Journal articles on the topic 'Michael Hofmann'

Der Artikel beleuchtet die Umstände von J. S. Bachs gottesdienstlichem Wirken in Weimar eingehend. Dafür werden zuerst die grundsätzlichen liturgischen Rahmenbedingungen geschildert; die verwendeten Agenden und Gesangbücher ebenso wie der genaue Ablauf des Kirchenjahrs. Im Weiteren finden die personellen Strukturen der Hofgeistlichkeit Beachtung; ergänzt um Kurzbiografien der zu Bachs Zeit relevanten Personen. Zuletzt wird der Raum des Hofgottesdienstes, die „Himmelsburg“ in den Mittelpunkt gerückt. Erwähnte Artikel: Klaus Hofmann: Neue Überlegungen zu Bachs Weimarer Kantaten-Kalender. BJ 1993, S. 9-29 Michael Maul: "Alles mit Gott und nichts ohn' ihn" - Eine neue aufgefundene Aria von Johann Sebastian Bach. BJ 2005, S. 7-35

Among the many semigroups which can be derived from a given compact (jointly continuous) semigroup S is the semigroup 2s consisting of its non-empty compact subsets; the product is the usual one defined by the rule EF = {xy:xεE, yεF}. The Vietoris or finite topology on 2s (in which a base for the open sets is obtained by taking all sets of the form for l ≦i ≦n} as Vl, V2,…, Vn run over all finite collections of open subsets of S) makes 2s a compact, jointly continuous semigroup. The topology has a long history, having been introduced by Vietoris in 1923 and studied by Michael[4]. The utility of the topological semigroup was established by Hofmann and Mostert [3; see especially Section 3.7]; in fact they prefer to produce directly the uniform structure on 2s rather than the topology.

Der Artikel setzt sich mit der Frage der Genese von BWV 21 auseinander - für welchen Anlass wurde die Kantate geschrieben und ist sie überhaupt als Ganzes entstanden? Verschiedene stilkritische und konzeptionelle Überlegungen lassen anderes vermuten und werden im Beitrag dargelegt. Erwähnte Artikel: Reinhold Jauernig: Zur Kantate "Ich hatte viel Bekümmernis" (BWV Nr. 21). BJ 1954, S. 46-49 Helene Werthemann: Zum Text der Bach-Kantate 21 "Ich hatte viel Bekümmernis in meinem Herzen". BJ 1965, S. 135-143 Andreas Glöckner: Zur Chronologie der Weimarer Kantaten Johann Sebastian Bachs. BJ 1985. S. 159-164 Martin Petzoldt: "Die kräfftige Erquickung unter der schweren Angst=Last". Möglicherweise Neues zur Entstehung der Kantate BWV 21. BJ 1993, S. 31-46 Peter Wollny: Bachs Bewerbung um die Organistenstelle an der Marienkirche in Halle und ihr Kontex. BJ 1994, S. 25-39 Klaus Hofmann: Bachs Doppelchor "Nun ist das Heil und die Kraft" (BWV 50). Neue Überlegungen zur Werkgeschichte. BJ 1994, S. 59-73 Christoph Wolff: "Die betrübte und wieder getröstete Seele" Zum Dialog-Charakter der Kantate "Ich hatte viel Bekümmernis" BWV 21. BJ 1996, S. 139-145 Michael Maul, Peter Wollny: Quellenkundliches zu Bach-Aufführungen in Köthen, Ronneburg und Leipzig zwischen 1720 und 1760. BJ 2003, S. 97-141

Der Artikel stellt einen Bestand von Musikalien vor, der im Zusammenhang mit der Vorbereitung der ersten Bach-Gesamtausgabe zusammengetragen wurde und als Depositum des Verlags Breitkopf & Härtel im Sächsischen Staatsarchiv Leipzig verwahrt wird. Es handelt sich um ein umfangreiches Konvolut von Handschriften vom frühen 18. bis ins erste Drittel des 19. Jahrhunderts, von denen einigen Werken J. S. Bachs hauptsächlich Instrumentalmusik der Bach-Söhne Wilhelm Friedemann, Carl Philipp Emanuel und Johann Christian das Interesse weckt. Diese bleiben im Artikel jedoch unberücksichtigt, der sich ganz auf die Kompositionen J. S. Bachs konzentriert, Datierungen versucht, Schreiber bestimmt und Provenienzen klärt. Eine vollständige Auflistung der Werke gibt der Anhang des Artikels wieder. Erwähnte Artikel: Karl Tittel: Welche unter J. S. Bachs Namen geführten Orgelwerke sind Johann Tobias bzw. Johann Ludwig Krebs zuzuschreiben? Ein Versuch zur Lösung von Autorschaftsproblemen. BJ 1966, S. 102-137 Wolfgang Wiemer: Ein Bach-Doppelfund: Verschollene Gerber-Abschrift (BWV 914 und 996) und unbekannte Choralsammlung Christian Friedrich Penzels. BJ 1973, S.29-73 Ernest May: Eine neue Quelle für J. S. Bachs einzeln überlieferte Orgelchoräle. BJ 1974, S. 98-103 Yoshitake Kobayashi: Neuerkenntnisse zu einigen Bach-Quellen an Hand schriftkundlicher Untersuchungen. BJ 1978, S. 43-60 William H. Scheide: Eindeutigkeit und Mehrdeutigkeit in Picanders Kantatenjahrgangs-Vorbemerkung und im Werkverzeichnis des Nekrologs auf Johann Sebastian Bach. BJ 1983, S. 109-113 Hans-Joachim Schulze: Studenten als Bachs Helfer bei der Leipziger Kirchenmusik. BJ 1984, S. 45-52 Klaus Hofmann: Bachs Doppelchor "Nun ist das Heil und die Kraft" (BWV 50). Neue Überlegungen zur Werkgeschichte: BJ 1994, S. 59-74 Klaus Hofmann: Die Motette "Lobet den Herrn, alle Heiden" (BWV 230). Alte und neue Probleme. BJ 2000, S. 35-50 Joshua Rifkin: Siegesjubel und Satzfehler. Zum Problem von "Nun ist das Heil und die Kraft" (BWV 50). BJ 2000, S. 67-86 William H. Scheide: Nochmals BWV 50 "Nun ist das Heil und die Kraft". BJ 2001, S. 117-130 Michael Maul: Johann Adolph Scheibes Bach-Kritik. Hintergründe und Schauplätze einer musikalischen Kontroverse. BJ 2010, S. 153-198

Die behandelten Kantaten sind Nach dir Herr, verlanget mich BWV 150, Schwingt freudig euch empor BWV 36c und Non sa che sia dolore BWV 209. BWV 150 wird anhand des enthaltenen Meckbach-Akrostychons zum einen fest in die Mühlhäuser Zeit 1707-1708 datiert, zum anderen als mögliches Auftragswerk des dort lebenden Dr. Conrad Meckbach betrachtet. BWV 36c wird anhand der gesicherten Datierung und verschiedener textlicher Bezüge eine Zuordnung zu einem möglichen Huldigungsempfänger versucht, jedoch keiner möglichen Version der Vorzug gegeben. BWV 209 wird nach längerer Diskussion verschiedener in Betracht zu ziehender Aspekte als Auftragswerk zu Ehren Lorenz Albrecht Becks. Ein Epilog betrachtet die Freiherren von Lyncker als mögliche Mäzene Becks. Erwähnte Artikel: Hermann von Hase: Breitkopfsche Textdrucke zu Leipziger Musikaufführungen zu Bachs Zeiten. BJ 1913, S. 69-127 Georg Schünemann: J. G. Walther und H. Bokemeyer. BJ 1933, S. 86-118 Andreas Glöckner: Neuerkenntnisse zu Johann Sebastian Bachs Aufführungskalender zwischen 1729 und 1735. BJ 1981, S. 43-76 Harald Schieckel: Johann Sebastian Bachs Auflösung eines Kanons von Teodoro Riccio. BJ 1982, S. 125-127 Hans-Joachim Schulze: "Entfernet euch, ihr heitern Sterne", BWV Anh. 9. BJ 1985, S. 166-168 Andreas Glöckner: Zur Echtheit und Datierung der Kantate BWV 150 "Nach dir, Herr, verlanget mich". BJ 1988, S. 195-203 Klaus Hofmann: "Wo sind meine Wunderwerke" - eine verschollene Thomasschulkantate Johann Sebastian Bachs? BJ 1988, S. 211-218 Klaus Hofmann: Alte und neue Überlegungen zur Kantate "Non sa che sia dolore" BWV 209. BJ 1990, S. 7-26 Ares Rolf: Die Besetzung des sechsten Brandenburgischen Konzerts. BJ 1998, S. 171-182 Michael Maul: Johann Sebastian Bachs Besuche in der Residenzstadt Gera. BJ 2004, S. 101-120 Ernst Koch: Johann Sebastian Bachs Musik als höchste Kunst. Ein unbekannter Brief aus Leipzig vom 9. August 1723. BJ 2004, S. 215-220 Markus Rathey: Zur Datierung einiger Vokalwerke Bachs in den Jahren 1707 und 1708. BJ 2006, S. 65-92 Tatjana Schabalina: "Texte zur Music" in Sankt Petersburg. Neue Quellen zur Leipziger Musikgeschichte sowie zur Kompositions- und Aufführungstätigkeit Johann Sebastian Bachs. BJ 2008, S. 33-98 Vergleiche auch: Hans-Joachim Schulze: Die Bach-Kantate "Nach dir, Herr, verlanget mich" und ihr Meckbach-Akrostichon. BJ 2011, S. 255-258

Angesichts der großen Zahl von Aufführungsbelegen für BWV 199 in Bachs Weimarer, Köthener und frühen Leipziger Zeit nimmt es Wunder, dass ähnliche Hinweise zur Geschichte des Werkes in den späteren Leipziger Jahren und auch nach 1750 rar gesät sind. Dazu finden sich Hinweise auf einen bislang nicht näher nachvollziehbaren Überlieferungsweg der Originalquellen zu BWV 199, die der Beitrag nachzuzeichnen versucht. Dazu dient besonders ein bis dato unbeachtet gebliebener Textdruck zu einer am 5. 2. 1747 in Halle aufgeführten Trauerkantate für Johann Georg Francke, der im Wesentlichen das Libretto der Bach-Kantate zur Grundlage hat. Erwähnte Artikel: Hans-Joachim Schulze: Bemerkungen zu einigen Kantatentexten Johann Sebastian Bachs. BJ 1959, S. 168-170 Hans-Joachim Schulze: Ein "Drama per Musica" als Kirchenmusik. Zu Wilhelm Friedemann Bachs Aufführungen der Huldigungskantate BWV 205a. BJ 1975, S. 133-140 Klaus Hofmann: Bachs Kantate "Ich lasse dich nicht, du segnest mich denn" BWV 157. Überlegungen zu Entstehung, Bestimmung und originaler Werkgestalt. BJ 1982, S. 51-80 Michael Maul: Der 200. Jahrestag des Augsburger Religionsfriedens (1755) und die Leipziger Bach-Pflege in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts. BJ 2000, S. 101-118 Hans-Joachim Schulze: Wann entstand Johann Sebastian Bachs "Jagdkantate"? BJ 2000, S. 301-305 Tatjana Schabalina: Ein weiteres Autograph Johann Sebastian Bachs in Rußland. Neues zur Entstehungsgeschichte der verschiedenen Fassungen von BWV 199. BJ 2004, S. 11-39 Hans-Joachim Schulze: Friedrich Wilhelm Marpurg, Johann Sebastian Bach und die "Gedanken über die welschen Tonkünstler" (1751). BJ 2004, S. 121-132

Unter Bezugnahme auf den voranstehenden Artikel von Andrew Talle "'Die kleine Wirthschafft Rechnung' von Carl August Harthung" wird die Bedeutung Harthungs für den Musikalienhandel seienr Zeit beleuchtet. Zunächst wird Harthung auf Grundlage der von Talle ausgewerteten Quelle als Schreiber zweier thematischer Verzeichnisse von Werken Bachs identifiziert. Daran knüpfen weiterführende Überlegungen zur Verbreitung bestimmter Bachscher Werke im 18. Jh. an. Weiterhin wird aufgrund der Notenschrift Harthungs ein bisher anonymer Bach-Kopist mit ihm Gleichgesetzt. Ein Anhang bietet einen Katalog aller Bach-Abschriften von der Hand Harthungs. Erwähnte Artikel: Hans Löffler: Die Schüler Joh. Seb. Bach. BJ 1953, S. 5-28 Klaus Hofmann: Forkel und die Köthener Trauermusik Johann Sebastian Bach. BJ 1983, S. 115-117 Hans-Joachim Schulze: Bach-Überlieferung in Hamburg: Der Quellenbesitz von Christian Friedrich Gottlieb Schwencke (1767-1822). BJ 1993, S. 69-79 Christoph Wolff: Nachwort zu Christoph Henzel: "...ein Großes Orgelkonzert von dem alten Sebastian Bach". Zu einem Konzertprogramm Johann Wilhelm Häßlers. BJ 1993, S. 231-237 (S. 236-237) Peter Wollny: Johann Christoph Friedrich Bach und die Teilung des väterlichen Erbes. BJ 2001, S. 55-70 Michael Maul, Peter Wollny: Quellenkundliches zu Bach-Aufführungen in Köthen, Ronneburg und Leipzig zwischen 1720 und 1760. BJ 2003, S. 97-142 Andrew Talle: Nürnberg, Darmstadt, Köthen - Neuerkenntnisse zur Bach-Überlieferung in der ersten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts. BJ 2003, S. 143-172 Hans-Joachim Schulze: Eine verschollene Choralpartita Johann Sebastian Bachs? BJ 2003, S. 229-232 Pieter Dirksen: Zur Echtheit der Johann Christoph Bach (1642-1703) zugeschriebenen Clavierwerke. BJ 2010, S. 217-248 Vergleiche auch: Andrew Talle: "Die kleine Wirthschafft Rechnung" von Carl August Harthung. BJ 2011, S. 51-80

Industries use information in common ways to facilitate change initiatives. A review of change management models by John Kotter, Einar Iveroth, Michael Beer, Russel Eisenstat, Bert Spector, Wanda Orlikowski, and J. Hofman were completed. These were then synthesized into a new Information Flow Model. The Information Flow Model focuses on information flow and commonality being the drivers of successful change. This model was validated using three individual interviews with director level or above personnel from differing industries. The interviews did validate the new Information Flow Model and its focus. Additional recommendations for future analyses were provided.

One would have hoped that the publication of Michael Hofmann’s superb translation of Fred Wander’s novel The Seventh Well (New York 2008) might finally help secure Wander’s text the attention it deserves, alas, as yet to no avail. Fred Wander, probably best known (if at all) as the widower and executor of Maxie Wander, was a survivor of Auschwitz and Buchenwald. First published in East Berlin in 1971, The Seventh Well is a semi-fictionalized account of his experiences in the camps (and an attempt to lend those of his peers who did not survive a posthumous voice).

We live in a world of near continuous monitoring. In our automobiles we monitor the status of fuel, oil pressure, temperature, and seat belts through gauges, lights, and electronic voices. The consumption of electricity and fuel in our homes is monitored as is the chlorine in our drinking water and the alcohol in our beer. Manufacturers retain quality assurance inspectors and issue warrantees and guarantees to convince us that all is well. We monitor our schools and measure our own progress through grades and proficiency scores. It seemed appropriate, therefore, that the Illinois Natural History Survey should take a measure of the living natural resources of Illinois by bringing together a knowledgeable group of persons to summarize the state of the State. In order to share this information and to provide an opportunity for discussion, a symposium, "Our Living Heritage: The Biological Resources of Illinois," was sponsored by the Illinois Department of Energy and Natural Resources and organized by the Survey. The event, timed to coincide with Earth Day 1990 celebrations, was held on April 2.^ and 24 on the campus of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. It was attended by nearly 250 professional scientists from some 50 agencies and institutions along with a number of interested and dedicated citizens. To share the results of that symposium with an even larger audience, we have issued this publication of its proceedings. To address the salient features of the living resources of Illinois in an ordered fashion, the symposium was presented in five sessions: forests, prairies and barrens, wetlands, streams and caves, and agro-urban ecology. When we consider that only (.).59t of Illinois remains in undisturbed natural areas, that Illinois ranks 46th among states in publicly owned open space per person, that forest acreage has decreased by 73% in the past century and tallgrass prairie by over 99%, that 85% of our wetlands have been lost, that soil erosion proceeds at the rate of 200 million tons per year, and that approximately 30,000 tons of herbicide and 3,500 tons of insecticides are used annually on agricultural crops in Illinois, we can scarcely imagine the tone of the symposium to have been anything but pessimistic. In part, there was discouragement, but it was tempered by positive developments, including the designation of the Middle Fork of the Vermilion River as a National Wild and Scenic River, the acquisition of the Cache River Basin, the initiation of a study to identify high-quality Illinois streams based on biodiversity, and the ever quickening actions of the Nature Preserves Commission. Preservation/conservation has been in conflict with consumption/development since the days of Theodore Roosevelt. At times one side seems to prevail over the other, but the balance has been clearly on the side of consumption. Special interest groups have to a considerable extent managed to give the word environmentalist a pejorative cast and the word development a positive ring. During the past decade, the executive branch of the federal government has determinedly downplayed environmental concerns, and that stance has been translated into inertia in a number of federal agencies with responsibility for natural resources. The focus of the United States Environmental Protection Agency, for example, has until very recently ignored the living components of the environment. At the same time, public sensitivity to environmental concerns has dramatically increased, primarily through public service television and other media-generated presentations on tropical deforestation, extinction of species, depletion of the ozone layer, agro-chemical contamination of groundwater, and the effects of acid rain. Some of this concern is now being transformed into political action. Polls suggest that the public understanding of environmental matters is quite high, and some beheve that it exceeds the perceptions of elected officials. A Green Party has emerged in this country only very recently, but Greens are a part of both major political parties and the trend in federal legislation may soon begin to sway in favor of conservation/preservation and away from consumption/development. The National Institutes for the Environment may well become a reality within the next several years. Within this tentatively encouraging national picture, the symposium was timely indeed. One symposium event of special interest cannot be documented in these proceedings — the "citizens respond" program of Monday evening, April 23—and I would like to note it here. Michael Jeffords and Susan Post of the Survey opened that session with a mulitmedia presentation on the biodiversity of Illinois. Their slides of representative plants and animals and habitats of the natural divisions of Illinois brought home to us the beauty and fragility that can yet be discovered in the landscape of our state. A panel presentation by five environmental activists followed: Clark Bullard, Office of Energy Research at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign; Max Hutchison, Natural Land Institute of The Nature Conservancy; Lawrence Page of the Illinois Natural History Survey; Donna Prevedell, farmwife and contributing editor to the Progressive Farmer, and Michael Reuter, Volunteer Stewardship Network of The Nature Conservancy. They spoke briefly but openly on preservation activities in which they had been closely involved. The discussion was then turned over to the audience, who asked questions and shared their experiences—successes and failures—with preservation efforts. I urge you to read on in order to understand the status of the biological resources of Illinois and to appreciate how much remains to be accomplished to secure their future—and ours. I would be remiss, however, if I did not conclude by acknowledging the committee of Survey staff who planned and conducted the symposium: Lawrence Page, Michael Jeffords, Joyce Hofmann, Susan Post, Louis Iverson, and Audrey Hodgins. Their efforts included developing the program, arranging for speakers and facilities, producing and mailing promotional materials, and welcomine the audience. Without their enthusiasm and hard work, the symposium v^ould not have materialized and our understanding of the biological resources of Illinois would be much diminished. Lorin I. Nevling. ChiefIllinois Natural History Suney

Background:Depression is a common comorbidity in patients with RA and influences perception of disease activity and quality of life. We have previously reported that mean depression scores improved during TCZ therapy in conjunction with reductions in disease activity.1Objectives:To evaluate individual changes in depressive symptoms over 52 weeks in RA patients initiating treatment with TCZ.Methods:We analyzed data from a large German multicenter observational study of patients with active RA who initiated TCZ therapy during routine clinical care (ML29087 ARATA study;NCT02251860). The Beck Depression Inventory-II (BDI-II), a self-report questionnaire for depression screening that has been validated in RA, was used to assess symptoms of depression. Patients were classified by baseline BDI-II scores into depression categories of no (BDI-II<14), mild (BDI-II 14-19), moderate (BDI-II 20-28), and severe depression (BDI-II≥29).2Individual changes in BDI-II scores between baseline and week 52 were assessed. Erythrocyte sedimentation rate was used as the acute phase reactant in Disease Activity Score-28 joints (DAS28) assessments.Results:Of 1155 patients enrolled from 108 clinical centers in Germany between May 2014 and July 2018, 474 completed the BDI-II at baseline (BDI-II cohort); baseline characteristics were similar to those of patients who did not complete the BDI-II. Approximately half of patients in the BDI-II cohort had BDI-II scores indicating no depression (248; 52.3%); the remaining patients had mild (87; 18.4%), moderate (84; 17.7%), or severe (55; 11.6%) depression. The mean (SD) baseline characteristics of the BDI-II cohort were 55.5 (12.5) yrs of age, 75.7% female, 10.6 (9.2) yrs RA duration, 4.9 (1.2) DAS28, and 24.3 (10.2) Clinical Disease Activity Index (CDAI). Baseline DAS28 and CDAI scores were similar among different depression subgroups, but patients with severe depression were more likely to be female (87.3% vs 70.6% for no depression) and had higher levels of anxiety, suicidal ideation, fatigue, pain, and sleep disturbance than patients with no or milder depression.A total of 229 of the 474 patients (48.3%) in the BDI-II cohort completed the BDI-II at both baseline and week 52. At 52 weeks, the depression category of approximately half of patients with depressive symptoms at baseline changed to a lower level or no depression (Figure 1). Moderate to large improvements in BDI-II from baseline (>10 points) were reported by 33.3% to 38.5% of patients with baseline depressive symptoms (Figure 2).Conclusion:At 52 weeks after initiating TCZ, the depressive disease burden was reduced. Future analyses with a representative patient cohort will be aimed at exploring whether improvements in depression occur independent of reductions in disease activity.References:[1]Behrens F et al.Arthritis Rheumatol2019;71(suppl 10):abstr1414.[2]Smarr KL, Keefer AL.Arthritis Care Res2011;63(S11):S454-66.Acknowledgments:This study was sponsored by Chugai Pharma Germany GmbH and Roche Pharma AG. Sharon L. Cross and Kirsten Dahm provided medical writing services supported by Chugai. Statistical analyses were provided by Roche Pharma AG.Disclosure of Interests:Frank Behrens Grant/research support from: Pfizer, Janssen, Chugai, Celgene, Lilly and Roche, Consultant of: Pfizer, AbbVie, Sanofi, Lilly, Novartis, Genzyme, Boehringer, Janssen, MSD, Celgene, Roche and Chugai, Gerd Rüdiger Burmester Consultant of: AbbVie Inc, Eli Lilly, Gilead, Janssen, Merck, Roche, Pfizer, and UCB Pharma, Speakers bureau: AbbVie Inc, Eli Lilly, Gilead, Janssen, Merck, Roche, Pfizer, and UCB Pharma, Martin Feuchtenberger Consultant of: Abbvie, BMS, Chugai, Sanofi, Speakers bureau: Abbvie, BMS, Celgene, Chugai, Jansen-Cilag, Lilly, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi, UCB, Herbert Kellner: None declared, Cornelia Kühne Grant/research support from: Novartis, Amgen, Roche/Chugai, Pfizer, Celgene, AbbVie, Sanofi, Anke Liebhaber: None declared, Maren Sieburg: None declared, Siegfried Wassenberg: None declared, Christina Luig Employee of: Roche Pharma AG, Michael W. Hofmann Employee of: Chugai Pharma Germany GmbH, Christopher Amberger Grant/research support from: Chugai Pharma Germany GmbH, Consultant of: Chugai Pharma Germany GmbH

Background:Average life spans of patients with rheumatoid arthritis (RA) are approaching those of the general population. This results in a large proportion of RA patients being elderly at some point and underlines effective RA treatments needed for this population. Pivotal clinical trials have demonstrated the efficacy of tocilizumab (TCZ) for the treatment of RA. However, real-world studies that explore the effectiveness of TCZ especially in the elderly are lacking. ICHIBAN was a large, observational study that followed patients with RA treated with TCZ under real-world conditions in Germany for up to 2 years.Objectives:In this analysis of ICHIBAN, we examined the safety and effectiveness of long-term TCZ treatment according to patient baseline (BL) age (<50, 50–65, >65 years).Methods:ICHIBAN (NCT01194401) was a prospective, non-interventional study that observed adult patients with active moderate to severe RA in German rheumatology clinics and practices. Patients were treated with TCZ according to the local label. The safety analyses set (SAF) included all patients who received at least one dose of TCZ. The effectiveness set (EFF) included all patients from the SAF who had no prior TCZ therapy. Patient-reported outcomes (PROs) were assessed using the visual analogue scale. Last observation carried forward was used to substitute for missing values.Results:At baseline (BL), 3,164 patients were included in the SAF: 29.2% <50 years, 47.3% 50–65 years, and 23.5% >65 years old (1.2% ≥80 years). Patients >65 years old were not only the most likely to have comorbidities such as hypertension, anaemia, renal insufficiency, osteoporosis, diabetes, and coronary heart disease, but also had the highest BL disease activity according to Disease Activity Score-28 erythrocyte sedimentation rate (DAS28-ESR) and Clinical Disease Activity Index (CDAI) (Table 1).Proportions of patients with adverse events (AEs) considered related to treatment were similar in patients <50 (22.3%), 50–65 (21.9%) and >65 years (22.2%). More patients >65 years (20.2%) and 50–65 years (14.4%) experienced serious AEs (SAEs) than patients <50 years (11.5%). Slightly more patients >65 years old experienced infectious SAEs (4.8%) than younger patients (<50 years, 3.2% and 50–65 years, 3.1%). Yet, similar proportions of patients across all age groups discontinued TCZ due to AE (7.0% <50 years; 9.6% 50–65 years; 7.8% >65 years).2,902 patients were included in the EFF. Patients <50 years experienced DAS28-ESR remission at least once during the treatment period (65.4%) more often than patients aged 50–65 years (59.8%) or >65 years (59.5%). However, patients >65 years had numerically greater improvements in DAS28-ESR (Table 1). Patients <50 years had the best physical functioning at BL and the greatest reduction in Health Assessment Questionnaire Disease Index (HAQ-DI) score (Figure 1A). All age groups had similar improvements in PROs such as fatigue, strength of pain, and sleep disturbances (Figure 1B).Table 1.Model summary for prediction of DAS28CRP using time and etanercept originator (relative to biosimilar)<50 years50–65 years>65 yearsDAS28-ESR, mean ± SDn*7771237617BL4.9 ± 1.45.3 ± 1.35.4 ± 1.3Last visit2.8 ± 1.73.1 ± 1.73.2 ± 1.7Change from BL-2.0 ± 1.7-2.2 ± 1.7-2.2 ± 1.8CDAI, mean ± SDn*7681217590BL25.7 ± 12.828.4 ± 13.328.8 ± 12.8Last visit13.3 ± 12.814.6 ± 13.214.5 ± 12.8Change from BL-12.5 ± 13.6-13.8 ± 14.0-14.3 ± 13.8*271 patients with missing data at BL**327 patients with missing data at BLConclusion:Although elderly patients experienced a higher rate of infections, the proportion of patients withdrawing due to AE was not higher than in the other age groups. Starting with higher baseline disease activity, patients >65 years had similar benefits to disease activity and PROs when compared with younger patients. Overall, these results indicate that long-term TCZ treatment of elderly patients is effective and has an acceptable safety profile.Disclosure of Interests:Christof Specker Speakers bureau: AbbVie, Celgene, Chugai, Janssen-Cilag, Lilly, MSD, Novartis, Pfizer, Roche, and UCB, Consultant of: AbbVie, Boehringer Ingelheim, Chugai, Lilly, Novartis, Sobi, and UCB, Grant/research support from: Boehringer, Chugai, GSK, and Roche, Martin Aringer Speakers bureau: Roche and Chugai, Consultant of: Roche and Chugai, Grant/research support from: Roche, Gerd Rüdiger Burmester Consultant of: Lilly, Pfizer, Sanofi, and Roche, Grant/research support from: Roche, Marvin Peters Employee of: Roche Pharma AG, Michael W. Hofmann Employee of: Chugai Pharma Germany GmbH, Herbert Kellner Consultant of: Roche, Grant/research support from: Roche, Frank Moosig Grant/research support from: Roche, Hans-Peter Tony Speakers bureau: Roche, Abbvie, BMS, Chugai, Janssen, Novartis, Sanofi, and Lilly, Consultant of: Roche, Abbvie, BMS, Chugai, Janssen, Novartis, Sanofi, and Lilly, Grant/research support from: Roche, Gerhard Fliedner Grant/research support from: Roche, Chugai, Abbvie, and Lilly

Les articles qui composent le présent numéro de Recherches féministesillustrent certaines tendances fortes de la recherche féministe en 1995. Ces tendances sont, d'une part, la critique de la production scientifique prétendument neutre et objective, à laquelle procèdent ici Suzanne Deguire et Karen Messing à propos des indicateurs de santé au travail et Christiane Bernier quant aux discours de l'identité francophone en Ontario et, d'autre part, l'attention dorénavant portée aussi bien sur les conditions de production du savoir féministe, comme c'est le cas dans l'article de Michèle Vatz Laaroussi, Diane Lessard, Maria Elisa Montejo et Monica Viana, que sur les pratiques féministes, tels le magazine La Vie en rose,étudié par Marie-José des Rivières, et l'outil de formation Questions de compétence,décrit par Claudie Solar, de même que sur les militantes des groupes de femmes, auxquelles s'intéressent Ginette Côté et Marie-Andrée Couillard. Une troisième tendance, particulièrement notable au Québec, est celle de la collaboration d'universitaires féministes avec des instances gouvernementales ou socio-économiques pour la production de connaissances qui éclaireront la prise de décisions concernant les femmes; l'article de Thérèse Hamel et Michel Morisset sur les facteurs déterminants de l'implication des femmes en agriculture et celui de Francine Richer et Louise St-Cyr sur les femmes qui prennent la relève de leurs parents sur la ferme sont issus d'une telle forme de collaboration. Par ailleurs, la revue ne pouvant passer sous silence la Quatrième Conférence mondiale des Nations Unies sur les femmes de Beijing et le Forum parallèle des ONG de Huairou qui ont eu lieu du 30 août au 6 septembre 1995, Micheline Beauregard, Marie Malavoy et Greta Hofmann Nemiroff témoignent de l'expérience unique que fut pour chacune d'elles la participation à ces conférences.

Background:Despite the new classification criteria for non-radiographic axial spondyloarthritis (nr-axSpA) patients according to the Assessment of Spondyloarthritis International Society (ASAS), there are limited data on disease progression in nr-axSpA patients.Objectives:First to assess the improvement in disease activity in patients suspected of nr-axSpA after 16 weeks treatment with Etanercept (ETN) or Placebo (PBO). Second, to assess the changes of active inflammation on MRI of the SI-joints (SIJ) between the ETN and PBO group after 16 and 24 weeks without study medication.Methods:The PrevAS study is a randomized, double blind, placebo-controlled trial with ETN performed in the VU University medical center (VUmc) (EudraCT number 2009-015515-40), with a screening period from 2009 until 2014. Patients suspected of nr-axSpA were included if they had chronic back pain for ≥ 3 months, were ≥ 18 years, fulfilled the Calin criteria of inflammatory back pain and had to be either HLA-B27 positive with at least ≥ 1 Spondyloarthritis (SpA)-feature (as defined by the European Spondyloarthropathy Study Group (ESSG), or HLA-B27 negative with at least ≥ 2 SpA-features and had a high disease activity score (Bath Ankylosing Spondylitis Disease Activity Index ≥ 4) plus insufficient response to at least two NSAIDs. Excluded were patients who fulfilled the modified New York criteria for ankylosing spondylitis, or in case of previous biological use. Included patients were randomly assigned (1:1) for 16 weeks treatment with ETN (N=40) or PBO (N=40) and followed after the treatment period for 24 weeks. The primary endpoint was the number of patients achieving the ASAS20 response at week 16. MRI was performed at baseline, 16 and 24 weeks and scored using the Spondyloarthritis Research Consortium of Canada (SPARCC) index for number of active inflammatory lesions.Results:The majority of included patients was female (63.8%). Patient characteristics, like the presence of the HLA-B27 antigen and number of SpA-features at baseline, were comparable between the ETN and PBO group. Mean compliance to the study medication at sixteen weeks was 72.1%. Longitudinal regression analysis over the first 16 weeks showed a trend towards a three times higher chance to achieve the ASAS20 response in the ETN compared to the PBO group (OR = 3.2, 95% CI [0.6;16.7]p=0.18) (Figure 1). No differences were observed in ASAS20 response at 24 weeks. A positive SPARCC score (SPARCC ≥ 2.5) of the SIJ was observed in the ETN and PBO group in 33.3% (13/39 patients) vs. 30.8% (12/39 patients) at baseline, 16.7% (6/36 patients) vs. 17.5% (7/40 patients) at 16 weeks and 21.9% (7/32 patients) vs. 20.0% (7/35 patients) at 24 weeks, respectively. Increased CRP-levels (CRP_UL ≥ 10.0mg/L) nor a positive SPARCC score at baseline, had significant influence on the ASAS20 response at 16 weeks follow-up. The safety profile was consistent with what is known for ETN in AS.Conclusion:Patients suspected of nr-axSpA with high disease activity showed a trend towards a three times higher chance to achieve the ASAS20 response in the ETN group, compared to the PBO group at 16 weeks, regardless of a raised CRP level or positive MRI-SIJ at baseline.Figure:Acknowledgments:We thank Pfizer for financial support of this investigator initiated study. In addition we want to thank H. Hofman and W.A. ter Wee for practical study support.Disclosure of Interests:Tamara Rusman: None declared, Mignon A.C. van der Weijden: None declared, Michael T Nurmohamed Grant/research support from: Abbvie, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Celltrion, GlaxoSmithKline, Jansen, Eli Lilly, Menarini, Merck Sharp & Dohme, Mundipharma, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi, USB, Consultant of: Abbvie, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Celltrion, GlaxoSmithKline, Jansen, Eli Lilly, Menarini, Merck Sharp & Dohme, Mundipharma, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi, USB, Speakers bureau: Abbvie, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Celltrion, GlaxoSmithKline, Jansen, Eli Lilly, Menarini, Merck Sharp & Dohme, Mundipharma, Pfizer, Roche, Sanofi, USB, Robert B.M. Landewé Consultant of: AbbVie; AstraZeneca; Bristol-Myers Squibb; Eli Lilly & Co.; Galapagos NV; Novartis; Pfizer; UCB Pharma, Janneke J. de Winter: None declared, B.J.H. Boden: None declared, Pierre M. Bet: None declared, Camile M.A. van der Bijl: None declared, Conny J. van der Laken: None declared, Irene van der Horst-Bruinsma Grant/research support from: AbbVie, Novartis, Eli Lilly, Bristol-Myers Squibb, MSD, Pfizer, UCB Pharma, Consultant of: AbbVie, Novartis, Eli Lilly, Bristol-Myers Squibb, MSD, Pfizer, UCB Pharma

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At last year’s Tour de France—the three-week cycling race—the winner of one stage was disqualified for allegedly obstructing a competitor. In newspapers and on social media, cycling fans immediately started a heated debate about the decision and about the actual course of events. They uploaded photographs and videos, which they had often edited and augmented with graphics to support their interpretation of the situation or to direct attention to some neglected detail (Simpson; "Tour de France").Due to their competitive character and their audience’s partisanship, modern media sports continuously create controversial moments like this, thereby providing ample opportunities for what Jason Mittell—with respect to complex narratives in recent TV drama—called “forensic fandom” ("Forensic;" Complex), in which audience members collectively investigate ambivalent or enigmatic elements of a media product, adding their own interpretations and explanations.Not unlike that of TV drama, sport’s forensic fandom is stimulated through complex forms of seriality—e.g. the successive stages of the Tour de France or the successive games of a tournament or a league, but also the repetition of the same league competition or tournament every (or, in the case of the Olympics, every four) year(s). To articulate their take on the disqualification of the Tour de France rider, fans refer to comparable past events, activate knowledge about rivalries between cyclists, or note character traits that they condensed from the alleged perpetrator’s prior appearances. Sport thus creates a continuously evolving and recursive storyworld that, like all popular seriality, proliferates across different media forms (texts, photos, films, etc.) and different media platforms (television, social media, etc.) (Kelleter).In the following I will use two examples (from 1908 and 1966) to analyse in greater detail why and how sport’s seriality and forensic attitude contribute to the highly dynamic “transmedia intertextuality” (Kinder 35) of media sport. Two arguments are of special importance to me: (1) While social media (as the introductory example has shown) add to forensic fandom’s proliferation, it was sport’s strongly serialized evaluation of performances that actually triggered the “spreadability” (Jenkins, Ford, and Green) of sport-related topics across different media, first doing so at the end of the 19th century. What is more, modern sport owes its very existence to the cross-media circulation of its events. (2) So far, transmedia has mainly been researched with respect to fictional content (Jenkins; Evans), yet existing research on documentary transmedia forms (Kerrigan and Velikovsky) and social media seriality (Page) has shown that the inclusion of non-fiction can broaden our knowledge of how storytelling sprawls across media and takes advantage of their specific affordances. This, I want to argue, ensures that sport is an insightful and important example for the understanding of transmedia world-building.The Origins of Sport, the Olympics 1908, and World-BuildingSome authors claim that it was commercial television that replaced descriptive accounts of sporting events with narratives of heroes and villains in the 1990s (Fabos). Yet even a cursory study of past sport reporting shows that, even back when newspapers had to explain the controversial outcome of the 1908 Olympic Marathon to their readers, they could already rely on a well-established typology of characters and events.In the second half of the 19th century, the rules of many sports became standardized. Individual events were integrated in organized, repetitive competitions—leagues, tournaments, and so on. This development was encouraged by the popular press, which thus enabled the public to compare performances from different places and across time (Werron, "On Public;" Werron, "World"). Rankings and tables condensed contests in easily comparable visual forms, and these were augmented by more narrative accounts that supplemented the numbers with details, context, drama, and the subjective experiences of athletes and spectators. Week by week, newspapers and special-interest magazines alike offered varying explanations for the various wins and losses.When London hosted the Olympics in 1908, the scheduled seriality and pre-determined settings and protagonists allowed for the announcement of upcoming events in advance and for setting up possible storylines. Two days before the marathon race, The Times of London published the rules of the race, the names of the participants, a distance table listing relevant landmarks with the estimated arrival times, and a turn-by-turn description of the route, sketching the actual experience of running the race for the readers (22 July 1908, p. 11). On the day of the race, The Times appealed to sport’s seriality with a comprehensive narrative of prior Olympic Marathon races, a map of the precise course, a discussion of the alleged favourites, and speculation on factors that might impact the performances:Because of their inelasticity, wood blocks are particularly trying to the feet, and the glitter on the polished surface of the road, if the sun happens to be shining, will be apt to make a man who has travelled over 20 miles at top speed turn more than a little dizzy … . It is quite possible that some of the leaders may break down here, when they are almost within sight of home. (The Times 24 July 1908, p. 9)What we see here can be described as a world-building process: The rules of a competition, the participating athletes, their former performances, the weather, and so on, all form “a more or less organized sum of scattered parts” (Boni 13). These parts could easily be taken up by what we now call different media platforms (which in 1908 included magazines, newspapers, and films) that combine them in different ways to already make claims about cause-and-effect chains, intentions, outcomes, and a multitude of subjective experiences, before the competition has even started.The actual course of events, then, like the single instalment in a fictional storyworld, has a dual function: on the one hand, it specifies one particular storyline with a few protagonists, decisive turning points, and a clear determination of winners and losers. On the other hand, it triggers the multiplication of follow-up stories, each suggesting specific explanations for the highly contingent outcome, thereby often extending the storyworld, invoking props, characters, character traits, causalities, and references to earlier instalments in the series, which might or might not have been mentioned in the preliminary reports.In the 1908 Olympic Marathon, the Italian Dorando Pietri, who was not on The Times’ list of favourites, reached the finish first. Since he was stumbling on the last 300 meters of the track inside the stadium and only managed to cross the finish line with the support of race officials, he was disqualified. The jury then declared the American John Hayes, who came in second, the winner of the race.The day after the marathon, newspapers gave different accounts of the race. One, obviously printed too hastily, declared Pietri dead; others unsurprisingly gave the race a national perspective, focusing on the fate of “their” athletes (Davis 161, 166). Most of them evaluated the event with respect to athletic, aesthetic, or ethical terms—e.g. declaring Pietri the moral winner of the race (as did Sir Arthur Conan Doyle in The Daily Mail of July 25). This continues today, as praising sport performers often figures as a last resort “to reconstruct unproblematic heroism” (Whannel 44).The general endeavour of modern sport to scrutinize and understand the details of the performance provoked competing explanations for what had happened: was it the food, the heat, or the will power? In a forensic spirit, many publications added drawings or printed one of the famous photographs displaying Pietri being guided across the finish line (these still regularly appear in coffee-table books on sports photography; for a more extensive analysis, see Stauff). Sport—just like other non-fictional transmedia content—enriches its storyworld through “historical accounts of places and past times that already have their own logic, practice and institutions” (Kerrigan and Velikovsky 259).The seriality of sport not only fostered this dynamic by starting the narrative before the event, but also by triggering references to past instalments through the contingencies of the current one. The New York Times took the biggest possible leap, stating that the 1908 marathon must have been the most dramatic competition “since that Marathon race in ancient Greece, where the victor fell at the goal and, with a wave of triumph, died” (The New York Times 25 July 1908, p. 1). Dutch sport magazine De Revue der Sporten (6 August 1908, p. 167) used sport’s seriality more soberly to assess Hayes’ finishing time as not very special (conceding that the hot weather might have had an effect).What, hopefully, has become clear by now, is that—starting in the late 19th century—sporting events are prepared by, and in turn trigger, varying practices of transmedia world-building that make use of the different media’s affordances (drawings, maps, tables, photographs, written narratives, etc.). Already in 1908, most people interested in sport thus quite probably came across multiple accounts of the event—and thereby could feel invited to come up with their own explanation for what had happened. Back then, this forensic attitude was mostly limited to speculation about possible cause-effect chains, but with the more extensive visual coverage of competitions, especially through moving images, storytelling harnessed an increasingly growing set of forensic tools.The World Cup 1966 and Transmedia ForensicsThe serialized TV live transmissions of sport add complexity to storytelling, as they multiply the material available for forensic proliferations of the narratives. Liveness provokes a layered and constantly adapting process transforming the succession of actions into a narrative (the “emplotment”). The commentators find themselves “in the strange situation of a narrator ignorant of the plot” (Ryan 87), constantly balancing between mere reporting of events and more narrative explanation of incidents (Barnfield 8).To create a coherent storyworld under such circumstances, commentators fall back on prefabricated patterns (“overcoming bad luck,” “persistence paying off,” etc.) to frame the events while they unfold (Ryan 87). This includes the already mentioned tropes of heroism or national and racial stereotypes, which are upheld as long as possible, even when the course of events contradicts them (Tudor). Often, the creation of “non-retrospective narratives” (Ryan 79) harnesses seriality, “connecting this season with last and present with past and, indeed, present with past and future” (Barnfield 10).Instant-replay technology, additionally, made it possible (and necessary) for commentators to scrutinize individual actions while competitions are still ongoing, provoking revisions of the emplotment. With video, DVD, and online video, the second-guessing and re-telling of elements—at least in hindsight—became accessible to the general audience as well, thereby dramatically extending the playing field for sport’s forensic attitude.I want to elaborate this development with another example from London, this time the 1966 Men’s Football World Cup, which was the first to systematically use instant replay. In the extra time of the final, the English team scored a goal against the German side: Geoff Hurst’s shot bounced from the crossbar down to the goal line and from there back into the field. After deliberating with the linesman, the referee called it a goal. Until today it remains contested whether the ball actually was behind the goal line or not.By 1966, 1908’s sparsity of visual representation had been replaced by an abundance of moving images. The game was covered by the BBC and by ITV (for TV) and by several film companies (in colour and in black-and-white). Different recordings of the famous goal, taken from different camera angles, still circulate and are re-appropriated in different media even today. The seriality of sport, particularly World Cup Football’s return every four years, triggers the re-telling of this 1966 game just as much as media innovations do.In 1966, the BBC live commentary—after a moment of doubt—pretty soberly stated that “it’s a goal” and observed that “the Germans are mad at the referee;” the ITV reporter, more ambivalently declared: “the linesman says no goal … that’s what we saw … It is a goal!” The contemporary newsreel in German cinemas—the Fox Tönende Wochenschau—announced the scene as “the most controversial goal of the tournament.” It was presented from two different perspectives, the second one in slow motion with the commentary stating: “these images prove that it was not a goal” (my translation).So far, this might sound like mere opposing interpretations of a contested event, yet the option to scrutinize the scene in slow motion and in different versions also spawned an extended forensic narrative. A DVD celebrating 100 years of FIFA (FIFA Fever, 2002) includes the scene twice, the first time in the chapter on famous controversies. Here, the voice-over avoids taking a stand by adopting a meta-perspective: The goal guaranteed that “one of the most entertaining finals ever would be the subject of conversation for generations to come—and therein lies the beauty of controversies.” The scene appears a second time in the special chapter on Germany’s successes. Now the goal itself is presented with music and then commented upon by one of the German players, who claims that it was a bad call by the referee but that the sportsmanlike manner in which his team accepted the decision advanced Germany’s global reputation.This is only included in the German version of the DVD, of course; on the international “special deluxe edition” of FIFA Fever (2002), the 1966 goal has its second appearance in the chapter on England’s World Cup history. Here, the referee’s decision is not questioned—there is not even a slow-motion replay. Instead, the summary of the game is wrapped up with praise for Geoff Hurst’s hat trick in the game and with images of the English players celebrating, the voice-over stating: “Now the nation could rejoice.”In itself, the combination of a nationally organized media landscape with the nationalist approach to sport reporting already provokes competing emplotments of one and the same event (Puijk). The modularity of sport reporting, which allows for easy re-editing, replacing sound and commentary, and retelling events through countless witnesses, triggers a continuing recombination of the elements of the storyworld. In the 50 years since the game, there have been stories about the motivations of the USSR linesman and the Swiss referee who made the decision, and there have been several reconstructions triggered by new digital technology augmenting the existing footage (e.g. King; ‘das Archiv’).The forensic drive behind these transmedia extensions is most explicit in the German Football Museum in Dortmund. For the fiftieth anniversary of the World Cup in 2016, it hosted a special exhibition on the event, which – similarly to the FIFA DVD – embeds it in a story of gaining global recognition for the fairness of the German team ("Deutsches Fußballmuseum").In the permanent exhibition of the German Football Museum, the 1966 game is memorialized with an exhibit titled “Wembley Goal Investigation” (“Ermittlung Wembley-Tor”). It offers three screens, each showing the goal from a different camera angle, a button allowing the visitors to stop the scene at any moment. A huge display cabinet showcases documents, newspaper clippings, quotes from participants, and photographs in the style of a crime-scene investigation—groups of items are called “corpus delicti,” “witnesses,” and “analysis.” Red hand-drawn arrows insinuate relations between different items; yellow “crime scene, do not cross” tape lies next to a ruler and a pair of tweezers.Like the various uses of the slow-motion replays on television, in film, on DVD, and on YouTube, the museum thus offers both hegemonic narratives suggesting a particular emplotment of the event that endow it with broader (nationalist) meaning and a forensic storyworld that offers props, characters, and action building-blocks in a way that invites fans to activate their own storytelling capacities.Conclusion: Sport’s Trans-Seriality Sport’s dependency on a public evaluation of its performances has made it a dynamic transmedia topic from the latter part of the 19th century onwards. Contested moments especially prompt a forensic attitude that harnesses the affordances of different media (and quickly takes advantage of technological innovations) to discuss what “really” happened. The public evaluation of performances also shapes the role of authorship and copyright, which is pivotal to transmedia more generally (Kustritz). Though the circulation of moving images from professional sporting events is highly restricted and intensely monetized, historically this circulation only became a valuable asset because of the sprawling storytelling practices about sport, individual competitions, and famous athletes in press, photography, film, and radio. Even though television dominates the first instance of emplotment during the live transmission, there is no primordial authorship; sport’s intense competition and partisanship (and their national organisation) guarantee that there are contrasting narratives from the start.The forensic storytelling, as we have seen, is structured by sport’s layered seriality, which establishes a rich storyworld and triggers ever new connections between present and past events. Long before the so-called seasons of radio or television series, sport established a seasonal cycle that repeats the same kind of competition with different pre-conditions, personnel, and weather conditions. Likewise, long before the complex storytelling of current television drama (Mittell, Complex TV), sport has mixed episodic with serial storytelling. On the one hand, the 1908 Marathon, for example, is part of the long series of marathon competitions, which can be considered independent events with their own fixed ending. On the other hand, athletes’ histories, continuing rivalries, and (in the case of the World Cup) progress within a tournament all establish narrative connections across individual episodes and even across different seasons (on the similarities between TV sport and soap operas, cf. O’Connor and Boyle).From its start in the 19th century, the serial publication of newspapers supported (and often promoted) sport’s seriality, while sport also shaped the publication schedule of the daily or weekly press (Mason) and today still shapes the seasonal structure of television and sport related computer games (Hutchins and Rowe 164). This seasonal structure also triggers wide-ranging references to the past: With each new World Cup, the famous goal from 1966 gets integrated into new highlight reels telling the German and the English teams’ different stories.Additionally, together with the contingency of sport events, this dual seriality offers ample opportunity for the articulation of “latent seriality” (Kustritz), as a previously neglected recurring trope, situation, or type of event across different instalments can eventually be noted. As already mentioned, the goal of 1966 is part of different sections on the FIFA DVDs: as the climactic final example in a chapter collecting World Cup controversies, as an important—but rather ambivalent—moment of German’s World Cup history, and as the biggest triumph in the re-telling of England’s World Cup appearances. In contrast to most fictional forms of seriality, the emplotment of sport constantly integrates such explicit references to the past, even causally disconnected historical events like the ancient Greek marathon.As a result, each competition activates multiple temporal layers—only some of which are structured as narratives. It is important to note that the public evaluation of performances is not at all restricted to narrative forms; as we have seen, there are quantitative and qualitative comparisons, chronicles, rankings, and athletic spectacle, all of which can create transmedia intertextuality. Sport thus might offer an invitation to more generally analyse how transmedia seriality combines narrative and other forms. 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L’anthropologie médicale est un sous-champ de l’anthropologie socioculturelle qui s’intéresse à la pluralité des systèmes médicaux ainsi qu’à l’étude des facteurs économiques, politiques et socioculturels ayant un impact sur la santé des individus et des populations. Plus spécifiquement, elle s’intéresse aux relations sociales, aux expériences vécues, aux pratiques impliquées dans la gestion et le traitement des maladies par rapport aux normes culturelles et aux institutions sociales. Plusieurs généalogies de l’anthropologie médicale peuvent être retracées. Toutefois, les monographies de W.H.R. Rivers et d’Edward Evans-Pritchard (1937), dans lesquelles les représentations, les connaissances et les pratiques en lien avec la santé et la maladie étaient considérées comme faisant intégralement partie des systèmes socioculturels, sont généralement considérées comme des travaux fondateurs de l’anthropologie médicale. Les années 1950 ont marqué la professionnalisation de l’anthropologie médicale. Des financements publics ont été alloués à la discipline pour contribuer aux objectifs de santé publique et d’amélioration de la santé dans les communautés économiquement pauvres (Good 1994). Dans les décennies qui suivent, les bases de l’anthropologie médicale sont posées avec l’apparition de nombreuses revues professionnelles (Social Science & Medicine, Medical Anthropology, Medical Anthropology Quarterly), de manuels spécialisés (e.g. MacElroy et Townsend 1979) et la formation du sous-groupe de la Society for Medical Anthropology au sein de l’American Anthropological Association (AAA) en 1971, qui sont encore des points de références centraux pour le champ. À cette époque, sous l’influence des théories des normes et du pouvoir proposées par Michel Foucault et Pierre Bourdieu, la biomédecine est vue comme un système structurel de rapports de pouvoir et devient ainsi un objet d’étude devant être traité symétriquement aux autres systèmes médicaux (Gaines 1992). L’attention portée aux théories du biopouvoir et de la gouvernementalité a permis à l’anthropologie médicale de formuler une critique de l’hégémonie du regard médical qui réduit la santé à ses dimensions biologiques et physiologiques (Saillant et Genest 2007 : xxii). Ces considérations ont permis d’enrichir, de redonner une visibilité et de l’influence aux études des rationalités des systèmes médicaux entrepris par Evans-Pritchard, et ainsi permettre la prise en compte des possibilités qu’ont les individus de naviguer entre différents systèmes médicaux (Leslie 1980; Lock et Nguyen 2010 : 62). L’aspect réducteur du discours biomédical avait déjà été soulevé dans les modèles explicatifs de la maladie développés par Arthur Kleinman, Leon Eisenberg et Byron Good (1978) qui ont introduit une distinction importante entre « disease » (éléments médicalement observables de la maladie), « illness » (expériences vécues de la maladie) et « sickness » (aspects sociaux holistes entourant la maladie). Cette distinction entre disease, illness et sickness a joué un rôle clé dans le développement rapide des perspectives analytiques de l’anthropologie médicale de l’époque, mais certaines critiques ont également été formulées à son égard. En premier lieu, Allan Young (1981) formule une critique des modèles explicatifs de la maladie en réfutant l'idée que la rationalité soit un model auquel les individus adhèrent spontanément. Selon Young, ce modèle suggère qu’il y aurait un équivalant de structures cognitives qui guiderait le développement des modèles de causalité et des systèmes de classification adoptées par les personnes. Au contraire, il propose que les connaissances soient basées sur des actions, des relations sociales, des ressources matérielles, avec plusieurs sources influençant le raisonnement des individus qui peuvent, de plusieurs manières, diverger de ce qui est généralement entendu comme « rationnel ». Ces critiques, ainsi que les études centrées sur l’expérience des patients et des pluralismes médicaux, ont permis de constater que les stratégies adoptées pour obtenir des soins sont multiples, font appel à plusieurs types de pratiques, et que les raisons de ces choix doivent être compris à la lumière des contextes historiques, locaux et matériaux (Lock et Nguyen 2010 : 63). Deuxièmement, les approches de Kleinman, Eisenberger et Good ont été critiquées pour leur séparation artificielle du corps et de l’esprit qui représentait un postulat fondamental dans les études de la rationalité. Les anthropologues Nancy Scheper-Hughes et Margeret Lock (1987) ont proposé que le corps doit plutôt être abordé selon trois niveaux analytiques distincts, soit le corps politique, social et individuel. Le corps politique est présenté comme étant un lieu où s’exerce la régulation, la surveillance et le contrôle de la différence humaine (Scheper-Hughes et Lock 1987 : 78). Cela a permis aux approches féministes d’aborder le corps comme étant un espace de pouvoir, en examinant comment les discours sur le genre rendent possible l’exercice d’un contrôle sur le corps des femmes (Manderson, Cartwright et Hardon 2016). Les premiers travaux dans cette perspective ont proposé des analyses socioculturelles de différents contextes entourant la reproduction pour contrecarrer le modèle dominant de prise en charge médicale de la santé reproductive des femmes (Martin 1987). Pour sa part, le corps social renvoie à l’idée selon laquelle le corps ne peut pas être abordé simplement comme une entité naturelle, mais qu’il doit être compris en le contextualisant historiquement et socialement (Lupton 2000 : 50). Finalement, considérer le corps individuel a permis de privilégier l’étude de l’expérience subjective de la maladie à travers ses variations autant au niveau individuel que culturel. Les études de l’expérience de la santé et la maladie axées sur l’étude des « phénomènes tels qu’ils apparaissent à la conscience des individus et des groupes d’individus » (Desjarlais et Throop 2011 : 88) se sont avérées pertinentes pour mieux saisir la multitude des expériences vécues des états altérés du corps (Hofmann et Svenaeus 2018). En somme, les propositions de ces auteurs s’inscrivent dans une anthropologie médicale critique qui s’efforce d’étudier les inégalités socio-économiques (Scheper-Hughes 1992), l’accès aux institutions et aux savoirs qu’elles produisent, ainsi qu’à la répartition des ressources matérielles à une échelle mondiale (Manderson, Cartwright et Hardon 2016). Depuis ses débuts, l’anthropologie médicale a abordé la santé globale et épidémiologique dans le but de faciliter les interventions sur les populations désignées comme « à risque ». Certains anthropologues ont développé une perspective appliquée en épidémiologie sociale pour contribuer à l’identification de déterminants sociaux de la santé (Kawachi et Subramanian 2018). Plusieurs de ces travaux ont été critiqués pour la culturalisation des pathologies touchant certaines populations désignées comme étant à risque à partir de critères basés sur la stigmatisation et la marginalisation de ces populations (Trostle et Sommerfeld 1996 : 261). Au-delà des débats dans ce champ de recherche, ces études ont contribué à la compréhension des dynamiques de santé et de maladie autant à l’échelle globale, dans la gestion des pandémies par l’Organisation Mondiale de la Santé (OMS), qu’aux échelles locales avec la mise en place de campagnes de santé publique pour faciliter l’implantation de mesures sanitaires, telles que la vaccination (Dubé, Vivion et Macdonald 2015). L’anthropologie a contribué à ces discussions en se penchant sur les contextes locaux des zoonoses qui sont des maladies transmissibles des animaux vertébrés aux humains (Porter 2013), sur la résistance aux antibiotiques (Landecker 2016), comme dans le cas de la rage et de l’influenza (Wolf 2012), sur les dispositifs de prévention mis en place à une échelle mondiale pour éviter l’apparition et la prolifération d’épidémies (Lakoff 2010), mais aussi sur les styles de raisonnement qui sous-tendent la gestion des pandémies (Caduff 2014). Par ailleurs, certains auteur.e.s ont utilisé le concept de violence structurelle pour analyser les inégalités socio-économiques dans le contexte des pandémies de maladies infectieuses comme le sida, la tuberculose ou, plus récemment, l’Ébola (Fassin 2015). Au-delà de cet aspect socio-économique, Aditya Bharadwaj (2013) parle d’une inégalité épistémique pour caractériser des rapports inégaux dans la production et la circulation globale des savoirs et des individus dans le domaine de la santé. Il décrit certaines situations comme des « biologies subalternes », c’est à dire des états de santé qui ne sont pas reconnus par le système biomédical hégémonique et qui sont donc invisibles et vulnérables. Ces « biologies subalternes » sont le revers de citoyennetés biologiques, ces dernières étant des citoyennetés qui donnes accès à une forme de sécurité sociale basée sur des critères médicaux, scientifiques et légaux qui reconnaissent les dommages biologiques et cherche à les indemniser (Petryna 2002 : 6). La citoyenneté biologique étant une forme d’organisation qui gravite autour de conditions de santé et d’enjeux liés à des maladies génétiques rares ou orphelines (Heath, Rapp et Taussig 2008), ces revendications mobilisent des acteurs incluant les institutions médicales, l’État, les experts ou encore les pharmaceutiques. Ces études partagent une attention à la circulation globale des savoirs, des pratiques et des soins dans la translation — ou la résistance à la translation — d’un contexte à un autre, dans lesquels les patients sont souvent positionnés entre des facteurs sociaux, économiques et politiques complexes et parfois conflictuels. L’industrie pharmaceutique et le développement des technologies biomédicales se sont présentés comme terrain important et propice pour l’analyse anthropologique des dynamiques sociales et économiques entourant la production des appareils, des méthodes thérapeutiques et des produits biologiques de la biomédecine depuis les années 1980 (Greenhalgh 1987). La perspective biographique des pharmaceutiques (Whyte, Geest et Hardon 2002) a consolidé les intérêts et les approches dans les premières études sur les produits pharmaceutiques. Ces recherches ont proposé de suivre la trajectoire sociale des médicaments pour étudier les contextes d’échanges et les déplacements dans la nature symbolique qu’ont les médicaments pour les consommateurs : « En tant que choses, les médicaments peuvent être échangés entre les acteurs sociaux, ils objectivent les significations, ils se déplacent d’un cadre de signification à un autre. Ce sont des marchandises dotées d’une importance économique et de ressources recelant une valeur politique » (traduit de Whyte, Geest et Hardon 2002). D’autres ont davantage tourné leur regard vers les rapports institutionnels, les impacts et le fonctionnement de « Big Pharma ». Ils se sont intéressés aux processus de recherche et de distribution employés par les grandes pharmaceutiques à travers les études de marché et les pratiques de vente (Oldani 2014), l’accès aux médicaments (Ecks 2008), la consommation des produits pharmaceutiques (Dumit 2012) et la production de sujets d’essais cliniques globalisés (Petryna, Lakoff et Kleinman 2006), ainsi qu’aux enjeux entourant les réglementations des brevets et du respect des droits politiques et sociaux (Ecks 2008). L’accent est mis ici sur le pouvoir des produits pharmaceutiques de modifier et de changer les subjectivités contemporaines, les relations familiales (Collin 2016), de même que la compréhensions du genre et de la notion de bien-être (Sanabria 2014). Les nouvelles technologies biomédicales — entre autres génétiques — ont permis de repenser la notion de normes du corps en santé, d'en redéfinir les frontières et d’intervenir sur le corps de manière « incorporée » (embodied) (Haraway 1991). Les avancées technologiques en génomique qui se sont développées au cours des trois dernières décennies ont soulevé des enjeux tels que la généticisation, la désignation de populations/personnes « à risque », l’identification de biomarqueurs actionnables et de l’identité génétique (TallBear 2013 ; Lloyd et Raikhel 2018). Au départ, le modèle dominant en génétique cherchait à identifier les gènes spécifiques déterminant chacun des traits biologiques des organismes (Lock et Nguyen 2010 : 332). Cependant, face au constat que la plupart des gènes ne codaient par les protéines responsables de l’expression phénotypique, les modèles génétiques se sont depuis complexifiés. L’attention s’est tournée vers l’analyse de la régulation des gènes et de l’interaction entre gènes et maladies en termes de probabilités (Saukko 2017). Cela a permis l’émergence de la médecine personnalisée, dont les interventions se basent sur l’identification de biomarqueurs personnels (génétiques, sanguins, etc.) avec l’objectif de prévenir l’avènement de pathologies ou ralentir la progression de maladies chroniques (Billaud et Guchet 2015). Les anthropologues de la médecine ont investi ces enjeux en soulevant les conséquences de cette forme de médecine, comme la responsabilisation croissante des individus face à leur santé (Saukko 2017), l’utilisation de ces données dans l’accès aux assurances (Hoyweghen 2006), le déterminisme génétique (Landecker 2011) ou encore l’affaiblissement entre les frontières de la bonne santé et de la maladie (Timmermans et Buchbinder 2010). Ces enjeux ont été étudiés sous un angle féministe avec un intérêt particulier pour les effets du dépistage prénatal sur la responsabilité parentale (Rapp 1999), l’expérience de la grossesse (Rezende 2011) et les gestions de l’infertilité (Inhorn et Van Balen 2002). Les changements dans la compréhension du modèle génomique invitent à prendre en considération plusieurs variables en interaction, impliquant l’environnement proche ou lointain, qui interagissent avec l’expression du génome (Keller 2014). Dans ce contexte, l’anthropologie médicale a développé un intérêt envers de nouveaux champs d’études tels que l’épigénétique (Landecker 2011), la neuroscience (Choudhury et Slaby 2016), le microbiome (Benezra, DeStefano et Gordon 2012) et les données massives (Leonelli 2016). Dans le cas du champ de l’épigénétique, qui consiste à comprendre le rôle de l’environnement social, économique et politique comme un facteur pouvant modifier l’expression des gènes et mener au développement de certaines maladies, les anthropologues se sont intéressés aux manières dont les violences structurelles ancrées historiquement se matérialisent dans les corps et ont des impacts sur les disparités de santé entre les populations (Pickersgill, Niewöhner, Müller, Martin et Cunningham-Burley 2013). Ainsi, la notion du traumatisme historique (Kirmayer, Gone et Moses 2014) a permis d’examiner comment des événements historiques, tels que l’expérience des pensionnats autochtones, ont eu des effets psychosociaux collectifs, cumulatifs et intergénérationnels qui se sont maintenus jusqu’à aujourd’hui. L’étude de ces articulations entre conditions biologiques et sociales dans l’ère « post-génomique » prolonge les travaux sur le concept de biosocialité, qui est défini comme « [...] un réseau en circulation de termes d'identié et de points de restriction autour et à travers desquels un véritable nouveau type d'autoproduction va émerger » (Traduit de Rabinow 1996:186). La catégorie du « biologique » se voit alors problématisée à travers l’historicisation de la « nature », une nature non plus conçue comme une entité immuable, mais comme une entité en état de transformation perpétuelle imbriquée dans des processus humains et/ou non-humains (Ingold et Pálsson 2013). Ce raisonnement a également été appliqué à l’examen des catégories médicales, conçues comme étant abstraites, fixes et standardisées. Néanmoins, ces catégories permettent d'identifier différents états de la santé et de la maladie, qui doivent être compris à la lumière des contextes historiques et individuels (Lock et Nguyen 2010). Ainsi, la prise en compte simultanée du biologique et du social mène à une synthèse qui, selon Peter Guarnaccia, implique une « compréhension du corps comme étant à la fois un système biologique et le produit de processus sociaux et culturels, c’est-à-dire, en acceptant que le corps soit en même temps totalement biologique et totalement culturel » (traduit de Guarnaccia 2001 : 424). Le concept de « biologies locales » a d’abord été proposé par Margaret Lock, dans son analyse des variations de la ménopause au Japon (Lock 1993), pour rendre compte de ces articulations entre le matériel et le social dans des contextes particuliers. Plus récemment, Niewöhner et Lock (2018) ont proposé le concept de biologies situées pour davantage contextualiser les conditions d’interaction entre les biologies locales et la production de savoirs et de discours sur celles-ci. Tout au long de l’histoire de la discipline, les anthropologues s’intéressant à la médecine et aux approches de la santé ont profité des avantages de s’inscrire dans l’interdisciplinarité : « En anthropologie médical, nous trouvons qu'écrire pour des audiences interdisciplinaires sert un objectif important : élaborer une analyse minutieuse de la culture et de la santé (Dressler 2012; Singer, Dressler, George et Panel 2016), s'engager sérieusement avec la diversité globale (Manderson, Catwright et Hardon 2016), et mener les combats nécessaires contre le raccourcies des explications culturelles qui sont souvent déployées dans la littérature sur la santé (Viruell-Fuentes, Miranda et Abdulrahim 2012) » (traduit de Panter-Brick et Eggerman 2018 : 236). L’anthropologie médicale s’est constituée à la fois comme un sous champ de l’anthropologie socioculturelle et comme un champ interdisciplinaire dont les thèmes de recherche sont grandement variés, et excèdent les exemples qui ont été exposés dans cette courte présentation.