughout the state; and (c) influence of the tournaments on local culture, participating ensembles, and future band activities in Michigan. The first Michigan State Band Tournament met in Port Huron in June 1877. Festivities included parades, massed performances, and competitions for prizes consisting of silver cups, cash, and new instruments. To ensure equal opportunity among the ensembles, bands were divided into classifications based at first on size and instrumentation and then on ability. Officials added a solo cornet contest in 1878 and expanded this event to other instruments the following year. In 1879, bandmasters met at Lansing to organize the MSBA to standardize rules, select the location of the annual competition, and ensure fairness among participants. The Association and tournaments ended six years later, probably because of the failure of the competitions to generate a profit for the sponsors.
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Goodier, Susan. "Doublespeak: Louisa Jacobs, the American Equal Rights Association, and Complicating Racism in the Early U.S. Women's Suffrage Movement." New York History 101, no. 2 (2020): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nyh.2020.0036.

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Peres Lapetina Gonçalves Saraiva, Bárbara, Juliana Daud Ribeiro, Bárbara De Araújo Casa, Renato Hideki Osugi, Gustavo Sawazaki Nakagome, Orlando Vitorino de Castro Neto, Manuela De Almeida Roediger, and João Antonio Correa. "Early diagnosis of diabetic neuropathy and prophylaxis of diabetic foot." Journal of Human Growth and Development 33, no. 2 (August 14, 2023): 206–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/jhgd.v33.14252.

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Introduction: the diabetic foot is one of the most serious complications of diabetes mellitus. About 50% of non-traumatic amputations occur in these patients. In addition, it is an important public health problem and constitutes a chronic and complex metabolic disorder that is characterized by impaired metabolism of glucose and other complications in essential organs for the maintenance of life. Objective: to evaluate the sensitivity and specificity of diabetic neuropathy using the Michigan self-assessment and physical examination in type 1 and type 2 diabetics. Methods: this is a cross-sectional study. The “Michigan Neuropathy Screening Instruments” classification was used to assess the degree of peripheral neuropathy, in which participants answered the questionnaire and were evaluated for the presence of foot lesions. All participants were stratified by the risk of developing foot ulcers according to the IWGDF protocol. Results: the sample had 200 participants. Regarding the IWGDF classification, 23 patients were classified as moderate risk (11.50%) and 61 as high risk for developing foot ulcers (30.50%). Using a cutoff of 2.5 on the physical examination score to diagnose neuropathy, a sensitivity of 97.62% and a specificity of 47.41% were obtained. Using a score greater than or equal to 6 in the self-assessment for the diagnosis of neuropathy, a sensitivity of 50.00% and a specificity of 94.83% were found. Conclusion: the association of the Michigan physical examination (high sensitivity) with self-assessment (high specificity) increases the accuracy for the diagnosis of diabetic neuropathy.
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Sabari, Nixie, Prettsun Ang Mellow, and Franklin Vinsentius Malonda. "THE ASSOCIATION OF DURATION OF TYPE 2 DIABETES MELLITUS WITH THE PREVALENCE OF PERIPHERAL DIABETIC NEUROPATHY." Journal of Widya Medika Junior 4, no. 2 (April 2022): 82–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33508/jwmj.v4i2.3797.

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Background: Chronic complications of diabetes mellitus have a significant role in increased morbidity, mortality, disability, and health cost as the population increases every year. Promotive and preventive actions are needed to decrease the prevalence of peripheral diabetic neuropathy. The screening tool for peripheral diabetic neuropathy is Michigan Neuropathy Screening Instrument (MNSI), which consists questionnaire and physical examination. Objective: The purpose of this study was to understand the association of the duration of type 2 diabetes mellitus with the prevalence of peripheral diabetic neuropathy in the Outpatient Unit of Gotong Royong Hospital Surabaya. Method: A cross-sectional study was done using 50 patients in the Outpatient Unit of Gotong Royong Hospital Surabaya. The sampling technique used consecutive sampling with filling out the Michigan Neuropathy Screening Instrument (MNSI) questionnaire. The score of the MNSI questionnaire is analyzed using Chi-Square Test. Result: Among 50 subjects who participated in the study, most were women (78%). The prevalence of patients with peripheral diabetic neuropathy was 28% from all subjects. This chronic complication is divided into two groups based on the duration of diabetes mellitus type 2 with the prevalence of peripheral diabetic neuropathy with a duration of diabetes <5 years (18,2%) and peripheral diabetic neuropathy with the duration of diabetes more than equal to five years old (35,7%). From the analysis with Chi-Square, we did not find a significant association between the duration of type 2 diabetes mellitus and peripheral diabetic neuropathy (p = 0.004). Conclusion: There was no statistically significant association between the duration of type 2 diabetes mellitus and the prevalence of peripheral diabetic neuropathy.
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Khoja, Lilah, Maxwell Salvatore, Minh Tung Phung, Isabella De Sa, Heatherlun Uphold, Justin Colacino, Alison M. Mondul, Bhramar Mukherjee, Dana Dolinoy, and Celeste Leigh Pearce. "Abstract 830: Michigan cancer and research on the environment study (MI-CARES) cohort: Baseline methods and participant characteristics." Cancer Research 84, no. 6_Supplement (March 22, 2024): 830. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1538-7445.am2024-830.

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Abstract Michigan has a long history of adverse environmental exposures, many of which are still ongoing, like the Flint water crisis, extreme air pollution burden, and widespread PFAS exposure. Michigan is also home to a diverse population of Latinx, Black, White, and Middle Eastern/North African (MENA) Americans. Because minority populations are underrepresented in environment and cancer research despite being at greater risk of being exposed to environmental hazards and having worse cancer outcomes, Michigan is uniquely positioned for studying the associations between environmental exposures and cancer risk. In June 2022, the Michigan Cancer and Research on the Environment Study (MI-CARES) began recruitment with a goal of establishing a cohort of over 100,000 Michiganders to examine these associations. Any Michigander aged 18-49 is eligible to enroll in MI-CARES. By focusing on this age range, we will capture exposures during important windows of susceptibility prior to the onset of most cancers.While recruitment is open to all state-wide, efforts are focused on six environmental injustice hotspots, identified using the MiEJScreen tool, a relative summary score capturing pollution burden and population vulnerability: the metro areas of Kalamazoo, Grand Rapids, Flint, Lansing, Detroit, and Bay City-Saginaw.MI-CARES will enroll equal numbers of Black, Latinx, MENA, and White participants. To support participation in diverse communities, study materials are available in Arabic, English, and Spanish. MI-CARES has employed a multifaceted community engagement strategy and is recruiting from these communities directly and with the help of community partners. An incentive of $10 is also provided to participants who successfully complete the questionnaire.To democratize participation, MI-CARES enrollment can be completely remote, but in-person and paper-based enrollment is available. Enrollment includes a baseline questionnaire, consent for data linkage, and annual follow-up surveys. Participants are also asked to provide saliva and blood spot samples via a mailed at-home biospecimen collection kit. Biospecimens will be analyzed for environmental exposures like heavy metals and for intermediate cancer markers including inflammation, cellular aging, immune function, and altered metabolism. Participant data will be linked to neighborhood-level exposure databases, administrative databases like cancer registries and death indices, and to the Michigan Neonatal Biobank. More than 4,000 Michiganders have enrolled in MI-CARES. Data on initial cohort members including environmental exposure history and demographic characteristics will be presented. MI-CARES is part of the Cohorts for Environmental Exposures and Cancer Risk (CEECR) consortium, which is funded by the National Cancer Institute and the National Institute for Environmental Health Sciences. Citation Format: Lilah Khoja, Maxwell Salvatore, Minh Tung Phung, Isabella De Sa, Heatherlun Uphold, Justin Colacino, Alison M. Mondul, Bhramar Mukherjee, Dana Dolinoy, Celeste Leigh Pearce. Michigan cancer and research on the environment study (MI-CARES) cohort: Baseline methods and participant characteristics [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2024; Part 1 (Regular Abstracts); 2024 Apr 5-10; San Diego, CA. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2024;84(6_Suppl):Abstract nr 830.
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Breslau, N., and L. Schultz. "Neuroticism and post-traumatic stress disorder: a prospective investigation." Psychological Medicine 43, no. 8 (November 30, 2012): 1697–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291712002632.

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BackgroundNeuroticism has been consistently correlated with the post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) response to traumatic events. Interpretation of these findings is limited by the retrospective nature of these findings: neuroticism was measured after the trauma had occurred. The prospective association of neuroticism with PTSD has not been examined (the relationship of neuroticism with PTSD symptoms was examined in a few prospective studies). We evaluate prospectively the relationship of neuroticism, measured at baseline, with the cumulative occurrence of PTSD during the subsequent 10 years, using data from a longitudinal epidemiological study of young adults.MethodA sample of 1007 young adults randomly selected from the membership of a large health maintenance organization in southeast Michigan was assessed at baseline and followed up at 3, 5 and 10 years later. We conducted a series of multinomial logistic regressions to estimate the relative risk (RR) of exposure to trauma and PTSD by neuroticism at baseline, adjusting for history of major depression (n = 990).ResultsDuring the 10-year follow-up, 50.2% of the sample experienced traumatic events and 5.2% developed PTSD. Neuroticism score at baseline increased significantly the RR of PTSD response to trauma. Additional analysis revealed that, among persons with history of major depression at baseline, RR for PTSD associated with neuroticism was equal to the null value of 1, but was increased significantly among those with no history of major depression.ConclusionsThe results confirm the role of neuroticism as diathesis in the PTSD response to traumatic experiences.
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Vaughn, Valerie, David Ratz, M. Todd Greene, Scott Flanders, Tejal Gandhi, Lindsay Petty, Sean Huls, Xiaomei Feng, Andrea White, and Adam Hersh. "Antibiotic stewardship strategies and antibiotic overuse after hospital discharge: Analysis of the ROAD Home Framework." Antimicrobial Stewardship & Healthcare Epidemiology 2, S1 (May 16, 2022): s16—s17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ash.2022.84.

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Background: Antibiotics are frequently prescribed–and overprescribed–at hospital discharge, leading to adverse-events and patient harm. Our understanding of how to optimize prescribing at discharge is limited. Recently, we published the ROAD (Reducing Overuse of Antibiotics at Discharge) Home Framework, which identified potential strategies to improve antibiotic prescribing at discharge across 3 tiers: Tier 1–Critical infrastructure, Tier 2–Broad inpatient interventions, Tier 3–Discharge-specific strategies. Here, we used the ROAD Home Framework to assess the association of stewardship strategies with antibiotic overuse at discharge and to describe pathways toward improved discharge prescribing. Methods: In fall 2019, we surveyed 39 Michigan hospitals on their antibiotic stewardship strategies. For patients hospitalized at participating hospitals July 1, 2017, through July 30, 2019, and treated for community-acquired pneumonia (CAP) and urinary tract infection (UTI), we assessed the association of reported strategies with days of antibiotic overuse at discharge. Days of antibiotic overuse at discharge were defined based on national guidelines and included unnecessary therapy, excess duration, and suboptimal fluoroquinolone use. We evaluated the association of stewardship strategies with days of discharge antibiotic overuse 2 ways: (1) all stewardship strategies were assumed to have equal weight, and (2) strategies weighted using the ROAD Home Framework with tier 3 (discharge-specific) strategies had the highest weight. Results: Overall, 39 hospitals with 20,444 patients (56.5% CAP; 43.5% UTI) were included. The survey response rate was 100% (39 of 39). Hospitals reported a median of 12 (IQR, 9–14) of 33 possible stewardship strategies (Fig. 1). On bivariable analyses, review of antibiotics prior to discharge was the only strategy consistently associated with lower antibiotic overuse at discharge (aIRR, 0.543; 95% CI, 0.335–0.878). On multivariable analysis, weighting by ROAD Home tier predicted antibiotic overuse at discharge for both CAP and UTI. For diseases combined, having more weighted strategies was associated with lower antibiotic overuse at discharge (aIRR per weighted intervention, 0.957; 95% CI, 0.927–0.987). Discharge-specific stewardship strategies were associated with a 12.4% relative decrease in antibiotic overuse days at discharge. Based on these findings, 3 pathways emerged to improve antibiotic use at discharge (Fig. 2): inpatient-focused strategies, “doing it all,” and discharge-focused strategies. Conclusions: The more stewardship strategies reported, the lower a hospitals’ antibiotic overuse at discharge. However, different pathways to improve discharge antibiotic use exist. Thus, discharge stewardship strategies should be tailored. Specifically, hospitals with limited stewardship resources and infrastructure should consider implementing a discharge-specific strategy straightaway. In contrast, hospitals that already have substantial inpatient infrastructure may benefit from proactively incorporating discharge into their existing strategies.Funding: NoneDisclosures: None
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Kovačev, Dušan. "Meta-legal basis of the autonomy of Vojvodina before 1929." Nacionalni interes 45, no. 2 (2023): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nint45-45143.

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The meta-legal basis of the provincial autonomy of Vojvodina appeared in political form only after the state fusion in 1918. A crossanalysis of the material on Vojvodina political autonomism points to its origin in the historical law of the Habsburg Empire, which was accepted by a group of few political outsiders and landowners of Vojvodina. The new modern state effectively and quickly solved problems: currency, tax and agrarian issues, improvement of trade, association and achieving sustainability of independent farms in Vojvodina. Then the Vojvodina autonomists looked for arguments in the backward standpoints of the past. The narcissism of cultural "superiority", negative prejudice against "Serbianians", the confusion of the concepts of regionalism, decentralization, autonomy and self-government became the political material for the future meta-legal construction of the autonomy of Vojvodina modeled on the "crown land" of the Habsburg real union. Already at the time of the fusion of Banat, Bačka and Baranja with Serbian, there were certain tendencies for the distinctiveness of the administration of these united area. At that time, happened first political attempts of a small number of politicians for the "State of Slovenes, Serbs and Croats" to receive a certain role in the fusion of those areas with Serbia, by dint in Zagreb. In the area of Vojvodina, the right to self-determination of the people meant breaking the state ties with Hungary and fusion to Serbia. For this purpose was formed the Great National Assembly of Serbs, Bunjevs and other Slavs of Banat, Bačka and Baranja was formed. At the end of 1918, the Assembly elected by direct, equal and general suffrage of the population. This was the realization of the people's right to self-determination in a modern democratic form. The Assembly elected the administrative bodies of the temporary management of the area. Those bodies were not effective due to outdated understandings, unclear legal nature, and lack of distinction between administrative work, legal authorisation and legal competence. The problems caused by the temporary regional administration make dificulties the subsequent work of the authorities of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, causing great intolerance towards "centralism." The government of the new state effectively solved administrative problems, currency, tax and agrarian issues under democratic conditions, and developed local selfgovernment. As the public became aware of the benefits of democratic modernity, general support for the new order grew. Opponents of the new order were a small number of nationalized landowners, economically stable officials and privileged individuals of the former Habsburg order. Among them, Serbian opposition politicians and Croatian nationalists sought support. Vojvodina's political autonomism is from the beginning linked to the political work of Croatian nationalists, the political fashion of "regionalism" and the historical sentiments of the Habsburg era. From the beginning formulated political ideas of Vojvodina autonomy, two phenomena stand out conspicuously: the support of Croatian nationalists and emotional intolerance towards Serbia and "Serbians." These phenomena are paradigmatically shown by two historical sources: Mihovil Tomandl's article "Serbian hegemony" (1923) and the proclamation of the Independent Democratic Party published under the title "Vojvodina wants to be its own" (1924).
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Michigan Equal Suffrage Association"

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Galloway, Stuart John. "The American Equal Rights Association, 1866-1870 : gender, race, and universal suffrage." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/29034.

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This thesis studies the American Equal Rights Association (AERA), 1866 to 1870, and argues for its historical distinctiveness and significance. The AERA was the only organisation in nineteenth-century America that explicitly campaigned for the rights of men and women on the same platform. Formed in the immediate aftermath of the American Civil War, the AERA joined the discussion of how to reconstruct the war-torn nation, demanding political rights to be extended to all American citizens based on their common humanity. As the first academic study to focus purely on the AERA, this thesis presents a series of new findings and interpretations about the association. It studies the creation, exploits, and demise of the AERA, highlighting and analysing key aspects of the association’s character, from its membership and ideas, to its campaigning and organisational dynamics. It also broadens the source base beyond the two figures of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony, who have long dominated writings on the woman suffrage movement. Instead, the thesis examines the AERA membership as a whole. In so doing, it argues three main points: first, the association was more than just the vehicle for the woman suffrage movement at this time; second, the association worked well and was not constantly beset by divisions and disputes, and third, the final collapse of the association was due more to the actions of individuals than to wider historical or contextual forces. Besides arguing for the historical distinctiveness and significance of the AERA, this focus on the association itself provides a new angle on wide-ranging questions, concerning Reconstruction history, political relations between men and women and the role of men in movements for gender equality.
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Egge, Sara Anne. "The grassroots diffusion of the woman suffrage movement in Iowa : the IESA, rural women, and the right to vote/." [Ames, Iowa : Iowa State University], 2009. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1464195.

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Books on the topic "Michigan Equal Suffrage Association"

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interviewer, Myers Constance Ashton, Southern Oral History Program, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Documenting the American South (Project), and University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Library, eds. Oral history interview with Gov. Rosamonde R. Boyd, October 29, 1973: Interview G-011, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). [Chapel Hill, N.C.]: University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2006.

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Canada. Parliament. House of Commons. Bill: An act respecting the Canada and Michigan Bridge and Tunnel Company. Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, 2003.

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Canada. Parliament. House of Commons. Bill: An act to incorporate the Canadian Bankers' Association. Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, 2003.

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Canada. Parliament. House of Commons. Bill: An act to incorporate the Toronto Corn Exchange Association. Ottawa: I.B. Taylor, 2002.

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Canada. Parliament. House of Commons. Bill: An act to amend the Act incorporating the Mutual Life Association of Canada. Ottawa: I.B. Taylor, 2002.

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Commons, Canada Parliament House of. Bill: An act to incorporate the Canadian Lo[an] and Investment Company. Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, 2003.

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Commons, Canada Parliament House of. Bill: An act to incorporate the Quebec [and] New Brunswick Railway Company. Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, 2003.

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Commons, Canada Parliament House of. Bill: An act to supervise and control th[e] warehousing, inspecting and weig[h]ing of grain in Manitoba and th[e] North-west Territories. Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, 2003.

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Commons, Canada Parliament House of. Bill: An act to incorporate the St. Clair River Railway Bridge and Tunnel Company. Ottawa: I.B. Taylor, 2002.

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Commons, Canada Parliament House of. Bill: An act to incorporate the Holiness Mov[e]ment (or Church) in Canada. Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Michigan Equal Suffrage Association"

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"Chapter Two. The Fourteenth Amendment and the American Equal Rights Association." In Feminism and Suffrage, 53–78. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/9781501711817-006.

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Gold, David. "Women’s Suffrage." In Democracies in America, 104–14. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198865698.003.0010.

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Abstract This essay examines key arguments made for and against women’s suffrage that evidence conceptualizations of citizenship rights in the period, illuminating divides that still challenge contemporary feminism. For many white women, citizenship was tied to racial identity, influencing their opposition to suffrage, and even white suffrage advocates were at times unable to offer full support for universal suffrage that included women of color, fracturing potential cross-racial alliances. For many Black women, meanwhile, women’s suffrage was inseparable from racial justice. Women’s suffrage thus has not been stable or meant the same thing to all constituencies. Examining sources such as the 1869 American Equal Rights Association meeting proceedings, the 1915 “Votes for Women” symposium published by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People’s Crisis, and the 1916 Anti-Suffrage Essays by Massachusetts Women, this chapter suggests ways in which ideologies of race, gender, and citizenship interacted in the women’s rights movement in the long nineteenth century.
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Rogoff, Leonard. "Breathing the Same Air." In Gertrude Weil. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630793.003.0006.

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Weil pushed a reluctant Federation of Women's Clubs to adopt a suffrage resolution. In 1914 she served as president of the Goldsboro Equal Suffrage League and five years later was elected president of the Equal Suffrage Association of North Carolina. Either North Carolina Tennessee would need to ratify the Nineteenth Amendment for women to achieve the vote, but North Carolina's political climate was conservative. Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the National American Woman Suffrage Association, appointed Weil as state field commander. The legislature repeatedly voted down granting women the franchise or legal rights, and anti-suffragists campaigned that women's suffrage was immoral and would overturn white supremacy. Although the governor reluctantly endorsed women's suffrage, the state legislature tabled the motion, and Tennessee became the ultimate ratifying state.
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Goan, Melanie Beals. "Jars of Clay." In A Simple Justice, 25–38. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813180175.003.0003.

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In the 1800s and 1890s, the Clay women -- Mary Jane Warfield Clay and her daughters Mary, Sallie, Laura, and Annie -- were the main force behind Kentucky's suffrage movement. This chapter explains why they chose to embrace a controversial cause and discusses the important ways they shaped the movement, bringing their class and racial views to bear on its development. This chapter traces the creation of the Kentucky Woman Suffrage Association and its rebirth as the Kentucky Equal Rights Association several years later when Laura Clay stepped up to be the primary suffrage leader in Kentucky.
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Jabour, Anya. "Defining Equality." In Sophonisba Breckinridge, 142–68. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042676.003.0007.

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Chapter 6 explores the “equality versus difference” debate--a defining feature of feminism in modern America--through the lens of Breckinridge’s work in both the national suffrage organization, the National American Woman Suffrage Association, and its successor organization, the League of Women Voters. By exploring Breckinridge’s work with national feminist organizations during and after the suffrage struggle, this chapter highlights both women’s continuous activism and their ideological differences, especially their debate over the Equal Rights Amendment and so-called “protective legislation.”
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Gosse, Van. "Consult the Genius of Expediency Approaching Power, 1847–1860." In The First Reconstruction, 435–86. University of North Carolina Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469660103.003.0013.

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In the late 1840s, the focus of New York’s black politics shifted to the philanthropist Gerrit Smith’s plan to award freeholds in upstate counties to 3,000 black men, making them both independent farmers and voters. Although the “Smith Lands” project did not succeed, evidence suggests many used their deeds to gain the vote in New York and Brooklyn, and in 1849-1850 they were credited with giving the state to the Whigs. In the 1850s, the suffrage campaign revived as the state shifted left. Republicans in the legislature repeatedly voted for non-racial suffrage, and Stephen Myers led a State Suffrage Association in tandem with Thurlow Weed’s Republican machine. An 1860 referendum on non-racial suffrage again produced defeat, but the number backing equal suffrage increased substantially.
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""Pioneering representatives of the Hebrew people": Campaigns of the Palestinian Jewish Women's Equal Rights Association, 1918-1948." In Women's Suffrage in the British Empire, 143–59. Routledge, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203714638-17.

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Painter, Nell Irvin. "Voices of Suffrage: Sojourner Truth, Frances Watkins Harper, and the Struggle for Woman Suffrage." In Votes For Women, 42–55. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195130164.003.0003.

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Abstract After the Civil War, in the midst of debates over black and woman suffrage, Sojourner Truth, a former slave and committed abolitionist, addressed the American Equal Rights Association: “If colored men get their rights, and not colored women theirs, you see the colored men will be masters over the women, and it will be just as bad as it was before.” It was a typically courageous stand for this important supporter of woman suffrage. Before the Civil War, black and white men and women, including Truth, Frederick Douglass, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and other reformers, had worked together against slavery and for woman’s rights without seeing these causes as conflicting. In fact, Douglass had been a staunch supporter of woman’s rights, demanding the vote as one of woman’s essential rights as early as 18481 while Anthony had been a paid agent of the American Anti-Slavery Society as well as a suffragist.
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Eley, Geoff. "Introduction Democracy in Europe." In Forging Democracy, 3–14. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195037845.003.0001.

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Abstract But what does “democracy” mean? In the realm of law it requires at least the following: free, universal, secret, adult, and equal suffrage; the classic civil freedoms of speech, conscience, assembly, association, and the press; and freedom from arrest without trial. By this standard, democracy was achieved nowhere in the world during the nineteenth century and arrived in only four states before 1914— New Zealand (1893), Australia (1903), Finland (1906), and Norway (1913). If we relax our definition by ignoring women’s suffrage, then the male democracies of France and Switzerland may also be added. Though 1918 gave rise to the revolutionary circumstances that expanded juridical freedoms, these still proved short-lived and were only lastingly reinstated after 1945. Only the largescale socioeconomic mobilizations of world war, it seems, created the societal context for the advancement of democratic politics. Hence the special resonance of 1918 and 1945.
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Brown, Richard D. "People of Color and the Promise Betrayed." In Self-Evident Truths. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300197112.003.0004.

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Abstract:
In its 1857 Dred Scott decision the Supreme Court ruled that “negroes” were not, and never had been, citizens of the United States. Two justices dissented, declaring that when the Constitution was adopted free blacks possessed the rights of citizens, including suffrage, in seven states. The rights of free blacks, like other citizens, were thereby protected. But the Court majority, conflating slavery with race, denied citizenship to people of color. In fact, starting in 1776 a majority of states recognized the rights of people of color for at least a generation. Only after the free black population grew into the tens of thousands did states north and south act to curtail those rights. The new restrictions rested on old prejudices reinforced by the new “science” of race. Nature, it was claimed, warranted the denial of equal rights. So in new northern states—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan—as well as old ones like Pennsylvania, New York, and Connecticut, equality was written out of law. By 1858, when Lincoln debated Stephen Douglas for election to the Senate from Illinois, some public figures explicitly denied the self-evident natural rights of the Declaration. But Lincoln made the Declaration’s self-evident truths his cornerstone. Regardless of race or nationality, he argued, natural rights applied to all men.
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