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Journal articles on the topic 'Mexico – Church history'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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1

Espinosa, David. "“Restoring Christian Social Order”: The Mexican Catholic Youth Association (1913-1932)." Americas 59, no. 4 (April 2003): 451–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0037.

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[our goal] is nothing less that the coordination of the living forces of Mexican Catholic youth for the purpose of restoring Christian social order in Mexico …(A.C.J.M.’s “General Statutes”)The Mexican Catholic Youth Association emerged during the Mexican Revolution dedicated to the goal of creating lay activists with a Catholic vision for society. The history of this Jesuit organization provides insights into Church-State relations from the military phase of the Mexican Revolution to its consolidation in the 1920s and 1930s. The Church-State conflict is a basic issue in Mexico's political struggles of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, with the Church mobilizing forces wherever it could during these years dominated by anticlericalism. During the 1920s, the Mexican Catholic Youth Association (A.C.J.M.) was in the forefront of the Church's efforts to respond to the government's anticlerical policies. The A.C.J.M.’s subsequent estrangement from the top Church leadership also serves to highlight the complex relationship that existed between the Mexican bishops and the Catholic laity and the ideological divisions that existed within Mexico's Catholic community as a whole.

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2

Stauffer, Brian. "The Routes of Intransigence:Mexico's ‘Spiritual Pilgrimage’ of 1874 and the Globalization of Ultramontane Catholicism." Americas 75, no. 2 (April 2018): 291–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2017.181.

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In the fall of 1874, in the midst a particularly severe round of Church-state conflict, Mexico's archbishop, Pelagio Antonio Labastida y Dávalos, introduced a novel weapon in the Catholic Church's struggle against liberal anticlericalism. He had sought and obtained a special dispensation from Pope Pius IX for all Mexicans to participate in a “spiritual pilgrimage,” a month-long exercise of mental travel, prayer, and contemplation that would figuratively transport the faithful out of Mexico's anticlerical milieu and into the purified air of Jerusalem, Rome, and other Old World holy sites, where they would pray for divine intercession on behalf of the embattled Church. The practice had been inaugurated a year earlier by lay Catholics in Bologna, as a response to the prohibition of mass pilgrimages in the flesh in the former Papal States. Labastida y Dávalos felt that spiritual pilgrimage could be especially effective in Mexico, where the anticlerical government of Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada had embarked on a radical program of secularization. In fact, the recently codified Laws of Reform had likewise prohibited acts of public religiosity in Mexico, attempting thus to suppress the myriad local processions and mass pilgrimages that helped to define Mexican Catholicism.

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3

BUTLER, MATTHEW. "The Church in ‘Red Mexico’: Michoacán Catholics and the Mexican Revolution, 1920–1929." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55, no. 3 (July 2004): 520–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904009960.

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This article recreates the everyday experiences of rural Catholics in Mexico during the Church–State crisis of the 1920s and the cristero revolt (1926–9) against Mexico's post-revolutionary regime. Focusing on the archdiocese of Michoacán in western Mexico, the article contends that the 1920s should be viewed not only as a period of political tension between Church and State, but as a period of attempted cultural revolution when the very beliefs of Mexican Catholics were under attack. It is then argued that the behaviour of many Catholics during the cristero revolt is best described not as overt counter-revolutionism, but as defensive cultural and spiritual resistance designed to thwart the state's secularising aims by reaffirming and reproducing proscribed Catholic rituals and practices in collaboration with the parish clergy. The article then examines Catholic strategies of resistance during the cristero revolt and their consequences, above all the parochialisation and laicisation of the Church.

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4

Reyes, Sofía Crespo, and Pamela J. Fuentes. "Bodies and Souls." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 36, no. 1-2 (2020): 243–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.243.

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This article examines debates about the bodies and souls of women prostitutes in Mexico City that confronted the revolutionary Mexican government with the Catholic Church in the 1920s. We analyze the philanthropic activities of women’s organizations such as the Damas Católicas through the Ejército de Defensa de la Mujer and the ways in which they engaged in political roles at a time of fierce political struggle between the Catholic Church and the Mexican government. For both the government and Catholic women, it was deemed necessary to isolate and seclude the prostitutes’ bodies to cure them of venereal diseases and rehabilite them morally. While the government interned them at Hospital Morelos, Catholic women established a private assistance network, as well as so-called casas de regeneración, where former prostitutes had to work to sustain themselves while repenting for their sins and receiving the sacraments. By exploring the tension-filled interaction about women prostitutes between the Mexican government and the Catholic Church, we seek to contribute to the understanding of sexuality and prostitution in Mexico City in the 1920s.

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5

Gómez Peralta, Héctor. "THE ROLE OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN MEXICO’S POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0601017p.

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This article shows and explains the different political positions and actions that the Catholic Church in Mexico has had throughout the twentieth century, culminating with the transition to democracy that the nation experienced in 2000. It is about the contemporary history of the Church-State relationships in Mexico. The central position of the author is that the Catholic Church in Mexico has not been an “ideological state apparatus”, by contrast, has played a role as auditor of public life, being a strong critic of the post-revolutionary political system, even becoming an agent who helped to establish in Mexico a competitive and plural party system.

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6

coerver, don m. "Church, State, and Civil War in Revolutionary Mexico." Diplomatic History 31, no. 3 (June 2007): 575–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2007.00633.x.

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7

Warren, J. Benedict, and John Frederick Schwaller. "Church and Clergy in Sixteenth-Century Mexico." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 4 (November 1988): 823. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515697.

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8

Warren, J. Benedict. "Church and Clergy in Sixteenth-Century Mexico." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 4 (November 1, 1988): 823. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-68.4.823.

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9

Taylor, William. "Our Lady in the Kernel of Corn, 1774." Americas 59, no. 4 (April 2003): 559–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2003.0059.

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Marian apparitions and miraculous images in Mexico inevitably bring to mind one renowned figure — Our Lady of Guadalupe and its shrine at Tepeyac in the Valley of Mexico. Guadalupe is, indeed, a touchstone to the history of Catholicism and popular devotion in Mexico, and Mexico is a special case of a religious image becoming the main symbol for an emerging nation. As Jeannette Rodríguez recently wrote, “To be of Mexican descent is to recognize the image of Our Lady of Guadalupe.” But devotion to Our Lady of Guadalupe has a history. This image has not always been, and in some ways still is not, the dominant symbol throughout Mexico, and the location of its principal shrine on the edge of Mexico City is as much a key to its importance as is its association with the oldest Marian apparition officially recognized by the Catholic Church. Dozens of different shrines to other miraculous images have captured the hearts of thousands, sometimes millions of followers in Mexico. They still do.

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10

Gasco, Janine, and John Frederick Schwaller. "The Church and Clergy in Sixteenth-Century Mexico." Ethnohistory 36, no. 3 (1989): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482691.

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11

Costeloe, Michael P., and John Frederick Schwaller. "Origins of Church Wealth in Mexico: Ecclesiastical Revenues and Church Finances, 1523-1600." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 2 (May 1986): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2515143.

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12

Costeloe, Michael P. "Origins of Church Wealth in Mexico: Ecclesiastical Revenues and Church Finances, 1523-1600." Hispanic American Historical Review 66, no. 2 (May 1, 1986): 372–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-66.2.372.

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13

Navarro, Carlos, and Miguel Leatham. "Pentecostal Adaptations in Rural and Urban Mexico: An Anthropological Assessment." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 20, no. 1 (2004): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2004.20.1.145.

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Pentecostalism is the fastest-growing form of Protestant religion in rural and urban Mexico. Anthropological studies have shown that high church-formation rates are related to Pentecostal asceticism and organizational flexibility. Rural Pentecostal migrants in Mexican cities retain a worldview that is largely centered on the work ethic and proscriptions of costly worldly behaviors. A comparison of findings from urban and rural settings shows how Pentecostal ideology allows for a pragmatic stance toward prosperity and community structure. Thus, Mexican Pentecostalism has emerged as a promoter of autochthonous adaptations to diverse socioeconomic environments.

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14

Lamb, Ursula, and John Frederick Schwaller. "The Church and Clergy in Sixteenth-Century Mexico." American Historical Review 94, no. 2 (April 1989): 557. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1867026.

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15

Lewis, Stephen E. "Church and State Education in Revolutionary Mexico City." Hispanic American Historical Review 85, no. 2 (May 1, 2005): 343–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-85-2-343.

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16

Young, Julia G. "Fascists, Nazis, or Something Else?: Mexico's Unión Nacional Sinarquista in the US Media, 1937–1945." Americas 79, no. 2 (March 17, 2022): 229–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.142.

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AbstractThis paper examines the public relations battles in the US media over Mexico's Unión Nacional Sinarquista (UNS), an explicitly Catholic social movement founded in 1937 that aimed to restore the Church to its traditional role in Mexican society and to reject the reforms of the revolutionary government. The sinarquistas shared many of the features of fascism and Nazism, the major global antidemocratic movements of the time, including a strident nationalism, authoritarian leanings, an emphasis on martial discipline and strict organizational structure, and a militant aesthetic. Both its ideological leanings and rapid growth (as many as 500,000 members by the early 1940s) led many US writers to suggest that the UNS represented a dangerous fifth-column threat to both Mexico and the United States. Others, particularly in the Catholic press, saw the UNS as an anticommunist organization that could actually help foster democracy in Mexico. For their part, UNS leaders defended themselves vociferously and sought to build relationships with influential US Catholics who could advocate for them in the press. By analyzing this debate, this paper both underscores the transnational characteristics of the UNS and highlights the crucial role of US public opinion in Mexican politics during the 1940s.

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17

Wasserman-Soler, Daniel I. "Lengua de los indios, lengua española:Religious Conversion and the Languages of New Spain, ca. 1520–1585." Church History 85, no. 4 (December 2016): 690–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640716000755.

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This article examines the language policies of sixteenth-century Mexico, aiming more generally to illuminate efforts by Mexican bishops to foster conversions to Christianity. At various points throughout the colonial era, the Spanish Crown and the Catholic Church propagated the use of Castilian among Amerindians; leaders of these institutions, however, also encouraged priests to study indigenous languages. That Spanish authorities appear to have never settled on a firm language policy has puzzled modern scholars, who have viewed the Crown and its churchmen as vacillating between “pro-indigenous” and “pro-Castilian” sentiments. This article suggests, however, that Mexico's bishops intentionally extended simultaneous support to both indigenous languages and Castilian. Church and Crown officials tended to avoid firm ideological commitments to one language; instead they made practical decisions, concluding that different contexts called for distinct languages. An examination of the decisions made by leading churchmen offers insight into how they helped to create a Spanish-American religious landscape in which both indigenous and Spanish elements co-existed.

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18

Knight, A. "Superstition in Mexico: From Colonial Church to Secular State." Past & Present 199, Supplement 3 (January 1, 2008): 229–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtm067.

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19

Gonzales, Michael J. "Imagining Mexico in 1921: Visions of the Revolutionary State and Society in the Centennial Celebration in Mexico City." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 25, no. 2 (2009): 247–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2009.25.2.247.

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In September of 1921, the government of Alvaro Obregóón organized a lavish commemoration of the centennial of Agustíín de Iturbide's ouster of Spanish authority and the creation of Mexico. The occasion gave the administration the opportunity to present its image of the revolutionary state and society within the context of historical memory and public policy. The official program promoted economic and social programs rooted in nineteenth-century liberalism, as well as a new cultural vision that portrayed contemporary indigenous culture as integral to Mexican national identity. The occasion also gave conservatives the opportunity to present a counternarrative of Mexican history in newspaper articles and editorials that championed Iturbide, the Catholic Church, and Mexico's Spanish heritage. The organization of cultural and sporting events also showcased traditional and popular culture. En Septiembre de 1921, el gobierno de Alvaro Obregóón organizóó una celebracióón para conmemorar el centenario de la expulsióón de la monarquíía españñola por parte de Agustíín de Iturbide y del nacimiento del Estado mexicano. La ocasióón permitióó al réégimen presentar su imagen como Estado revolucionario dentro del contexto de la memoria históórica y políítica púública. La agenda oficial promovíía programas econóómicos y sociales basados en el liberalismo del siglo diecinueve, y en una políítica nueva que presentaba a las culturas indíígenas contemporááneas como parte integral de la identidad mexicana. La celebracióón tambiéén dio a los conservadores la oportunidad de presentar una interpretacióón de la historia mexicana que iba en contra de la oficial. ÉÉsta fue presentada en artíículos y editoriales de perióódicos que celebraban a Iturbide, la iglesia catóólica y la herencia españñola en Mééxico. La organizacióón de eventos culturales y deportivos tambiéén revelóó aspectos centrales de la cultura tradicional y popular.

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20

McCrea, Heather L. "On Sacred Ground: The Church and Burial Rites in Nineteenth-Century Yucatáán, Mexico." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 23, no. 1 (2007): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2007.23.1.33.

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Throughout mid-nineteenth century epidemics of cholera, smallpox, and yellow fever, state and Church officials vied for control over the sacred terrain of cemetery management and burial regulations. Amidst sweeping national attacks on Church privilege, state officials crafted policies to contain contagion and undermine Church authority over the sacred realm of death. Between 1847 and 1855, mortality skyrocketed in Yucatáán from the dual calamities of disease and the civil war known as the Caste War. As the war unfolded and epidemics persisted, residents were drawn into a power struggle between emergent public health policies and long-practiced Catholic and Maya burial customs.

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21

Espinosa, David. "Student Politics, National Politics: Mexico’s National Student Union, 1926–1943." Americas 62, no. 4 (April 2006): 533–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2006.0064.

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In 1926 students enrolled in Mexico City’s exclusive Catholic preparatory schools faced a crisis that threatened to ruin their academic careers. They were in a serious quandary because officials at the government-supported National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) were placing what were viewed as unfair obstacles to their plans of matriculating into the university, thereby threatening the aspirations that these students and their parents had for their futures. Their predicament was directly related to the deteriorating political climate that would soon produce the religious civil war known as the Cristero Rebellion of 1926-1929. These students were being victimized by pro-government UNAM officials because of their Catholic Church affiliation; this at a time that the Church was locked in a bitter struggle with President Plutarco Elías Calles (1924-1928). The heart of the conflict was Calles’s steadfast determination to enforce the anticlerical provisions contained in the Constitution of 1917. This landmark document encapsulated many of the central demands of the men and women who, like President Calles, had fought in the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). Calles was a dedicated anticlerical who believed that the nation’s social, political, economic, and educational development required a dramatic reduction in the Roman Catholic Church’s influence within Mexican society.By mid 1926 these affected students had organized themselves into a citywide student group, the Union of Private School Students, with the goal of defending themselves from what they perceived to be the arbitrary, ideologically driven actions of university officials. However, the evolution of this nascent student organization changed dramatically when its activities drew the attention and interest of the country’s most important Catholic official, the Archbishop of Mexico José Mora y del Río.

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22

Camp, Roderic Ai. "The Cross in the Polling Booth: Religion, Politics, and the Laity in Mexico." Latin American Research Review 29, no. 3 (1994): 69–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100035548.

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The Catholic clergy and the military have played crucial roles in Mexican history yet have been largely ignored in recent twentieth-cenury scholarship. The military received some attention in the early post-revolutionary period because it was intertwined with political leadership, but religious elites and the Catholic Church, which were separate from the state and suppressed by it, have not been analyzed. As a rule, cohesive leadership groups in Mexico with values differing from politicians, strong institutional structures, and autonomy from the state have rarely been examined, especially in relationship to the state and politics in general. Conversely, the greater a group's ties to the Mexican political establishment, as measured by exchanges between leadership, the more scholars have learned about that group. Whereas intellectuals, entrepreneurs, military officers, and even opposition politicians share some ties with the state, the Catholic Church has no direct links, and its contemporary leaders, goals, and institutional structures remain relatively unknown and little understood.

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23

Hensel, Silke. "People Love Their Religion: Political Conflict on Religion in Early Independent Mexico." Religions 12, no. 1 (January 16, 2021): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010060.

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Global histories commonly attribute the secularization of the state exclusively to Europe. However, the church state conflict over these issues has been an important thread in much of Latin America. In Mexico, questions about the role of religion and the church in society became a major political conflict after independence. Best known for the Mexican case are the disputes over the constitution of 1857, which laid down the freedom of religion, and the Cristero Revolt in the 1920s. However, the history of struggles over secularization goes back further. In 1835, the First Republic ultimately failed, because of the massive protests against the anticlerical laws of the government. In the paper, this failure is understood as a genuine religious conflict over the question of the proper social and political order, in which large sections of the population were involved. Beginning with the anticlerical laws of 1833, political and religious reaction in Mexico often began with a pronunciamiento (a mixture of rebellion and petitioning the authorities) and evolved into conflicts over federalism vs. centralism.

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24

Cummins, Victoria Hennessey. "The Church and Business Practices in Late Sixteenth Century Mexico." Americas 44, no. 4 (April 1988): 421–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006968.

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Historians have long been interested in shedding light on the numerous, habitual transactions that constitute economic life at its basic level. Yet, questions about how men transact business as individuals, and how they feel about it are largely unanswered by traditional political and bureaucratic records, perhaps because these activities were so commonplace to the society, so well-known and unremarkable to contemporaries as to obviate remark in the records. A study of the extensive records of the Roman Catholic Church, however, can shed light on this, and many other aspects of Spanish colonial society in Mexico.

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25

Frederick, Jake. "Without Impediment: Crossing Racial Boundaries in Colonial Mexico." Americas 67, no. 04 (April 2011): 495–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500000341.

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On April 18, 1773, in the town of Teziutlán in the eastern mountains of Mexico, Captain don Raphael Padres participated in the baptism of his godson in the local church. He stood watching as Father Francisco Flandes leaned over the baptismal font to daub oil on the head of Joseph Philipe. As the priest performed the sacrament, reciting the script of baptism, the boy's parents, don Cristóbal Hernández and doña Isabel Pérez, followed along. After anointing the child, Father Flandes turned to the militia captain to inform him of his responsibilities as godfather, explaining the spiritual kinship that Padres now had with the boy. After the rite was completed, the priest recorded his actions in the church's book of baptisms. He noted the boy's age and that he had been legitimately born the previous day. He also listed the names of the boy, his parents, the godfather, and the godfather's wife, doña Josepha Fernández. The priest also pointed out that all the adults were españoles (of pure Spanish ancestry).

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Frederick, Jake. "Without Impediment: Crossing Racial Boundaries in Colonial Mexico." Americas 67, no. 4 (April 2011): 495–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2011.0072.

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On April 18, 1773, in the town of Teziutlán in the eastern mountains of Mexico, Captain don Raphael Padres participated in the baptism of his godson in the local church. He stood watching as Father Francisco Flandes leaned over the baptismal font to daub oil on the head of Joseph Philipe. As the priest performed the sacrament, reciting the script of baptism, the boy's parents, don Cristóbal Hernández and doña Isabel Pérez, followed along. After anointing the child, Father Flandes turned to the militia captain to inform him of his responsibilities as godfather, explaining the spiritual kinship that Padres now had with the boy. After the rite was completed, the priest recorded his actions in the church's book of baptisms. He noted the boy's age and that he had been legitimately born the previous day. He also listed the names of the boy, his parents, the godfather, and the godfather's wife, doña Josepha Fernández. The priest also pointed out that all the adults were españoles (of pure Spanish ancestry).

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27

Tomasz Szyszka. "Zarys historii ewangelizacji Meksyku od XVI do XVII wieku." Annales Missiologici Posnanienses 24 (December 31, 2019): 7–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/amp.2019.24.1.

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The evangelization of Mexico in the 16th and 17th centuries is a fascinating period in the history of Christianization of the New World. The creative confrontation of the then missionaries (Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinians, and Jesuits) with local cultures and beliefs and the Spanish conquest system resulted in the development of innovative methods of working with indigenous peoples (catechisms, education, art, hospitality, scientiﬁ c research) and the creation of stable church structures in Mexico.

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28

Veselova, Irina. "Between church and state: The Catholic Youth Association of Mexico in the struggle for Christian social order." Latin-American Historical Almanac 35, no. 1 (September 24, 2022): 161–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-35-1-161-180.

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This article focuses on the history of the Mexican Catholic Youth Association (MCYA), one of a few Catholic organiza-tions that emerged in Mexico in the early twentieth century. By examining the ideological foundations and activities of MCYA, the author identifies the reasons why this youth or-ganization became the major social force in the conflict be-tween the state and the church in Mexico in the second half of the 1920s. According to the author, the conflict was based on ideological confrontation: the idea of the Christian social or-der as an ideal type of social structure of the state collided with the new political course pursued by the Mexican gov-ernment. In this situation, MCYA, which was conceived as a non-political organization, quickly shifted from participants' joint religious practices and social assistance to civil rights activism in response to anti-clerical state policies. The article also draws attention to the fact that MCYA was the forerunner of several other associations which were supposed to fight against various left-wing movements and, above all, socialist movements.

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29

Connaughton, Brian. "Agio, clero y bancarrota fiscal, 1846-1847." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 14, no. 2 (1998): 263–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1051930.

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This article analyzes the loans made by the Mexican Church to the national government between 1835 and 1846, and especially in the years 1846 and 1847. It relates the significant increase in the loaned amounts to the government's growing indebtedness, while pointing out the clear tendency, beginning in 1842, for loans from suffragan dioceses to dry up. By 1846 and particularly 1847, the burden of providing ecclesiastical loans to the federal government fell mainly upon the Archbishopric of Mexico. As a result, diocesan authorities increasingly condemned usury, considered as undermining their own position, and parallel symptoms of crisis within ecclesiastical institutions.

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30

García Ugarte, Marta Eugenia, and Sergio Francisco Rosas Salas. "The Catholic Church in Mexico according to its historians (1960-2010)." Anuario de Historia de la Iglesia 25 (June 1, 2016): 91–161. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/007.25.91-161.

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31

O'Hara, Matthew. "Politics and Piety: The Church in Colonial and Nineteenth-Century Mexico." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 17, no. 1 (2001): 213–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2001.17.1.213.

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32

Curley, Robert. "Anticlericalism and Public Space in Revolutionary Jalisco." Americas 65, no. 4 (April 2009): 511–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0107.

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The anticlerical attacks of radical nineteenth-century liberals provoked the Church and aided the rise of confessional politics from continental Europe to revolutionary Mexico. In the European case, Stathis Kalyvas has recently proposed that such anticlerical liberalism was often moved by two distinctive motives, one narrow and political, the other broad and institutional. These motives can be associated with the concepts of tactic and strategy as laid out by Michel de Certeau. Working from both conceptual pairings, we can characterize anticlericalism sometimes as a political tactic, responding to conjunctural circumstances, and other times as an institutional strategy, plotting out a terrain and a path on which to forge present and future power relationships. This sort of conceptualization, I believe, is also well-suited to analyses of revolutionary Mexico. Nonetheless, for the distinction between “political-tactical” and “institutional-strategic” to be helpful, historians also need to place anticlericalism within the confusing logic of destruction and reconstruction inherent to Mexico's revolutionary process.

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33

Truitt, J. "Courting Catholicism: Nahua Women and the Catholic Church in Colonial Mexico City." Ethnohistory 57, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 415–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2010-004.

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34

Volk, Steven S., and D. A. Brading. "Church and State in Bourbon Mexico: The Diocese of Michoacan, 1749-1818." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 2 (1996): 361. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205218.

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35

Butler, Matthew. "Keeping the Faith in Revolutionary Mexico: Clerical and Lay Resistance to Religious Persecution, East Michoacán, 1926-1929." Americas 59, no. 1 (July 2002): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2002.0067.

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This article analyses the character of local religious practice in the archdiocese of Michoacán during Mexico'scristerorebellion, and explores the relationship between ‘official’ and ‘popular’ religion under persecution. In particular, it shows how the Catholic clergy and laity reconstructed the religious life at parish level in an attempt to mitigate the effects of the revolutionary state's campaigns against the Church. For a variety of reasons, the significance of such passive resistance to the state, and the complexity of the interaction between the ecclesiastical elite and the Catholic laity, tend to be downplayed in many existing accounts. Perhaps unsurprisingly, many historians see cristero violence as the most important response to religious persecution, and therefore study it to the exclusion of alternative, less visible, modes of resistance. As for the Church, the hierarchy's wranglings with the regime similarly tend to overshadow the labours of priests and their parishioners under persecution. But the full range of popular experiences has also been deliberately compressed for ideological reasons. Many Catholic writers, for instance, seek to exalt the Church by describing a persecution of mythical ferocity. While Calles is likened to Herod, Nero, or Diocletian, the clergy and laity comprise a uniform Church of martyrs designate in revolt against a godless state. To achieve this instructive vision, however, a few exemplary martyrs—such as Father Pro and Anacleto González Flores—are allowed to stand for the whole mass of priests and believers, in the same way that Edmund Campion is revered as the protomartyr of the Elizabethan persecution in England. As a result, a stereotypical but politically serviceable image of a monolithic Church is perpetuated, an image which was recently institutionalised by the canonisation of 25 ‘cristero’ martyrs in May 2000.

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Cordero, Jorge A. Sánchez. "Final Document from the Regional Workshop: “The Protection and Safeguard of Cultural Heritage Property of the Church of Latin America and the Caribbean”." International Journal of Cultural Property 16, no. 4 (November 2009): 393–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739109990312.

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From 29th September to 1st October, a workshop was organized in Mexico City by UNESCO on the theme, “The Protection and Safeguard of Cultural Heritage Property of the Church of Latin America and the Caribbean.”

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Jrade, Ramón. "Inquiries Into the Cristero Insurrection Against the Mexican Revolution." Latin American Research Review 20, no. 2 (1985): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100034488.

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Interest in the Cristero insurrection against the Mexican Revolution has continued unabated since the 1960s. Until now all the major published studies have viewed the rebellion as the climactic outcome of the long-standing conflict between church and state in Mexico. By adopting this perspective, these works have deepened knowledge of church-state relations and sharply delineated the composition and development of Catholic and revolutionary factions. At the same time, these studies have offered a wide range of interpretations of the Cristero movement, interpretations that are incompatible with one another.

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Deeds, Susan M., and D. A. Brading. "Church and State in Bourbon Mexico: The Diocese of Michoacan, 1749-1810." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 2 (May 1996): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517170.

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Deeds, Susan M. "Church and State in Bourbon Mexico: The Diocese of Michoacán, 1749-1810." Hispanic American Historical Review 76, no. 2 (May 1, 1996): 350–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-76.2.350.

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BUTLER, MATTHEW. "Revolution and the Ritual Year: Religious Conflict and Innovation in Cristero Mexico." Journal of Latin American Studies 38, no. 3 (July 19, 2006): 465–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x06001131.

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This article analyses Catholic responses to persecution of the Church by the Mexican state during Mexico's cristero rebellion (1926–9) and seeks to make a new contribution to the revolt's religious history. Faced with the Calles regime's anticlericalism, the article argues, Mexico's episcopate developed an alternative cultic model premised on a revitalised lay religion. The article then focuses on changes and continuities in lay – clerical relations, and on the new religious powers of the faithful, now empowered to celebrate ‘white’ masses and certain sacraments by themselves. The article concludes that persecution created new spaces for lay religious participation, showing the 1910–40 Revolution to be a period of religious, as well as social, upheaval.

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Benton, Bradley. "The Wandering Children of Mexico: Sixteenth-Century Colegios for Mestizos." Ethnohistory 69, no. 4 (October 1, 2022): 381–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-9881197.

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Abstract Children with one Spanish and one Indigenous parent (called mestizos in subsequent generations), particularly from the lower levels of society, were viewed as problematic in the first decades of Spanish rule in New Spain. By the 1550s, colegios had been established to house and educate them. This article examines official discourses surrounding early mestizos and their colegios and their place within Novohispanic society. While documents produced by royal and church officials form an important share of the primary sources used in the study, the author also examines more mundane documents related to the colegios produced by Mexico City’s notaries from the 1550s to the 1570s. The notarial documents demonstrate that these institutions were important to Mexico City residents both rich and poor, both white and non-white.

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Anna, Timothy E. "The Rule of Agustín de Iturbide: A Reappraisal." Journal of Latin American Studies 17, no. 1 (May 1985): 79–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00009202.

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After a struggle of eleven years, and the loss, according to the conservative estimate of Carlos María de Bustamante, of 2000,0000 lives, Mexico awoke in September 1821 an independent nation. For months before the culmination of independence there was no doubt who would rule the nation – that is, who was the de facto chief of state, at least for the moment. Agustin de Iturbide, author of the Plan of Iguala, conceiver of the idea of the Three Guarantees that united all factions in favor of independence, chief of the Army of the Three Guarantees, signatory on Mexico's part of the Treaties of Cordoba that granted independence de jure (in Mexico's view), was the undisputed leader. Incorruptible, invincible, wise, Christian, the consummate politician, the salvation of the Church, the Protector of Spaniards in Mexico, the Hero of Iguala, the Liberator, the Father of the Nation, Iturbide had broken the yoke of the Lion of Castile. Mexicans, of all political persuasions, rallied around the demigod in a euphoria of rejoicing and hope that has no equal in the history of the country.

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Delpar, Helen. "Frank Tannenbaum: The Making of a Mexicanist, 1914-1933." Americas 45, no. 2 (October 1988): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006782.

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On April 19, 1914—two days before the seizure of Vera Cruz by United States marines—North American radicals gathered at Carnegie Hall in New York City to protest the expected use of force against Mexico by the administration of Woodrow Wilson. One of the speakers, William (“Big Bill”) Haywood of the Industrial Workers of the World, threatened a nationwide general strike should the United States go to war against Mexico, and the crowd approved a resolution condemning any act of armed intervention.But the Mexican crisis was not the only issue that aroused the crowd at Carnegie hall. A second resolution was approved which denounced the imprisonment of a young immigrant called Frank Tannenbaum, who had recently been sentenced to a year in the penitentiary for participating in an illegal assembly. On March 4 — his twenty-first birthday — Tannenbaum had led an “army of the unemployed” into the Roman Catholic Church of St. Alphonsus on West Broadway and had demanded shelter. His arrest that night and subsequent trial had become acause célèbreamong liberals and radicals who believed that he had been the victim of a miscarriage of justice.

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Castro, Robert F., and Rihao Gao. "THE DEVIL IN DISGUISE." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 12, no. 2 (2015): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x15000193.

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AbstractFor generations, Mexican and American Indian populations reciprocally and ritualistically took captives from one another’s societies in what are today the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. These captive-taking wars breached the expansion of the American state into the west (1850s) and tested the ability of the American state to enforce law and policy in a frontier environment. This intriguing history, however, has yet to be addressed in legal and social science research on race. Our goal in this article is two-fold: (1) to determine whether the captive status of individuals taken in these endemic borderland wars is visible within surviving U.S. administrative materials (e.g., census); and (2) to determine whether close analysis of census materials can be used to ascertain whether federal liberators were able to abolish the captive-taking trade relative to their official mandate. The authors analyze a core sample of 1860s-era census materials from the City of Santa Fe, New Mexico—which has a documented history of Indian captivity and enslavement—as well as church records to determine whether these materials indicate the continuance of captivity even after federal liberators had the opportunity to abolish the trade.

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O’Hara, Matthew D. "Stone, Mortar, and Memory: Church Construction and Communities in Late Colonial Mexico City." Hispanic American Historical Review 86, no. 4 (November 1, 2006): 647–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2006-046.

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Lombera, Juan Manuel. "The Church of the Poor and Civil Society in Southern Mexico: Oaxaca, 1960s–2010s." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 3 (August 28, 2018): 640–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009418781740.

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The progressive movement of the Catholic Church that flourished after the Second Vatican Council (1962–5) continues to exert a strong influence on Latin American politics and society. Moreover, we can now observe this movement’s influence in new areas: no longer apparent only in a strictly ecclesiastical sphere, its influence can now be felt within the ambit of civil society. This article analyzes and explains the evolution of ‘the church of the poor’ in Oaxaca from its sponsorship by the Catholic hierarchy starting in the early 1960s through its transformation into civil society organizations beginning in the 1990s.

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Kloppe-Santamaría, Gema. "The Lynching of the Impious." Americas 77, no. 1 (January 2020): 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2019.73.

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AbstractThis article analyzes the impact that religion had on the act of lynching and its legitimation in postrevolutionary Mexico. Basing its argument on the examination of several cases of lynching that took place after the religiously motivated Cristero War had ended, the article argues that the profanation of religious objects and precincts revered by Catholics, the propagation of conservative and reactionary ideologies among Catholic believers, and parish priests’ implicit or explicit endorsement of belligerent forms of Catholic activism all contributed to the perpetuation of lynching from the 1930s through the 1950s. Taking together, these three factors point at the relationship between violence and the material, symbolic, and political dimensions of Catholics’ religious experience in postrevolutionary Mexico. The fact that lynching continued well into the 1940s and 1950s, when Mexican authorities and the Catholic hierarchy reached a closer, even collaborative relationship, shows the modus vivendi between state and Church did not bring an end to religious violence in Mexico. This continuity in lynching also illuminates the centrality that popular – as opposed to official or institutional - strands of Catholicism had in construing the use of violence as a legitimate means to defend religious beliefs and symbols, and protect the social and political orders associated with Catholic religion at the local level. Victims of religiously motivated lynchings included blasphemous and anticlerical individuals, people that endorsed socialist and communist ideas, as well as people that professed Protestant beliefs and practices.

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Puma, Jorge. "The Nazas-Aguanaval Group: Radical Priests, Catholic Networks, and Maoist Politics in Northern Mexico." Americas 79, no. 2 (March 11, 2022): 291–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.141.

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AbstractThis article deals with the emergence of the Nazas-Aguanaval group of priests in the northern region of La Laguna, in northern Mexico, after the Second Vatican Council and the 1968 Medellín Conference of the Latin American Episcopal Council (CELAM). I argue that both the reformism of the Second Vatican council and the push for a “preferential option for the poor” provided the space for an alliance between the progressive priests of the Nazas-Aguanaval group and the Maoist activists of Política Popular (People's Politics, PP). In this context, it was the Nazas-Aguanaval priests who introduced Política Popular's Maoism in La Laguna and Chiapas among peasants and students. At the same time, the radical tradition and economic conditions of La Laguna made it possible for local left-wing activists to connect with transnational currents such as the Movement of Priests for the Third World and Christians for Socialism. Based on a broad array of sources—including oral histories, Maoist pamphlets, local newspapers, Mexican security archives, and documentation from Mexican and Latin American priests’ organizations—this article brings together the regional history of protest in La Laguna, the historiography of the Global Sixties, and the history of the progressive factions of the Catholic Church in Latin America.

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Gómez Aiza, Adriana. "The Rights of Royal Patronage and the Legitimacy of anti-Clericalism after the Independence of Mexico." Edähi Boletín Científico de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades del ICSHu 10, Especial (February 28, 2022): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.29057/icshu.v10iespecial.7870.

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The Church-State statutory institutional relationship is particularly significant apropos the debate of cultural tolerance. Here, I review the mechanisms by which this relation circumscribes to an ethno-centric pattern in the reading of Mexican history, and examine the discursive atmosphere the Church and the State institutional struggle to master the symbols of nationhood, and account for the ethnic images ratified by institutional narratives with liberal pragmatic postulates. In particular, I focus on the complex netting of political demarcations between religious and civil institutions, and its distinctive tone they acquired under Hispanic Patronage; all of which set the background upon which the Church’s antagonism to official lay discourses on Mexican identity appears futile.

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Wasserman-Soler, Daniel I. "Comparing the New World and the Old: Fray Juan Bautista and the Languages of the Spanish Monarchy." Journal of Early Modern History 25, no. 3 (May 25, 2021): 227–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-bja10018.

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Abstract Born in New Spain, fray Juan Bautista Viseo (b. 1555) authored perhaps a dozen books in Nahuatl, Castilian, and Latin, making him one of the most prolific writers of the colonial period in Mexico. While many are lost, his available texts provide a valuable window into religious conversion efforts in the Spanish monarchy around 1600. This paper investigates his recommendations regarding how priests and members of religious orders ought to use indigenous languages. In the sixteenth-century Spanish territories, Church and Crown officials discussed language strategies on several fronts. This paper also compares Juan Bautista’s ideas about language use in Mexico to similar discussions elsewhere in the Spanish kingdoms. Existing scholarship has highlighted parallels in how the Spanish monarchy dealt with Native American and Islamic communities. However, an examination of Juan Bautista’s writing, together with that of contemporary churchmen, suggests fundamental differences in the ways that Spanish officials thought about and approached Amerindians and Moriscos.

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