Journal articles on the topic 'Metropolitan West District'

The arrangements for dealing with Major Accidents in the United Kingdom are set out in the Health Circular (HC(77)1) which places the onus for planning on Health Districts—each district serving a population of no greater than 200,000. The Metropolitan Area of West Yorkshire, served by the West Yorkshire Metropolitan Ambulance Service, the West Yorkshire Metropolitan Police and the West Yorkshire Fire Service, takes in nine such districts and covers an area of 794,000 square miles and a population of just over two million. West Yorkshire is traversed by two motorways and a major trunk road.

ABSTRACTKuningan regency as one of the regencies in West Java Province, is a counter magnet area. This area is expected to absorb the increase of population and give socio-economic service in urbanization process of Jakarta Metropolitan. The main pull factor in the urbanization process is the opportunity to work in the city. This causes the productive workforce go to the city. Although the economic sector that can accommodate labor from the rural is the informal sector, that did not prevent the seasonal workers from Cisukadana went to the city.This research was conducted in Cisukadana Village, Kadugede District, Kuningan Regency. The quantitative method were used in this research. This study aims to illustrate how the urbanization process in megapolitan city of Jakarta can affect the types of work in the village of Cisukadana, Kadugede district, Kuningan regency, West Java. Based on the findings, it appears that almost half of the total household heads in Cisukadana Village are seasonal workers, working in the informal sector in Jakarta. And of the total number of workers, most of them work as pedagang siomay.

In response to the changes in the human and natural environment, developing countries have experienced dramatic urbanization. In this paper, North 24 Parganas district has been taken to understand the changing pattern and the causes of urbanization, its relationship with socio-economic development. The urbanization process has been analyzed for the period 1951-2011 of all the 22 Blocks using the Census of India data. The decadal growth rate of urban population and urban centers are analyzed to study the trend pattern of urbanization. The trend of urbanization in the district shows a different pattern than in the state. Though the share of the urban population and the number of urban centers in the district are the highest in the state, the growth rate of the urban population shows a declining trend. At the Block level, the spatial and temporal pattern of urbanization in the district is highly variable due to socio-economic disparity. The western part of the district shows highly urbanized due to its proximity to the agglomeration and outgrowth of the Kolkata metropolitan Centre.

While the teacher shortage is a national crisis, the manifestations of the shortage are felt most acutely at the local district level. The diversity of these micro-contexts often leads to disparities in the ways local school systems are served by large-scale initiatives. District leaders provide an important lens for understanding the localized manifestation of teacher shortages. This research contributes to the existing macro-level literature on teacher shortages through investigation of the ways in which district leaders in West Virginia make sense of and respond to the teacher shortage. As part of a broader study, we share analyses of interviews with seven district leaders across five county school districts and highlight the ways in which leaders made sense of the phenomenon in paradoxical ways, both in terms of the most salient causes as well as the perceived locus of control in addressing the teacher shortage. Findings also highlight the way district leader sensemaking led to action, with responses differing based on relative affordances of metropolitan versus rural contexts. We conclude with implications for policy and research to further understand the local nature of teacher shortages and to address the problem, particularly in rural contexts underserved by current research and policy.

At the end of the last year, 2019 a pneumonia/ SARS like respiratory disease broke out Wuhan, the largest metropolitan area in Chinas Hubei province. It started in the month of December.On Feb 11, 2020, the WHO Director General announced that the disease is caused by a new variety of corona virus.The disease was called COVID-19 or Corona virus disease 2019. Corona virus is large, roughly spherical particles with tuberous surface projections. The objective of this paper is to increase awareness regarding COVID-19 among the people at Tamluk sub-division of purba Medinipur district of West Bengal in India. This paper highlights about different problems such as economical, social, educational and mental during pandemic period in Tamluk sub-division. Preventive strategies are (a) to wash hands frequently with a soap (b) to use personal protective equipment (PPE) such as FFP3 or N95 mask, disposable gown and gloves, (c) to maintain social distancing or avoid close contact with others (d) to avoid touching eyes, nose and mouth, (e) medical care for breathing problem (f) to admit local hospital for fever, coughs or sneezes (g) to avoid public gatherings (h) to stay home etc. The COVID-19 pandemic is spreading day after day all over the world. An immediate discovery of approved Vaccine is required to protect people against this disease.

At the end of the last year, 2019 a pneumonia/ SARS like respiratory disease broke out Wuhan, the largest metropolitan area in Chinas Hubei province. It started in the month of December.On Feb 11, 2020, the WHO Director General announced that the disease is caused by a new variety of corona virus.The disease was called COVID-19 or Corona virus disease 2019. Corona virus is large, roughly spherical particles with tuberous surface projections. The objective of this paper is to increase awareness regarding COVID-19 among the people at Tamluk sub-division of purba Medinipur district of West Bengal in India. This paper highlights about different problems such as economical, social, educational and mental during pandemic period in Tamluk sub-division. Preventive strategies are (a) to wash hands frequently with a soap (b) to use personal protective equipment (PPE) such as FFP3 or N95 mask, disposable gown and gloves, (c) to maintain social distancing or avoid close contact with others (d) to avoid touching eyes, nose and mouth, (e) medical care for breathing problem (f) to admit local hospital for fever, coughs or sneezes (g) to avoid public gatherings (h) to stay home etc. The COVID-19 pandemic is spreading day after day all over the world. An immediate discovery of approved Vaccine is required to protect people against this disease.

Spatial accessibility is an important factor for planning healthcare services to maintain a quality life for the metropolitan area. The metropolitan suburb is a special area for its location and rapidly changing population during urbanization. Taking Qingpu district, a suburb of Shanghai as a case, this study evaluated the spatial accessibility to healthcare services of 203 villages and neighborhoods based on the Two-Step Floating Catchment Area (2SFCA) method by ArcGIS software. The result shows that the spatial accessibility in the whole district is quite uneven under lower thresholds, and the spatial differences are beyond the traditional zoning of East Qingpu, New City and West Qingpu. The worst accessibility was mainly distributed at the edges of Jinze, Liantang and Zhujiajiao, while the best accessibility was mainly distributed in the New City and the region close around it. The average value of the spatial accessibility in Qingpu is 2.84, with a reach equal under 90 min threshold by bus index of 2.85, or an under 60 min threshold by self-driving index of 2.70. Secondly, the difference shows a new pattern, that is the spatial accessibility could be affected by both the New City and the Central City. Thirdly, the transportation mode, urbanization, the density of road network and bus lines, as well as the number of doctors in each healthcare service would directly affect the spatial accessibility. Lastly, in order to improve the spatial accessibility in metropolitan suburbs, greater effort is needed in increasing the numbers of bus stations and doctors, especially the areas which are farthest from the New City or the Central City, such as Jinze, and Lian Tang town in Qingpu. We acknowledge that the public transportation is vital to the accessibility to healthcare services. We also emphasize that healthcare services should be planned based on the anticipated future trends of population agglomeration. Our results for Shanghai are applicable to other big cities that are experiencing similar rapid urbanization in China, or other developing countries in Southeast Asia, South Asia, South America and Africa.

This study investigates the factors that influence youth participation in local level governance in Ghana, a developing country. The Upper West Region was selected as a case study for this research. Through focus group discussions and in-depth interviews, as well as analysis of policy documents, the study reveals that the youth are more skillful in the use of technology and other strategic interventions to help address local, national, and global issues. Nonetheless, they are often marginalized and discriminated by their older partners at the Wa Municipal Assembly (WMA). Factors such as institutional barriers, partisan politicking, and inadequate resources account for much of the limitations placed on youth participation in the WMA. Given that the youth constitute more than half of Ghana`s population and 36% of the population of Wa, it is important to rethink the place of the youth in the management of the Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies

Background: Somatotype characteristics of 76 muslim women of same socio-economic status were studied from two slum areas of two different places, one in a metropolitan city and one in a suburban area in West Bengal. Women were selected on convenient way from two slum areas, one in Kolkata, the metropolitan city and one in Contai, suburban town of Medinipur district of West Bengal.Methods: Anthropometric measurement were taken for somatotyping. All measurements for each subject was taken in the same day to avoid Technical Error of Measurement (TEM).Results: All women were aged in between 22 and 38 year. Average height for the muslim women from Kolkata slum area was 150.7 (±3.5) cm and that of Contai was 151.6 (±6.5) cm. Average body weight of the muslim women form the Kolkata slum area was 59.7 (±6.0) kg whereas that of Contai slum area was 55.3 (±11.6) kg. The body type of Muslim women from Kolkata slum area was Mesomorphic Endomorph and that of Contai slum area was also Mesomorphic Endomorph. But the endomorph component of Muslim women from Kolkata slum area was 6.4 (±0.5) which was significantly higher from 5.9 (±0.8) Endomorph component of women from Contai slum area. Similarly mesomorph component of Muslim women from Contai slum area was 3.9(±0.8) which was significantly higher than 3.5(±0.4) mesomorph component of Muslim women from Kolkata slum area. No significant difference was observed in Ectomorph components which were 1.7 (±0.9) and 1.5 (±.09) for Kolkata and Contai respectively.Conclusions: Disparity was found in weight, endomorphy and mesomorphy but equity was found in height and ectomorphy. Equity in height and ectomorphy were due to same ethnical group but disparity in body weight, fattiness and muscularity were due to socio-cultural differences of two places where they live.

Abstract Objectives High intake of added sugars increases risk of obesity, hypertension, dyslipidemia, and cardiovascular disease. State-specific data is lacking. We therefore examined estimated dietary intake of added sugars (tsp/day) by state and factors associated with its intake among US adults. Methods We used pooled data from 2010 and 2015 National Health Interview Surveys (n = 52,279). The outcome variable was added sugars intake from foods and beverages, calculated by using NCI's scoring algorithm to convert dietary screener frequency responses to estimates of dietary added sugars intake (tsp/day). The explanatory variables were age, sex, race/ethnicity, education, marital status, annual household income, metropolitan/nonmetropolitan status, and census region. We used descriptive statistics to estimate mean added sugars intake and multiple linear regression to estimate significant differences in the mean intake by category of explanatory variable. Results Overall, estimated mean dietary intake of added sugars was 17.0 tsp/day among US adults, ranging from 14.8 tsp/day in Alaska to 21.2 tsp/day in Kentucky. We found statistically higher added sugars intake with adults age 18–24 years vs. age ≥60, males vs. females, non-Hispanic blacks and Hispanics vs. non-Hispanic whites, those not married vs. married, education < high school vs. college grad, income <$35 K vs. ≥$100 K, nonmetropolitan residence vs. metropolitan, and those residing in South vs. West. Conclusions We found Americans consumed much higher levels of added sugars than suggested by health organizations. The Dietary Guidelines for Americans state that daily added sugars should account for no more than 10% of calories and the American Heart Association suggests that men and women should consume no more than 9 and 6 teaspoons, respectively, of added sugar daily. Added sugars intake varied by state and sociodemographic characteristics, which may contribute to chronic disease disparities. Our findings may inform state and national efforts to reduce added sugars intake to lower the burden of chronic disease. Funding Sources Solely for author's time from their institutions.

In the first of two essays employing academic discourses of cultural exchange to examine the intra-cultural situation in contemporary British society, published in NTQ 61, Barnaby King analyzed the relationship between Asian arts and mainstream arts in Britain on both a professional and a community level. In this second essay he takes a similar approach towards African–Caribbean theatre in Britain, comparing the Black theatre initiatives of the regional theatres with the experiences of theatre workers themselves based in Black communities. He shows how work which relates to a specific ‘other’ culture has to struggle to get funding, while work which brings Black Arts into a mainstream ‘multicultural’ programme has fewer problems. In the process, he specifically qualifies the claim that the West Yorkshire Playhouse provides for Black communities as well as many others, while exploring the alternative, community-based projects of ‘Culturebox’, based in the deprived Chapeltown district of Leeds. Barnaby King is a theatre practitioner based in Leeds, who completed his postgraduate studies at the University of Leeds Workshop Theatre in 1998. He is now working with theatre companies and small-scale venues – currently the Blah Blah Blah company and the Studio Theatre at Leeds Metropolitan University – to develop community participation in

Myanmar is a thriving country in Southeast Asia and is facing future earthquake risks caused by the Sagaing Fault. Under these circumstances, Yangon must implement earthquake risk reduction measures in future development. Applying the building collapse risk evaluation method proposed by the Tokyo Metropolitan Government, and analyzing current and future urban conditions of Yangon City based on available datasets, this study aimed to (1) evaluate present urban vulnerability focusing on building collapse risk, (2) clarify its future expansion tendency based on residential area development conditions from 2004 to 2018, and (3) estimate future building collapse risk in terms of future urban expansion limitation with urban function and building vulnerability in order to obtain useful information on earthquake risk reduction for future development in Yangon. Mainly, this research clarified as follows: (1) The inventory provided by YCDC (Yangon City Development Committee) showed that wooden buildings and RC accounted for 93.8% of all buildings in Yangon. (2) In order to understand the present urban vulnerability of Yangon based on the Tokyo Metropolitan Government’s method, 567 objective wards were categorized into five ranks according to the building collapse risk value. It indicated that building collapse risk in the Dawpon and Tharkayta Townships, located on the west side of Pazundaung Creek, were the highest. Some newly developed outskirts areas, such as Hlaingtharyar or Dala, also appeared as vulnerable with Ranks 4 and 5. (3) Yangon’s urban development conditions from 2004 to 2018 were visually clarified. Then, the relationships between the number of buildings, residential district area, and population according to townships were analyzed to estimate future development. (4) Finally, two types of urban development scenarios were set: Scenario A based on urban expansion limitation and urban function, and Scenario B based on building vulnerability. Then, the future building collapse risk trend from 2014 until 2040 was estimated. It was found that the Sub-center System would deter future urban sprawl in the future more than the Super CBD Single-core System, and the number of damaged buildings can be reduced by 43.5% at most in Dagon Seikkan.

Background: Nutritious underutilized foods (NUFs) significantly contribute to sustainable dietary diversity but are often unused for many reasons. Objective: We assessed the influence of food security status (FSS) and anemia-related knowledge (ARK) on perceptions about Solanum torvum (turkey berry) and Rhynchophorus phoenicis Fabricius (palm weevil larvae) among Ghanaian caregivers. Methods: A cross-sectional survey was conducted among 891 caregivers (aged 20-49 years), who have children 6 to 59 months old, from Upper Manya Krobo district (Eastern region), Kumasi metropolitan (Ashanti region), Ho municipality (Volta region), La-Nkwantanang-Madina, and Ga West municipality (Greater-Accra region), Ghana. Food security status, ARK, and perceptions about the 2 NUFs were obtained using pretested semi-structured questionnaire. Logistic regression models were used to determine effect of FSS and ARK on perception outcomes. Results: Thirty-six percent of caregivers were food secure, while 13.9%, 28.4%, and 21.7%, respectively, were mildly, moderately, and severely food insecure. Most caregivers (62.0%) scored above 70% on ARK. High favorable perception was significantly lower for palm weevil larvae than that for turkey berry. Food secure caregivers were 4.5 times more likely to have poor favorable perceptions about palm weevil larvae than food insecure caregivers ( P = .03). However, food secure caregivers were 2.9 times more likely to have high favorable perceptions about turkey berry than food insecure caregivers ( P < .001). Caregivers’ knowledge about anemia was associated with high favorable perception about turkey berry by 3.3-fold (95% confidence interval: 2-5.5, P = .001). Conclusions: Nutrition education about turkey berry and palm weevil larvae is needed to encourage their use for promoting nutrient density of complementary and household foods.

Patimban Port, which is located in Patimban Village, Pusakegara District, Subang Regency, West Java Province, is designated as a national strategic project as regulated in Presidential Regulation No.3 of 2016 concerning the Acceleration of Implementation of National Strategic Projects. The implementation of Patimban Port as a national strategic project, according to this Presidential Decree, includes planning, development, operation and exploitation activities, technical guidance and development of port operation management, as well as guidance to ensure shipping safety and the environment. This port development is the Government's strategy to reduce excess capacity at Tanjung Priok Port. Basically, ports have an important role in the development of industry, trade and services and hope that Subang Regency will become a metropolitan industrial city. Data collection techniques, namely: observation, interviews and documentation. The data validity techniques used in the study were source triangulation and method triangulation. The data analysis technique used is qualitative data analysis techniques, namely data collection, data reduction, data presentation and conclusion. Based on the results of the discussion obtained about the Analysis of the Impact of the Development of Patimban Port in Pusakegara District on the Socio-Economic Conditions of the Surrounding Community, there are three points, namely: the impact of socio-economic conditions, the impact of livelihoods and the impact of population mobility. The socio-economic impact of the occurrence of public perceptions of positive and negative changes. A positive change is the location of Patimban Village, which has become more famous than before the port development. A negative change is the development of the Patimban Port where there will be social interaction where there will be many residents who come from outside the region who come as job seekers because later there will be many companies operating in the Patimban Port. Of course this will gradually change the habits of the surrounding community along with the development of Patimban Port. The impact of livelihoods will be the displacement of their former livelihoods as farmers and fishermen, where farmers will have less agricultural land as a result of land acquisition for the benefit of ports and fishermen who are increasingly distant to sea. The impact of population mobility caused by the development of Patimban Port includes three patterns, namely being regulated by the government, their own will and depending on others.

The shortage of vegetation cover alongside urban structures and land hardscape in cities causes an artificial temperature increase in urban environments known as the urban heat island (UHI) effect. The artificial heat stress in cities has a particular threat for usability and health-safety of outdoor living in public space. Australia may face a likely 3.8°C increase in surface temperature by 2090. Such an increase in temperature will have a severe impact on regional and local climate systems, natural ecosystems, and human life in cities. This paper aims to determine the patterns of the UHI effect in micro-scale of Adelaide metropolitan area, South Australia. The urban near-surface temperature profile of Adelaide was measured along a linear east-west cross-section of the metropolitan area via mobile traverse method between 26 July 2013 and 15 August 2013. Results indicate that the while the maximum UHI effect occurs at midnight in the central business district (CBD) area in Adelaide, the afternoon urban warmth has more temperature variations (point-to-point variation), especially during the late afternoon when local air temperature is normally in its peak. Thus, critical measurement of heat-health consequences of the UHI effect need to be focused on the afternoon heat stress conditions in UHIs rather than the commonly known night time phenomenon. This mobile traverse urban heat study of Adelaide supports the hypothesis that the UHI effect varies in the built environment during daily cycles and within short distances. Classical UHI measurements are commonly performed during the night – when the urban-rural temperature differences are at their maximum. Thus, they fall short in addressing the issue of excess heat stress on human participants. However, having thermally comfortable urban microclimates is a fundamental characteristic of healthy and vibrant public spaces. Therefore, urban planning professionals and decision makers are required to consider diurnal heat stress alongside nocturnal urban heat islands in planning healthy cities. The results of this article show that the diurnal heat stress varies in the built environment during daily cycles and within short distances. This study confirms that the maximum urban heat stress occurs during late afternoon when both overall temperature and daily urban warmth are at their peak. Literature indicates that diurnal heat stress peaks in hard-landscapes urban settings while it may decrease in urban parklands and near water bodies. Therefore, urban greenery and surface water can assist achieving more liveable and healthy urban environments (generalisation requires further research). A better understanding of daily urban warmth variations in cities assists urban policy making and public life management in the context of climate change.

A região metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro passa por um processo de expansão industrial, principalmente nos municípios da borda oeste como Itaguaí, Seropédica e Rio de Janeiro (Zona Oeste), área com intensa emissão de material particulado inalável da atividade industrial. Além disso, a diversidade de seu sítio faz com a dispersão de poluentes seja ineficiente nesta área conhecida como Bacia Aérea I. Assim, este trabalho analisou os dados de material particulado inalável de estações de qualidade do ar do INEA, localizadas na Bacia Aérea I, entre 2009 e 2014 para avaliar o impacto na qualidade do ar pelo funcionamento da Companhia Siderúrgica do Atlântico (CSA), a partir de 2010. Os resultados mostraram que estações próximas ao distrito industrial de Santa Cruz registraram aumento nas concentrações de partículas inaláveis após o início das atividades CSA, com violações nos padrões de qualidade do ar estabelecidos na Resolução Conama nº3 (BRASIL, 1990), principalmente ao sul dos empreendimentos, devido à direção dos ventos predominantes. Desta maneira conclui-se que a população do bairro de Santa Cruz, nas proximidades da estação Largo do Bodegão, estao em situação de risco à saúde devido aos déficits sociais presentes na região, à presença dos empreendimentos que deterioram a qualidade do ar e a falta de informação que alerte a população sobre os riscos. Palavras-chave: Material particulado inalável, CSA, Saúde. Abstract The metropolitan region of Rio de Janeiro goes through a process of industrial expansion, mainly in the municipalities of the western border such as Itaguaí, Seropédica and Rio de Janeiro (West Zone), an area with intense emission of inhalable particulate matter from industrial activity. In addition, the diversity of its site makes the dispersion of pollutants inefficient in this area known as the Air Basin I. Thus, this work analyzed the inhalable particulate data of INEA air quality stations, located in the Air Basin I, between 2009 and 2014 to evaluate the impact on air quality by the operation of Companhia Siderúrgica do Atlântico (CSA) from 2010. The results showed that stations near the industrial district of Santa Cruz registered an increase in the concentrations of inhalable particles after the beginning of CSA activities, with violations of air quality standards established in Conama Resolution No. 3 (BRAZIL, 1990), mainly to the south of the projects, due to the direction of prevailing winds. In this way it is concluded that the population of the neighborhood of Santa Cruz, near the station Largo do Bodegão, are in a situation of health risk due to the social deficits present in the region, to the presence of the enterprises that deteriorate the quality of the air and the lack information that alerts the population about the risks. Key words: Inhalable particulate matter, CSA, Health.

This article seeks to bridge the gap in scholarship between entrepreneurial urbanism and the understanding of place image as presented through tourist guidebooks. Tourist guidebooks have long been used to sell regions and attractions to prospective tourists. Narratives in these guides often shift to reflect the changing economics, politics, and culture of a region or city. More recently, the rise of entrepreneurial urbanism has been one of those factors that have impacted tourist guidebooks. The (re)construction of a place image through entrepreneurial policies results in the promotion of a select package of facilities or highlighting specific attributes associated with that place. This article illustrates how entrepreneurial urban projects and policies can directly shape a city's tourist promotions. I use Oklahoma City as a case study to explore these impacts and examine more than 30 years of tourist guidebooks to understand the changing narratives of the city in light of entrepreneurial urban policies. More specifically, I show that Oklahoma City officials shifted tourist narratives from overt Old West constructs to constructs rooted in cosmopolitanism in light of entrepreneurial agendas, like the Metropolitan Area Projects and business improvement districts.

Clarias gariepinus is widely cultured due to its tolerance to environmental extremes, high production and good feed conversion rate. This communication describes the farming practices of C. gariepinus in North and South 24 Parganas districts of West Bengal. Clarias gariepinus is cultured in ponds of 0.1–0.75 ha, where fingerlings were stocked at a density of 860–1150 cubic meter–1. The current practices of seed transportation were stressful to fish as the majority of the farmers noticed 5–10% mortalities, despite the use of antibiotics. Acclimatization of seeds was practiced by the majority of farmers before stocking. Different feeds including slaughter-house wastes and dead poultry were supplied. Multiple stocking and harvesting were a common practice. Major problems identified were insufficient feed, disease, transport, poor seed quality and lack of financial support. The survival percentage was poor, as 88% of the farmers recorded <40–50% survival at harvest. Dropsy was the most common disease and had a significant impact on economy. Antibiotics or other aquadrugs were frequently used for treatment, although the success varied. In general, the C. gariepinus farming has helped to recycle the wastes generated in and around metropolitan Kolkata and adjacent municipalities into wealth, but it suffers from management issues and huge economic losses. This calls for immediate attention from researchers, administrators and extension personals.

In this study, the relationship between the quality of life levels of children aged 9-11 and their perception of family functions and some demographic characteristics was investigated. The sample of the study included six primary schools and six secondary schools in the central districts of a metropolitan city located in the west of Turkey in the 2017-2018 academic year. Participants were 783 children, 396 girls and 387 boys. Multiple regression analysis was used to analyze the data collected by using the General Quality of Life Scale for Children and Family Relationship Scale for Children. The results of the analysis showed that supportive and discouraging family relationships scores significantly predicted the quality of life of the children and explained 35.80% of change in their quality of life. In addition, the predictive power of supporting family relationships (28.70%) was significantly higher than that of the discouraging family relationships (-7.10%) in explaining children’s quality of life. Gender, age and number of siblings were not significantly correlated with life quality of children.

Waste can be defined as solids or liquids unwanted by members of the society and meant to be disposed. In developing countries such as Ghana, the management of waste is the responsibility of the metropolitan authorities. These authorities do not seem to have effective management of the waste situation, and therefore, it is not unusual to see waste clog the drains and litter the streets of the capital city, Accra. The impact of waste on the environment, along with its associated health-related problems, cannot be overemphasized. The Joint Monitoring Programme report in 2015 ranked Ghana as the seventh dirtiest country in the world. The lack of effective waste management planning is evident in the large amount of waste dumped in open areas and gutters that remains uncollected. In planning for solid waste management, reliable data concerning waste generation, influencing factors on waste generation, and a reliable forecast of waste quantities are required. This study used two algorithms, namely, Levenberg–Marquardt and the Bayesian regularization, to estimate the parameters of an artificial neural network model fitted to predict the average monthly waste generated and critically assess the factors that influence solid waste generation in some selected districts of the Greater Accra region. The study found Bayesian regularization algorithm to be suitable with the minimum mean square error of 104.78559 on training data and 217.12465 on test data and higher correlation coefficients (0.99801 on training data, 0.99570 on test data, and 0.99767 on the overall data) between the target variables (average monthly waste generated) and the predicted outputs. House size, districts, employment category, dominant religion, and house type with respective importance of 0.56, 0.172, 0.061, 0.027, and 0.026 were found to be the top five important input variables required for forecasting household waste. It is recommended that efforts of the government and its stakeholders to reduce the amount of waste generated by households be directed at providing bins, increasing the frequency of waste collection (especially in highly populated areas), and managing the economic activities in the top five selected districts (Ledzekuku Krowor, Tema West, Asheidu Keteke, Ashaiman, and Ayawaso West), amongst others.

Abstract. The Metropolitan District of Quito is located on or very close to segments of reverse blind faults, Puengasí, Ilumbisí–La Bota, Carcelen–El Inca, Bellavista–Catequilla and Tangahuilla, making it one of the most seismically dangerous cities in the world. The city is divided into five areas: south, south-central, central, north-central and north. For each of the urban areas, elastic response spectra are presented in this paper, which are determined by utilizing some of the new models of the Pacific Earthquake Engineering Research Center (PEER) NGA-West2 program. These spectra are calculated considering the maximum magnitude that could be generated by the rupture of each fault segment, and taking into account the soil type that exists at different points of the city according to the Norma Ecuatoriana de la Construcción (2015). Subsequently, the recurrence period of earthquakes of high magnitude in each fault segment is determined from the physical parameters of the fault segments (size of the fault plane and slip rate) and the pattern of recurrence of type Gutenberg–Richter earthquakes with double truncation magnitude (Mmin and Mmax) is used.

Based on the data of daily maximum temperature in 26 meteorological stations in the North Center Region, Vietnam over the period of 1980 to 2013, the authors conducted the research on the spatial distribution of the number of hot days. The initial result shows that in general, in the north of the study area, the large number of hot days occurred in the plain, and tended to decrease westward and eastward. In the south, this number tends to increase from the west to the east. Especially, the largest number occurred in two areas: The Ma and Ca River's valleys (Thanh Hoa and Nghe An provinces) and the coastal areas (Thua Thien Hue province), creating two heat centers in Tuong Duong district, Nghe An province and Nam Dong district, Thua Thien Hue province.ReferencesAdina-Eliza Croitoru, Adrian Piticar, Antoniu-Flavius Ciupertea, Cristina FlorinaRosca, 2016 Changes in heat wave indices in Romania over the period 1961-2015. Global and Plantary Change 146. Journal homepage: www. 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Abstract: The city of Bandung has always been a tourist attraction with various activities every year. Bandung population growth rate in the last 5 years reached 0.89% per year and in the expansion area reached 6.79% per year. With an area of only about 17,000 ha, Bandung is now inhabited by ± 2.481.901 inhabitants. The rate of population growth above the average growth rate of the population of West Java province. No wonder the average population density is 145 people / ha. Though ideally the population density of Bandung is 50-60 people / Ha. There are 657 districts and 57,687 homes that experience environmental degradation and 67 areas identified as urban slums. The implication of the high urbanization of Bandung City in Metropolitan scale to the scale of the region emerged the problem of integration of settlements with surrounding functions. The problem of settlement of Bandung City also includes segmentation of residential objects such as Low Income Community (MBR), non MBR, immigrants, local residents, students and workers of various Sectors. Thus the problems of the settlement of Bandung City include low level of fulfillment of adequate housing needs, limited access of Low Income Community to housing resources, unfinished system of financing and housing market, decreasing the quality of housing and settlement environment and not yet integrated development of area Housing and settlements with the construction of housing and settlement infrastructure, facilities and utilities. This research method to find out how far the level of slum settlement contained in Cihampelas Bandung Settlement and recommendations that can be done for the improvement of the settlement of the kampong. Keyword:Urbanization, Integration, Human settlement, Metropolitan Abstrak: Kota Bandung selalu menjadi daya tarik pendatang dengan berbagai aktivitas setiap tahunnya. Laju pertumbuhan penduduk Kota Bandung dalam 5 tahun terakhir mencapai 0,89% per tahun dan di wilayah perluasan mencapai 6,79% per tahun. Dengan luas wilayah hanya sekitar 17.000 Ha, Bandung kini dihuni oleh ± 2.481.901 jiwa. Laju pertambahan penduduknya diatas laju pertumbuhan rata-rata penduduk provinsi Jawa Barat. Tidak heran jika tingkat kepadatan penduduk rata-rata 145 jiwa/Ha. Padahal idealnya tingkat kepadatan penduduk Kota Bandung adalah 50-60 jiwa/Ha. Terdapat 657 kawasan dan 57.687 rumah yang mengalami penurunan kualitas lingkungan dan 67 kawasan diidentifikasi sebagai kawasan kumuh perkotaan. Impilikasi dari tingginya urbanisasi Kota Bandung dalam skala Metropolitan hingga skala kawasan muncul masalah integrasi permukiman dengan fungsi sekitarnya. Permasalahan permukiman Kota Bandung juga meliputi segmentasi objek hunian seperti masyarakat berpenghasilan rendah (MBR), non MBR, pendatang, penduduk lokal, mahasiswa dan pekerja berbagai sektor. Dengan demikian masalah-masalah yang permukiman Kota Bandung meliputi rendahnya tingkat pemenuhan kebutuhan perumahan yang layak, terbatasnya akses Masyarakat Berpenghasilan Rendah (MBR) terhadap sumber daya perumahan, belum mantapnya sistem pembiayaan dan pasar perumahan, menurunnya kualitas lingkungan perumahan dan permukiman dan belum terintegrasinya pengembangan kawasan perumahan dan permukiman dengan pembangunan prasarana, sarana, dan utilitas perumahan dan permukiman. Metode penelitian ini untuk mengetahui sejauh mana tingkat kekumuhan pemukiman yang terdapat di Permukiman Cihampelas Bandung dan rekomendasi yang dapat dilakukan demi perbaikan pemukiman kampung tersebut. Kata kunci: Urbanisasi, Integrasi, Pemukiman, Metropolitan

Mediante un estudio descriptivo y correlacional, se analizó la relación entre la percepción de la calidad de la gestión administrativa del director y el grado de compromiso laboral de los docentes de algunos colegios privados de El Salvador, en un contexto donde cada año los docentes renuncian a sus trabajos y pasan a laborar al sector gubernamental. Se administraron dos instrumentos, uno para medir la percepción de la gestión administrativa del director y otro para medir el grado de compromiso de los docentes, a 87 docentes de los siete colegios de las regiones metropolitana y occidental de El Salvador. Se encontró que los docentes tienen un compromiso laboral muy bueno. De igual manera, la percepción que tienen los docentes de la gestión administrativa del director es muy buena. Al observarse la correlación entre ambas variables, se determinó que es positiva y alta. Se observó que cuánto mejor perciben los docentes la gestión administrativa del director mayor es el compromiso con su trabajo. El liderazgo del director es importante para el compromiso laboral de los docentes, por lo cual su selección y nombramiento deben ser realizados con cuidadoso análisis. Referencias Alam, S. (2017). A study on leadership styles executed by principal and academic coordinator in one of the private schools in Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan. Academic Research International, 8(3), 71-78. Calik, T., Sezgin, F., Kavgaci, H. y Kilinc, A. (2012). Examination of relationships between instructional leadership of school principal’s and self-efficacy of teacher and collective teacher efficacy. Educational Sciences: Theory & Practice, 12(4), 2469-2504. Chiang Vega, M., Núñez Partido, A., Martín, M. J. y Salazar Botello, M. (2010). Compromiso del trabajador hacia su organización y la relación con el clima organizacional: un análisis de género y edad. 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Universidad de Montemorelos, Montemorelos, Nuevo León, México. Jiang, D. Y. y Cheng, B. S. (2008). Affect- and role-based loyalty to supervisors in Chinese organizations. Asian Journal of Social Psychology, 11, 214-221. https//doi.org/10.111/ j.14-67-839X.2008.00260.x Kumar, D. N. S. y Shekhar, N. (2012). Perspectives envisaging employee loyalty: A case analysis. Journal of Management Research, 12(2), 110-112. https://doi.org/10.2139/ ssrn.1961430 Lai, T., Luen, W., Chai, L. y Ling, L. (2014). School principal leadership styles and teacher organizational commitment among performing schools. The Journal of Global Business Management, 20(2), 67-75. Mack, K. (2016). The perceptions of the leadership behaviors of elementary school principals through professional experience in Texas (Tesis doctoral). University of Phoenix, Phoenix, EE. UU. Méndez Cruz, A. (2015). Clima y compromiso organizacional percibido por los empleados del parque Eco arqueológico en México (Tesis de maestría). Universidad de Montemorelos, Montemorelos, Nuevo León, México. Mustapha, N., Zainal Abidin, M. Z. y Saufi, S. (2013). Measuring the influence of dispositional characteristics and motivational factors on employee loyalty among teachers at private Islamic schools in Kelantan, Malaysia. International Review of Social Sciences & Humanities, 5(2), 127-134. Oberholster, F. R., Taylor V, J. W. y Cruise, R. J. (2000). Spiritual well-being, faith maturity, and the organizational commitment of faculty in Christian colleges and universities. The Journal of Research on Christian Education, 9(1), 31-60. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/10656210009484896 Okutan, M. (2014). My school principal is not a leader. Education, 135(1), 93-100. Ontiveros Ramírez, F. (2016). Modelo de asociación entre factores predictores del desempeño y compromiso laboral validado en maestros del corporativo educativo adventista de la Unión Mexicana del Norte (Tesis doctoral). 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Ward, C. J. (2013). Why leadership matters: One school’s journey to success. Educational Leadership and Administration Teaching and Program Development, 24, 62-74. Wasserman, E., Ben-Eli, S., Yehoshua, O. y Gal, R. (2016). Relationship between the principal’s leadership style and teacher motivation. International Journal of Learning, Teaching and Educational Research, 15(10), 180-192. Zamora Poblete, G. (2009). Compromisos organizacionales de los profesores chilenos y su relación con la intención de permanecer en sus escuelas. Revista Latinoamericana de Psicología, 41(3), 445-460.

Land use change has long been a problem in West Java, especially in Bandung district (Kabupaten Bandung), a hinterland and buffer area for the Bandung Metropolitan and one of the major crop district in West Java province. Land use conversion caused the decrease of soil productivity and land availability for agricultural activity especially for food crops, the land reduction is unable to compensate the need of food availability.The research in this study has been done by using descriptive and comparative survey method to study land characteristic and status of land availability in Kabupaten Bandung and its contribution food crop development. The results showed that soil fertility status in Bandung district varies from very low to high. Soil pH conditions ranged from acid to neutral. The actual availability of land for food crops currently stands at 52,790 hectares, with paddy fields as current land use. Availability of potential land for food crops are 64,970 hectares with the current type of land use in the form of bushes and plantations. Keywords: characteristics, availability, land use conversion, land, district Bandung

Camden is situated on the floodplain of the Nepean River, on the traditional land of the Dharawal people in an area known as the Cowpastures. The town is bordered in the east and north by the Nepean River, in the south by Burragorang road and Camden Bypass and in the west by Matahill Creek. The town area had a population of 3,063 in 2001 and until the 1950s was the hub of a district which took in the rural villages to the west of Camden, including Yerranderie, Burragorang Valley, The Oaks and Oakdale, and to the north, Elderslie and Narellan. Today Camden is being engulfed by the rural-urban fringe of Sydney’s metropolitan area.

This paper aimed at answering the goal of establishing Cirebon Raya Metropolitan as a center for economic development. Accelerated development is needed to increase economic growth in Kuningan Regency as one of the Greater Cirebon Metropolitan Area by increasing investment realization. Because one of the determinants of economic growth is investment, an analysis of the investment needs plan and data on investment sectors that are potential to be developed in Kuningan District are needed. Through this research, accurate data is obtained about the condition and development of investment in Kuningan Regency.To achieve this goal, an analytical description research method was conducted with data sources in the form of primary data and secondary data sourced from DPMTPSP, Bappeda, and BPS in Kuningan Regency related to Sectoral GRDP and investment data in both Kuningan and West Java Provinces. The data analysis technique uses the Incremental Capital Output Ratio (ICOR) method. This study lasted for 1 (one) year. The results of the study show that in welcoming the Greater Cirebon Metropolitan, the investment in the base sector in Kuningan Regency must be focused on the development of the Education Services, Transportation and Warehousing sector, and the agricultural and tourism products processing industries based on Agriculture, and natural resource potential.

The article substantiates the relevance and expediency of studying the sphere of urban planning of large urbanized territories of the Northern European countries, especially Finland. Suomi is a country adjacent to the geostrategic territories of Russia - the North-Western economic district, the Leningrad oblast and the Federal city of Saint Petersburg. The high efficiency of its urban planning system is recognized and proven by the international community. The article presents the results of a study of the process of formation and development of the urban planning system of regions, subregions and municipalities in Finland on the paradigm, institutional and technological aspects. It is shown that the urban planning of Suomi accumulates the most important directions of urban regulation that ensure the mutually dependent and often combined development of legally differentiated types of urban planning systems: agglomerations, metropolitan areas and regions, urbanized regions. These directions include preparation, adoption and implementation of hierarchically subordinate recommendation and/or mandatory planning and forecast and project documentation, monitoring of the results of its implementation, management of the processes of emergence, development and functioning of integrated forms of urban settlement. The results of the study can serve to improve the urban planning system of large urbanized territories of the North-West of Russia and, thereby, contribute to the full implementation of the agglomeration trend of the spatial development Strategy of the Russian Federation for the period up to 2025.

The interaction between space (location) and the processes of accumulation (growth) is one of the most interesting and at the same time the most difficult areas of modern economic theory. The up till now empirical research on determinants of regional productivity in the case of Poland is however relatively scarce. Most studies focus on explaining the variation in regional income per capita mostly at NUTS–2 and NUTS–3 levels, and only a few take into account a highly spatially disaggregated NUTS–4 level. We aim to fill this important gap. The present article has several objectives. We try to explain the spatial patterns of productivity, to identify the spatial range of productivity spillovers empirically and to identify the determinants of the Total Factor Productivity (TFP) growth in Poland with the use of spatial econometric modeling and the extended version of the Nelson‑Phelps (1966) model. The study adopts an NUTS-4 level of local administrative districts (powiats) which we find superior on both theoretical (market closing) and empirical grounds (spatial modeling). TFP in Poland assumes the highest values in the metropolitan centers and spreads out on their nearest surroundings with the maximum value for Warsaw. The secondary local hills in TFP are located in cities or towns with county rights. TFP, in general, shows a downward trend as one moves from the west to the east with the lowest values observed in the south‑eastern part of Poland. The range of TFP spillover is found to be of roughly 175–200 km and is nonlinearly decreasing from the local productivity hills. Furthermore, the rate of growth of TFP shows spatial autocorrelation and is found to depend positively on the rate of increase in human capital endowment and on the gap from the leader under certain assumptions. We find no evidence of the channel through imports. However, the FDI channel is found to be robust and strong.

Abstract Background Many plant species worldwide cultivated for food have been neglected and are being underutilized despite their crucial contributions to food security, nutrition and income generation to rural citizens, leading to a nearly permanent diet deficiency. Taro (Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott), an important food crop in the family Araceae, is one of the neglected species. This study therefore focused on identifying potential challenges mitigating taro production and utilization in taro-producing areas of Ghana and to formulate recommendations for overall increased production and utilization of the crop. The study was conducted in Ahanta West Municipal, Dormaa Municipal, Kumasi Metropolitan and East Akim Municipal in the Western, Bono, Ashanti and Eastern Regions of Ghana, respectively. These districts were ever known for taro production in Ghana. Well-structured questionnaires were used to collect information on ethnobotany of taro, possible causes of taro endangerment and remedies to combat them from farmers, traders and consumers. Results The survey revealed different vernacular names for taro, and the corm was the main part used as food. The corms were usually boiled before eaten. Major recipes of taro identified were “Puree and Ampesi.” The study revealed that taro was mainly cultivated on marginal soils as well as near water bodies. Taro was largely cultivated on subsistence scale. The study also revealed that utilization as food and tool of trade has reduced drastically. Major causes of taro extinction reported included: lack of healthy planting materials, unavailability of consumable corms and disease [Taro leaf blight disease(TLBD)] of the crop. Conclusion It was suggested that the release of cultivars which are resistant to the TLBD and publication of the nutritional benefits of the crop could revive the cultivation and utilization of the crop.

04–538 Allford, D. Institute of Education, University of London. d.allford@sta01.joe.ac.uk‘Grasping the nettle’: aspects of grammar in the mother tongue and foreign languages. Language Learning Journal (Rugby, UK), 27 (2003), 24–32.04–539 Álvarez, Inma (The Open U., UK). Consideraciones sobre la contribución de los ordenadores en el aprendizaje de lenguas extranjeras. [The contribution of computers to foreign language learning.] Vida Hispánica (Rugby, UK), 28 (2003), 19–23.04–540 Arkoudis, S. (U. of Melbourne, Australia; Email: sophiaa@unimelb.edu.au). Teaching English as a second language in science classes: incommensurate epistemologies?Language and Education (Clevedon, UK), 17, 3 (2003), 161–173.04–541 Bandin, Francis and Ferrer, Margarita (Manchester Metropolitan U., UK). Estereotípicos. [Stereotypes.] Vida Hispánica. Association for Language Learning (Rugby, UK), 28 (2003), 4–12.04–542 Banno, Eri (Okayama University). A cross-cultural survey of students’ expectations of foreign language teachers. Foreign Language Annals, 36, 3 (2003), 339–346.04–543 Barron, Colin (U. of Hong Kong, Hong Kong; Email: csbarron@hkusua.hku.hk). Problem-solving and EAP: themes and issues in a collaborative teaching venture. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 22, 3 (2003), 297–314.04–544 Bartley, Belinda (Lord Williams's School, Thame). Developing learning strategies in writing French at key stage 4. Francophonie (London, UK), 28 (2003), 10–17.04–545 Bax, S. (Canterbury Christ Church University College). The end of CLT: a context approach to language teaching. ELT Journal (Oxford, UK), 57, 3 (2003), 278–287.04–546 Caballero, Rodriguez (Universidad Jaume I, Campus de Borriol, Spain; Email: mcaballe@guest.uji.es). How to talk shop through metaphor: bringing metaphor research to the ESP classroom. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 22, 2 (2003), 177–194.04–547 Field, J. (University of Leeds). Promoting perception: lexical segmentation in L2 listening. ELT Journal (Oxford, UK), 57, 4 (2003), 325–334.04–548 Finkbeiner, Matthew and Nicol, Janet (U. of Arizona, AZ, USA; Email: msf@u.Arizona.edu). Semantic category effects in second language word learning. Applied Psycholinguistics (Cambridge, UK), 24, 3 (2003), 369–384.04–549 Frazier, S. (University of California). A corpus analysis of would-clauses without adjacent if-clauses. TESOL Quarterly (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2003), 443–466.04–550 Harwood, Nigel (Canterbury Christ Church University College, UK). Taking a lexical approach to teaching: principles and problems. International Journal of Applied Linguistics (Oxford, UK), 12, 2 (2002), 139–155.04–551 Hird, Bernard (Edith Cowan U., Australia; Email: b.hird@ecu.edu.au). What are language teachers trying to do in their lessons?Babel, (Adelaide, Australia) 37, 3 (2003), 24–29.04–552 Ho, Y-K. (Ming Hsin University of Science and Technology, Taiwan). Audiotaped dialogue journals: an alternative form of speaking practice. ELT Journal (Oxford, UK), 57, 3 (2003), 269–277.04–553 Huang, Jingzi (Monmouth University, West Long Branch, NJ, USA). Chinese as a foreign language in Canada: a content-based programme for elementary school. Language, Culture and Curriculum (), 16, 1 (2003), 70–89.04–554 Kennedy, G. (Victoria University of Wellington). Amplifier collocations in the British National Corpus: implications for English language teaching. TESOL Quarterly (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2003), 467–487.04–555 Kissau, Scott P. (U. of Windsor, UK & Greater Essex County District School Board; Email: scotkiss@att.canada.ca). The relationship between school environment and effectiveness in French immersion. The Canadian Journal of Applied Linguistics (Ottawa, Canada), 6, 1 (2003), 87–104.04–556 Laurent, Maurice (Messery). De la grammaire implicite à la grammaire explicite. [From Implicit Grammar to Explicit Grammar.] Tema, 2 (2003), 40–47.04–557 Lear, Darcy (The Ohio State University, USA). Using technology to cross cultural and linguistic borders in Spanish language classrooms. Hispania (Ann Arbor, USA), 86, 3 (2003), 541–551.04–558 Leeser, Michael J. (University of Illianos at Urbana-Champaign, USA; Email: leeser@uiuc.edu). Learner proficiency and focus on form during collaborative dialogue. Language Teaching Research, 8, 1 (2004), 55.04–559 Levis, John M. (Iowa State University, USA) and Grant, Linda. Integrating pronunciation into ESL/EFL classrooms. TESOL Journal, 12 (2003), 13–19.04–560 Mitchell, R. (Centre for Language in Education, University of Southampton; Email: rfm3@soton.ac.uk) Rethinking the concept of progression in the National Curriculum for Modern Foreign Languages: a research perspective. Language Learning Journal (Rugby, UK), 27 (2003), 15–23.04–561 Moffitt, Gisela (Central Michigan U., USA). Beyond Struwwelpeter: using German picture books for cultural exploration. Die Unterrichtspraxis (Cherry Hill, NJ, USA), 36, 1 (2003), 15–27.04–562 Morley, J. and Truscott, S. (University of Manchester; Email: mfwssjcm@man.ac.uk). The integration of research-oriented learning into a Tandem learning programme. Language Learning Journal (Rugby, UK), 27 (2003), 52–58.04–563 Oliver, Rhonda (Edith Cowan U., Australia; Email: rhonda.oliver@cowan.edu.au) and Mackey, Alison. Interactional context and feedback in child ESL classrooms. The Modern Language Journal (Madison, WI, USA), 87, 4 (2003), 519–533.04–564 Pachler, N. (Institute of Education, University of London; Email: n.pachler@ioe.ac.uk). Foreign language teaching as an evidence-based profession?Language Learning Journal (Rugby, UK), 27 (2003), 4–14.04–565 Portmann-Tselikas, Paul R. (Karl-Franzens Universität Graz, Austria). Grammatikunterricht als Schule der Aufmerksamkeit. Zur Rolle grammatischen Wissens im gesteuerten Spracherwerb. 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TESOL Journal, 12, 2 (2003), 21–27.04–569 Schoenbrodt, Lisa, Kerins, Marie and Geseli, Jacqueline (Loyola College in Maryland, Baltimore, USA; Email: lschoenbrodt@loyola.edu) Using narrative language intervention as a tool to increase communicative competence in Spanish-speaking children. Language, Culture and Curriculum (Clevedon, UK), 16, 1 (2003), 48–59.04–570 Shen, Hwei-Jiun (National Taichung Institute of Technology). The role of explicit instruction in ESL/EFL reading. Foreign Language Annals (New York, USA), 36, 3 (2003), 424–433.04–571 Sifakis, N. C. (Hellenic Open U., Greece; Email: nicossif@hol.gr). Applying the adult education framework to ESP curriculum development: an integrative model. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, The Netherlands), 22, 2 (2003), 195–211.04–572 Simpson, R. and Mendis, D. (University of Michigan). A corpus-based study of idioms in academic speech. TESOL Quarterly (Alexandria, VA, USA), 37, 3 (2003), 419–441.

Special Care Notice This article contains images of deceased people that might cause sadness or distress to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander readers. Introduction Like many cities, Perth was founded on wetlands that have been integral to its history and culture (Seddon 226–32). However, in order to promote a settlement agenda, early mapmakers sought to erase the city’s wetlands from cartographic depictions (Giblett, Cities). Since the colonial era, inner-Perth’s swamps and lakes have been drained, filled, significantly reduced in size, or otherwise reclaimed for urban expansion (Bekle). Not only have the swamps and lakes physically disappeared, the memories of their presence and influence on the city’s development over time are also largely forgotten. What was the site of Perth, specifically its wetlands, like before British settlement? In 2014, an interdisciplinary team at Edith Cowan University developed a digital visualisation process to re-imagine Perth prior to colonisation. This was based on early maps of the Swan River Colony and a range of archival information. The images depicted the city’s topography, hydrology, and vegetation and became the centerpiece of a physical exhibition entitled Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands and a virtual exhibition hosted by the Western Australian Museum. Alongside historic maps, paintings, photographs, and writings, the visual reconstruction of Perth aimed to foster appreciation of the pre-settlement environment—the homeland of the Whadjuck Nyoongar, or Bibbulmun, people (Carter and Nutter). The exhibition included the narrative of Fanny Balbuk, a Nyoongar woman who voiced her indignation over the “usurping of her beloved home ground” (Bates, The Passing 69) by flouting property lines and walking through private residences to reach places of cultural significance. Beginning with Balbuk’s story and the digital tracing of her walking route through colonial Perth, this article discusses the project in the context of contemporary pressures on the city’s extant wetlands. The re-imagining of Perth through historically, culturally, and geographically-grounded digital visualisation approaches can inspire the conservation of its wetlands heritage. Balbuk’s Walk through the City For many who grew up in Perth, Fanny Balbuk’s perambulations have achieved legendary status in the collective cultural imagination. In his memoir, David Whish-Wilson mentions Balbuk’s defiant walks and the lighting up of the city for astronaut John Glenn in 1962 as the two stories that had the most impact on his Perth childhood. From Gordon Stephenson House, Whish-Wilson visualises her journey in his mind’s eye, past Government House on St Georges Terrace (the main thoroughfare through the city centre), then north on Barrack Street towards the railway station, the site of Lake Kingsford where Balbuk once gathered bush tucker (4). He considers the footpaths “beneath the geometric frame of the modern city […] worn smooth over millennia that snake up through the sheoak and marri woodland and into the city’s heart” (Whish-Wilson 4). Balbuk’s story embodies the intertwined culture and nature of Perth—a city of wetlands. Born in 1840 on Heirisson Island, Balbuk (also known as Yooreel) (Figure 1) had ancestral bonds to the urban landscape. According to Daisy Bates, writing in the early 1900s, the Nyoongar term Matagarup, or “leg deep,” denotes the passage of shallow water near Heirisson Island where Balbuk would have forded the Swan River (“Oldest” 16). Yoonderup was recorded as the Nyoongar name for Heirisson Island (Bates, “Oldest” 16) and the birthplace of Balbuk’s mother (Bates, “Aboriginal”). In the suburb of Shenton Park near present-day Lake Jualbup, her father bequeathed to her a red ochre (or wilgi) pit that she guarded fervently throughout her life (Bates, “Aboriginal”).Figure 1. Group of Aboriginal Women at Perth, including Fanny Balbuk (far right) (c. 1900). Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: 44c). Balbuk’s grandparents were culturally linked to the site. At his favourite camp beside the freshwater spring near Kings Park on Mounts Bay Road, her grandfather witnessed the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Irwin, cousin of James Stirling (Bates, “Fanny”). In 1879, colonial entrepreneurs established the Swan Brewery at this significant locale (Welborn). Her grandmother’s gravesite later became Government House (Bates, “Fanny”) and she protested vociferously outside “the stone gates guarded by a sentry [that] enclosed her grandmother’s burial ground” (Bates, The Passing 70). Balbuk’s other grandmother was buried beneath Bishop’s Grove, the residence of the city’s first archibishop, now Terrace Hotel (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Historian Bob Reece observes that Balbuk was “the last full-descent woman of Kar’gatta (Karrakatta), the Bibbulmun name for the Mount Eliza [Kings Park] area of Perth” (134). According to accounts drawn from Bates, her home ground traversed the area between Heirisson Island and Perth’s north-western limits. In Kings Park, one of her relatives was buried near a large, hollow tree used by Nyoongar people like a cistern to capture water and which later became the site of the Queen Victoria Statue (Bates, “Aboriginal”). On the slopes of Mount Eliza, the highest point of Kings Park, at the western end of St Georges Terrace, she harvested plant foods, including zamia fruits (Macrozamia riedlei) (Bates, “Fanny”). Fanny Balbuk’s knowledge contributed to the native title claim lodged by Nyoongar people in 2006 as Bennell v. State of Western Australia—the first of its kind to acknowledge Aboriginal land rights in a capital city and part of the larger Single Nyoongar Claim (South West Aboriginal Land and Sea Council et al.). Perth’s colonial administration perceived the city’s wetlands as impediments to progress and as insalubrious environments to be eradicated through reclamation practices. For Balbuk and other Nyoongar people, however, wetlands were “nourishing terrains” (Rose) that afforded sustenance seasonally and meaning perpetually (O’Connor, Quartermaine, and Bodney). Mary Graham, a Kombu-merri elder from Queensland, articulates the connection between land and culture, “because land is sacred and must be looked after, the relation between people and land becomes the template for society and social relations. Therefore all meaning comes from land.” Traditional, embodied reliance on Perth’s wetlands is evident in Bates’ documentation. For instance, Boojoormeup was a “big swamp full of all kinds of food, now turned into Palmerston and Lake streets” (Bates, “Aboriginal”). Considering her cultural values, Balbuk’s determination to maintain pathways through the increasingly colonial Perth environment is unsurprising (Figure 2). From Heirisson Island: a straight track had led to the place where once she had gathered jilgies [crayfish] and vegetable food with the women, in the swamp where Perth railway station now stands. Through fences and over them, Balbuk took the straight track to the end. When a house was built in the way, she broke its fence-palings with her digging stick and charged up the steps and through the rooms. (Bates, The Passing 70) One obstacle was Hooper’s Fence, which Balbuk broke repeatedly on her trips to areas between Kings Park and the railway station (Bates, “Hooper’s”). Her tenacious commitment to walking ancestral routes signifies the friction between settlement infrastructure and traditional Nyoongar livelihood during an era of rapid change. Figure 2. Determination of Fanny Balbuk’s Journey between Yoonderup (Heirisson Island) and Lake Kingsford, traversing what is now the central business district of Perth on the Swan River (2014). Image background prepared by Dimitri Fotev. Track interpolation by Jeff Murray. Project Background and Approach Inspired by Fanny Balbuk’s story, Re-imagining Perth’s Lost Wetlands began as an Australian response to the Mannahatta Project. Founded in 1999, that project used spatial analysis techniques and mapping software to visualise New York’s urbanised Manhattan Island—or Mannahatta as it was called by indigenous people—in the early 1600s (Sanderson). Based on research into the island’s original biogeography and the ecological practices of Native Americans, Mannahatta enabled the public to “peel back” the city’s strata, revealing the original composition of the New York site. The layers of visuals included rich details about the island’s landforms, water systems, and vegetation. Mannahatta compelled Rod Giblett, a cultural researcher at Edith Cowan University, to develop an analogous model for visualising Perth circa 1829. The idea attracted support from the City of Perth, Landgate, and the University. Using stories, artefacts, and maps, the team—comprising a cartographer, designer, three-dimensional modelling expert, and historical researchers—set out to generate visualisations of the landscape at the time of British colonisation. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup approved culturally sensitive material and contributed his perspective on Aboriginal content to include in the exhibition. The initiative’s context remains pressing. In many ways, Perth has become a template for development in the metropolitan area (Weller). While not unusual for a capital, the rate of transformation is perhaps unexpected in a city less than 200 years old (Forster). There also remains a persistent view of existing wetlands as obstructions to progress that, once removed, are soon forgotten (Urban Bushland Council). Digital visualisation can contribute to appreciating environments prior to colonisation but also to re-imagining possibilities for future human interactions with land, water, and space. Despite the rapid pace of change, many Perth area residents have memories of wetlands lost during their lifetimes (for example, Giblett, Forrestdale). However, as the clearing and drainage of the inner city occurred early in settlement, recollections of urban wetlands exist exclusively in historical records. In 1935, a local correspondent using the name “Sandgroper” reminisced about swamps, connecting them to Perth’s colonial heritage: But the Swamps were very real in fact, and in name in the [eighteen-] Nineties, and the Perth of my youth cannot be visualised without them. They were, of course, drying up apace, but they were swamps for all that, and they linked us directly with the earliest days of the Colony when our great-grandparents had founded this City of Perth on a sort of hog's-back, of which Hay-street was the ridge, and from which a succession of streamlets ran down its southern slope to the river, while land locked to the north of it lay a series of lakes which have long since been filled to and built over so that the only evidence that they have ever existed lies in the original street plans of Perth prepared by Roe and Hillman in the early eighteen-thirties. A salient consequence of the loss of ecological memory is the tendency to repeat the miscues of the past, especially the blatant disregard for natural and cultural heritage, as suburbanisation engulfs the area. While the swamps of inner Perth remain only in the names of streets, existing wetlands in the metropolitan area are still being threatened, as the Roe Highway (Roe 8) Campaign demonstrates. To re-imagine Perth’s lost landscape, we used several colonial survey maps to plot the location of the original lakes and swamps. At this time, a series of interconnecting waterbodies, known as the Perth Great Lakes, spread across the north of the city (Bekle and Gentilli). This phase required the earliest cartographic sources (Figure 3) because, by 1855, city maps no longer depicted wetlands. We synthesised contextual information, such as well depths, geological and botanical maps, settlers’ accounts, Nyoongar oral histories, and colonial-era artists’ impressions, to produce renderings of Perth. This diverse collection of primary and secondary materials served as the basis for creating new images of the city. Team member Jeff Murray interpolated Balbuk’s route using historical mappings and accounts, topographical data, court records, and cartographic common sense. He determined that Balbuk would have camped on the high ground of the southern part of Lake Kingsford rather than the more inundated northern part (Figure 2). Furthermore, she would have followed a reasonably direct course north of St Georges Terrace (contrary to David Whish-Wilson’s imaginings) because she was barred from Government House for protesting. This easier route would have also avoided the springs and gullies that appear on early maps of Perth. Figure 3. Townsite of Perth in Western Australia by Colonial Draftsman A. Hillman and John Septimus Roe (1838). This map of Perth depicts the wetlands that existed overlaid by the geomentric grid of the new city. Image Credit: State Library of Western Australia (Image Number: BA1961/14). Additionally, we produced an animated display based on aerial photographs to show the historical extent of change. Prompted by the build up to World War II, the earliest aerial photography of Perth dates from the late 1930s (Dixon 148–54). As “Sandgroper” noted, by this time, most of the urban wetlands had been drained or substantially modified. The animation revealed considerable alterations to the formerly swampy Swan River shoreline. Most prominent was the transformation of the Matagarup shallows across the Swan River, originally consisting of small islands. Now traversed by a causeway, this area was transformed into a single island, Heirisson—the general site of Balbuk’s birth. The animation and accompanying materials (maps, images, and writings) enabled viewers to apprehend the changes in real time and to imagine what the city was once like. Re-imagining Perth’s Urban Heart The physical environment of inner Perth includes virtually no trace of its wetland origins. Consequently, we considered whether a representation of Perth, as it existed previously, could enhance public understanding of natural heritage and thereby increase its value. For this reason, interpretive materials were exhibited centrally at Perth Town Hall. Built partly by convicts between 1867 and 1870, the venue is close to the site of the 1829 Foundation of Perth, depicted in George Pitt Morrison’s painting. Balbuk’s grandfather “camped somewhere in the city of Perth, not far from the Town Hall” (Bates, “Fanny”). The building lies one block from the site of the railway station on the site of Lake Kingsford, the subsistence grounds of Balbuk and her forebears: The old swamp which is now the Perth railway yards had been a favourite jilgi ground; a spring near the Town Hall had been a camping place of Maiago […] and others of her fathers' folk; and all around and about city and suburbs she had gathered roots and fished for crayfish in the days gone by. (Bates, “Derelicts” 55) Beginning in 1848, the draining of Lake Kingsford reached completion during the construction of the Town Hall. While the swamps of the city were not appreciated by many residents, some organisations, such as the Perth Town Trust, vigorously opposed the reclamation of the lake, alluding to its hydrological role: That, the soil being sand, it is not to be supposed that Lake Kingsford has in itself any material effect on the wells of Perth; but that, from this same reason of the sandy soil, it would be impossible to keep the lake dry without, by so doing, withdrawing the water from at least the adjacent parts of the townsite to the same depth. (Independent Journal of Politics and News 3) At the time of our exhibition, the Lake Kingsford site was again being reworked to sink the railway line and build Yagan Square, a public space named after a colonial-era Nyoongar leader. The project required specialised construction techniques due to the high water table—the remnants of the lake. People travelling to the exhibition by train in October 2014 could have seen the lake reasserting itself in partly-filled depressions, flush with winter rain (Figure 4).Figure 4. Rise of the Repressed (2014). Water Rising in the former site of Lake Kingsford/Irwin during construction, corner of Roe and Fitzgerald Streets, Northbridge, WA. Image Credit: Nandi Chinna (2014). The exhibition was situated in the Town Hall’s enclosed undercroft designed for markets and more recently for shops. While some visited after peering curiously through the glass walls of the undercroft, others hailed from local and state government organisations. Guest comments applauded the alternative view of Perth we presented. The content invited the public to re-imagine Perth as a city of wetlands that were both environmentally and culturally important. A display panel described how the city’s infrastructure presented a hindrance for Balbuk as she attempted to negotiate the once-familiar route between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford (Figure 2). Perth’s growth “restricted Balbuk’s wanderings; towns, trains, and farms came through her ‘line of march’; old landmarks were thus swept away, and year after year saw her less confident of the locality of one-time familiar spots” (Bates, “Fanny”). Conserving Wetlands: From Re-Claiming to Re-Valuing? Imagination, for philosopher Roger Scruton, involves “thinking of, and attending to, a present object (by thinking of it, or perceiving it, in terms of something absent)” (155). According to Scruton, the feelings aroused through imagination can prompt creative, transformative experiences. While environmental conservation tends to rely on data-driven empirical approaches, it appeals to imagination less commonly. We have found, however, that attending to the present object (the city) in terms of something absent (its wetlands) through evocative visual material can complement traditional conservation agendas focused on habitats and species. The actual extent of wetlands loss in the Swan Coastal Plain—the flat and sandy region extending from Jurien Bay south to Cape Naturaliste, including Perth—is contested. However, estimates suggest that 80 per cent of wetlands have been lost, with remaining habitats threatened by climate change, suburban development, agriculture, and industry (Department of Environment and Conservation). As with the swamps and lakes of the inner city, many regional wetlands were cleared, drained, or filled before they could be properly documented. Additionally, the seasonal fluctuations of swampy places have never been easily translatable to two-dimensional records. As Giblett notes, the creation of cartographic representations and the assignment of English names were attempts to fix the dynamic boundaries of wetlands, at least in the minds of settlers and administrators (Postmodern 72–73). Moreover, European colonists found the Western Australian landscape, including its wetlands, generally discomfiting. In a letter from 1833, metaphors failed George Fletcher Moore, the effusive colonial commentator, “I cannot compare these swamps to any marshes with which you are familiar” (220). The intermediate nature of wetlands—as neither land nor lake—is perhaps one reason for their cultural marginalisation (Giblett, Postmodern 39). The conviction that unsanitary, miasmic wetlands should be converted to more useful purposes largely prevailed (Giblett, Black 105–22). Felicity Morel-EdnieBrown’s research into land ownership records in colonial Perth demonstrated that town lots on swampland were often preferred. By layering records using geographic information systems (GIS), she revealed modifications to town plans to accommodate swampland frontages. The decline of wetlands in the region appears to have been driven initially by their exploitation for water and later for fertile soil. Northern market gardens supplied the needs of the early city. It is likely that the depletion of Nyoongar bush foods predated the flourishing of these gardens (Carter and Nutter). Engaging with the history of Perth’s swamps raises questions about the appreciation of wetlands today. In an era where numerous conservation strategies and alternatives have been developed (for example, Bobbink et al. 93–220), the exploitation of wetlands in service to population growth persists. On Perth’s north side, wetlands have long been subdued by controlling their water levels and landscaping their boundaries, as the suburban examples of Lake Monger and Hyde Park (formerly Third Swamp Reserve) reveal. Largely unmodified wetlands, such as Forrestdale Lake, exist south of Perth, but they too are in danger (Giblett, Black Swan). The Beeliar Wetlands near the suburb of Bibra Lake comprise an interconnected series of lakes and swamps that are vulnerable to a highway extension project first proposed in the 1950s. Just as the Perth Town Trust debated Lake Kingsford’s draining, local councils and the public are fiercely contesting the construction of the Roe Highway, which will bisect Beeliar Wetlands, destroying Roe Swamp (Chinna). The conservation value of wetlands still struggles to compete with traffic planning underpinned by a modernist ideology that associates cars and freeways with progress (Gregory). Outside of archives, the debate about Lake Kingsford is almost entirely forgotten and its physical presence has been erased. Despite the magnitude of loss, re-imagining the city’s swamplands, in the way that we have, calls attention to past indiscretions while invigorating future possibilities. We hope that the re-imagining of Perth’s wetlands stimulates public respect for ancestral tracks and songlines like Balbuk’s. Despite the accretions of settler history and colonial discourse, songlines endure as a fundamental cultural heritage. Nyoongar elder Noel Nannup states, “as people, if we can get out there on our songlines, even though there may be farms or roads overlaying them, fences, whatever it is that might impede us from travelling directly upon them, if we can get close proximity, we can still keep our culture alive. That is why it is so important for us to have our songlines.” Just as Fanny Balbuk plied her songlines between Yoonderup and Lake Kingsford, the traditional custodians of Beeliar and other wetlands around Perth walk the landscape as an act of resistance and solidarity, keeping the stories of place alive. Acknowledgments The authors wish to acknowledge Rod Giblett (ECU), Nandi Chinna (ECU), Susanna Iuliano (ECU), Jeff Murray (Kareff Consulting), Dimitri Fotev (City of Perth), and Brendan McAtee (Landgate) for their contributions to this project. The authors also acknowledge the traditional custodians of the lands upon which this paper was researched and written. References Bates, Daisy. “Fanny Balbuk-Yooreel: The Last Swan River (Female) Native.” The Western Mail 1 Jun. 1907: 45.———. “Oldest Perth: The Days before the White Men Won.” The Western Mail 25 Dec. 1909: 16–17.———. “Derelicts: The Passing of the Bibbulmun.” The Western Mail 25 Dec. 1924: 55–56. ———. “Aboriginal Perth.” The Western Mail 4 Jul. 1929: 70.———. “Hooper’s Fence: A Query.” The Western Mail 18 Apr. 1935: 9.———. The Passing of the Aborigines: A Lifetime Spent among the Natives of Australia. London: John Murray, 1966.Bekle, Hugo. “The Wetlands Lost: Drainage of the Perth Lake Systems.” Western Geographer 5.1–2 (1981): 21–41.Bekle, Hugo, and Joseph Gentilli. “History of the Perth Lakes.” Early Days 10.5 (1993): 442–60.Bobbink, Roland, Boudewijn Beltman, Jos Verhoeven, and Dennis Whigham, eds. Wetlands: Functioning, Biodiversity Conservation, and Restoration. Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 2006. Carter, Bevan, and Lynda Nutter. 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ExpositionPortland, Oregon (USA) has become known for an artisanal or ‘maker’ economy that relies on a resurgence of place specificity (Heying), primarily expressed and exported to a global audience in the notion of ‘Portland Made’ (Roy). Portland Made reveals a tension immanent in the notion of ‘place’: place is both here and not here, both real and imaginary. What emerges is a complicated picture of how place conceptually captures various intersections of materiality and mythology, aesthetics and economics. On the one hand, Portland Made represents the collective brand-identity used by Portland’s makers to signify a products’ material existence as handcrafted, place-embedded, and authentic. These characteristics lead to certain assumptions about the concept of ‘local’ (Marotta and Heying): what meaning does Portland Made convey, and how is such meaning distributed? On the other hand, the seemingly intentional embedding of place-specificity in objects meant for distribution far outside of Portland begs another type of question: how does Portland come to be discursively representative of these characteristics, and how are such representations distributed to global audiences? How does this global distribution and consumption of immaterial Portland feed back into the production of material Portland?To answer these questions we look to the realm of social media, specifically the popular image-based service Instagram. For the uninitiated, Instagram is a web-based social media service that allows pictures to be shared and seen by anyone that follows a person or business’ Instagram account. Actions include posting original photos (often taken and posted with a cell phone), ‘liking’ pictures, and ‘hash-tagging’ posts with trending terms that increase visibility. Instagram presents us with a complex view of place as both material and virtual, sometimes reifying and sometimes abstracting often-contradictory understandings of place specificity. Many makers use Instagram to promote their products to a broad audience and, in doing so, makers participate in the construction of Portland’s mythology. In this paper, we use empirical insights to theorise makers’ role in shaping and cultivating the virtual and material aspects of place. Additionally, we discuss how makers navigate the complex relationships tied to the importance of place in their specific cultural productions. In the first section, we develop the notion of a curated maker subjectivity. In the second section, we consider the relationship between subjectivity and place. Both sections emphasize how Instagram mediates the relationship between place and subjectivity. Through spotlighting particular literatures in each section, we attempt to fill a gap in the literature that addresses the relationship between subjectivity, place, and social media. Through this line of analysis, we attempt to better understand how and where Portland is made, along with the implications for Portland’s makers.ActionThe insights from this paper came to us inadvertently. While conducting fieldwork that interrogated ‘localism’ and how Portland makers conceptualise local, makers repeatedly discussed the importance of social media to their work. In our fieldwork, Instagram in particular has presented us with new opportunities to query the entanglements of real and virtual embedded in collective identifications with place. This paper draws from interviews conducted for two closely related research projects. The first examines maker ecosystems in three US cities, Portland, Chicago and New York (Doussard et. al.; Wolf-Powers and Levers). We drew from the Portland interviews (n=38) conducted for this project. The second research project is our multi-year examination of Portland’s maker community, where we have conducted interviews (n=48), two annual surveys of members of the Portland Made Collective (n=126 for 2014, n=338 for 2015) and numerous field observations. As will be evident below, our sample of makers includes small crafters and producers from a variety of ‘traditional’ sectors ranging from baking to carpentry to photography, all united by a common identification with the maker movement. Using insights from this trove of data as well as general observations of the changing artisan landscape of Portland, we address the question of how social media mediates the space between Portland as a material place and Portland as an imaginary place.Social Media, Subjectivity, and Authenticity In the post-Fordist era, creative self-enterprise and entrepreneurialism have been elevated to mythical status (Szeman), becoming especially important in the creative and digital industries. These industries have been characterized by contract based work (Neff, Wissinger, and Zukin; Storey, Salaman, and Platman), unstable employment (Hesmondhalgh and Baker), and the logic of flexible specialization (Duffy and Hund; Gill). In this context of hyper individualization and intense competition, creative workers and other entrepreneurs are increasingly pushed to strategically brand, curate, and project representational images of their subjectivity in order to secure new work (Gill), embody the values of the market (Banet-Weiser and Arzumanova), and take on commercial logics of authenticity (Duffy; Marwick and boyd). For example, Duffy and Hund explore how female fashion bloggers represent their branded persona, revealing three interrelated tropes typically used by bloggers: the destiny of passionate work; the presentation of a glam lifestyle; and carefully curated forms of social sharing. These curated tropes obscure the (unpaid) emotional and aesthetic labour (Hracs and Leslie), self-discipline, and capital required to run these blogs. Duffy and Hund also point out that this concealment is generative of particular mythologies about creative work, gender, race, and class. To this list we would add place; below, we will show the use of Instagram by Portland’s makers not only perpetuates particular mythologies about artisan labour and demands self-branding, but is also a spatial practice that is productive of place through the use of visual vernaculars that reflect a localized and globalized articulation of the social and physical milieu of Portland (Hjorth and Gu; Pike). Similar to many other artists and creative entrepreneurs (Pasquinelli and Sjöholm), Portland’s makers typically work long hours in order to produce high quality, unique goods at a volume that will afford them the ability to pay rent in Portland’s increasingly expensive central city neighbourhoods. Much of this work is done from the home: according to our survey of Portland Made Collective’s member firms, 40% consist of single entrepreneurs working from home. Despite being a part of a creative milieu that is constantly captured by the Portland ‘brand’, working long hours, alone, produces a sense of isolation, articulated well by this apparel maker:It’s very isolating working from home alone. [...] The other people I know are working from home, handmade people, I’ll post something, and it makes you realize we’re all sitting at home doing the exact same thing. We can’t all hang out because you gotta focus when you’re working, but when I’m like ugh, I just need a little break from the sewing machine for five minutes, I go on Instagram.This statement paints Instagram as a coping mechanism for the isolation of working alone from home, an important impetus for makers to use Instagram. This maker uses Instagram roughly two hours per workday to connect with other makers and to follow certain ‘trendsetters’ (many of whom also live in Portland). Following other makers allows the maker community to gauge where they are relative to other makers; one furniture maker told us that she was able to see where she should be going based on other makers that were slightly ahead of her, but she could also advise other makers that were slightly behind her. The effect is a sense of collaborative participation in the ‘scene’, which both alleviates the sense of isolation and helps makers gain legitimacy from others in their milieu. As we show below, this participation demands from makers a curative process of identity formation. Jacque Rancière’s intentional double meaning of the French term partage (the “distribution of the sensible”) creates space to frame curation in terms of the politics around “sharing in” and “sharing out” (Méchoulan). For Rancière, the curative aspect of communities (or scenes) reveals something inherently political about aesthetics: the politics of visibility on Instagram “revolve around what is seen and what can be said about it, who has the ability to see and the talent to speak, around the properties of space and the possibilities of time” (8-9). An integral part of the process of curating a particular identity to express over Instagram is reflected by who they follow or what they ‘like’ (a few makers mentioned the fact that they ‘like’ things strategically).Ultimately, makers need followers for their brand (product brand, self-brand, and place-brand), which requires makers to engage in a form of aesthetic labour through a curated articulation of who a maker is–their personal story, or what Duffy and Hund call “the destiny of passionate work”–and how that translates into what they make at the same time. These identities congeal over Instagram: one maker described this as a “circle of firms that are moving together.” Penetrating that circle by curating connections over Instagram is an important branding strategy.As a confections maker told us, strategically using hashtags and stylizing pictures to fit the trends is paramount. Doing these things effectively draws attention from other makers and trendsetters, and, as an apparel maker told us, getting even one influential trendsetter or blogger to follow them on Instagram can translate into huge influxes of attention (and sales) for their business. Furthermore, getting featured by an influential blogger or online magazine can yield instantaneous results. For instance, we spoke with an electronics accessories maker that had been featured in Gizmodo a few years prior, and the subsequent uptick in demand led him to hire over 20 new employees.The formulation of a ‘maker’ subjectivity reveals the underlying manner in which certain subjective characteristics are expressed while others remain hidden; expressing the wrong characteristics may subvert the ability for makers to establish themselves in the milieu. We asked a small Portland enterprise that documents the local maker scene about the process of curating an Instagram photo, especially curious about how they aesthetically frame ‘site visits’ at maker workspaces. We were somewhat surprised to hear that makers tend to “clean too much” ahead of a photo shoot; the photographer we spoke with told us that people want to see the space as it looks when it’s being worked in, when it’s a little messy. The photographer expressed an interest in accentuating the maker’s ‘individual understanding’ of the maker aesthetic; the framing and the lighting of each photo is meant to relay traces of the maker to potential consumers. The desire seems to be the expression and experience of ‘authenticity’, a desire that if captured correctly grants the maker a great deal of purchase in the field of Portland Made consumers. This is all to say that the curation of the workspaces is essential to the construction of the maker subjectivity and the Portland imaginary. Maker workshops are rendered as real places where real makers that belong to an authentic maker milieu produce authentic Portland goods that have a piece of Portland embedded within them (Molotch). Instagram is central in distributing that mythology to a global audience.At this point we can start to develop the relationship between maker subjectivity and place. Authenticity, in this context, appears to be tied to the product being both handmade and place-specific. As the curated imaginary of Portland matures, a growing dialogue emerges between makers and consumers of Portland Made (authentic) goods. This dialogue is a negotiated form of authority in which the maker claims authority while the consumer simultaneously confers authority. The aforementioned place-specificity signals a new layer of magic in regards to Portland’s distinctive position: would ‘making’ in any other place be generative of such authority? According to a number of our interviewees, being from Portland carries the assumption that Portland’s makers have a certain level of expertise that comes from being completely embedded in Portland’s creative scene. This complex interplay between real and virtual treats Portland’s imaginary as a concrete reality, preparing it for consumption by reinforcing the notion of an authoritative collective brand (Portland Made). One bicycle accessory maker claimed that the ability of Portland’s makers to access the Portland brand transmits credibility for makers of things associated with Portland, such as bikes, beer, and crafty goods. This perhaps explains why so many makers use Portland in the name of their company (e.g. Portland Razor Company) and why so many stamp their goods with ‘Made in Portland’.This, however, comes with an added set of expectations: the maker, again, is tasked with cultivating and performing a particular aesthetic in order to achieve legitimacy with their target audience, only this time it ends up being the dominant aesthetic associated with a specific place. For instance, the aforementioned bicycle accessory maker that we spoke with recalled an experience at a craft fair in which many of the consumers were less concerned with his prices than whether his goods were handmade in Portland. Without this legitimation, the good would not have the mysticism of Portland as a place locked within it. In this way, the authenticity of a place becomes metonymic (e.g. Portlandia), similar to how Detroit became known as ‘Motor City’. Portland’s particular authenticity is wrapped up in individuality, craftiness, creativity, and environmental conscientiousness, all things that makers in some way embed in their products (Molotch) and express in the photos on their Instagram feeds (Hjorth).(Social) Media, Place, and the Performance of Aesthetics In this section, we turn our attention to the relationship between subjectivity, place, and Instagram. Scholars have investigated how television production (Pramett), branding (Pike), and locative-based social media (Hjorth, Hjorth and Gu, Hjorth and Lim, Leszczynski) function as spatial practices. The practices affect and govern experiences and interactions with space, thereby generating spatial hybridity (de Souza e Silva). McQuire, for example, investigates the historical formation of the ‘media city’, demonstrating how various media technologies have become interconnected with the architectural structures of the city. Pramett expands on this analysis of media representations of cities by interrogating how media production acts as a spatial practice that produces and governs contested urban spaces, the people in those spaces, and the habitus of the place, forming what she dubs the “media neighbourhood.” The media neighbourhood becomes ordered by the constant opportunities for neighbourhood residents to be involved in media production; residents must navigate and interact with local space as though they may be captured on film or asked to work in the background production at any moment. These material (on site shooting and local hiring practices) and immaterial (textual, musical, and visual representations of a city) production practices become exploitative, extracting value from a place for media industries and developers that capitalize on a place’s popular imaginary.McQuire’s media city and Pramett’s media neighbourhood help us understand the embeddedness of (social) media in the material landscapes of Portland. Over the past few years, Portland has begun experiencing new flows of tourists and migrants–we should note that more than a few makers mentioned in interviews that they moved to Portland in order to become makers–expecting to find what they see on Instagram overlaid materially on the city itself. And indeed, they do: ‘vibrant’ neighbourhood districts such as Alberta Arts, Belmont, Mississippi, Hawthorne, Northwest 23rd, and downtown Portland’s rebranded ‘West End’ are all increasingly full of colourful boutiques that express maker aesthetics and sell local maker goods. Not only do the goods and boutiques need to exemplify these aesthetic qualities, but the makers and the workspaces from which these goods come from, need to fit that aesthetic.The maker subjectivity is developed through the navigation of both real and virtual experiences that contour the social performance of a ‘maker aesthetic’. This aesthetic has become increasingly socially consumed, a trend especially visible on Instagram: as a point of reference, there are at least four Portland-based ‘foodies’ that have over 80,000 followers on Instagram. One visible result of this curated and performed subjectivity and the place-brand it captures is the physical transformation of Portland: (material) space has become a surface onto which the (virtual) Instagram/maker aesthetic is being inscribed, a stage on which the maker aesthetic is performed. The material and immaterial are interwoven into a dramaturgy that gives space a certain set of meanings oriented toward creativity, quirkiness, and consumption. Meanings cultivated over Instagram, then, become productive of meaning in place. These meanings are consumed by thousands of tourists and newly minted Portlanders, as images of people posing in front of Portland’s hipster institutions (such as Salt & Straw or Voodoo Donuts) are captured on iPhones and redistributed back across Instagram for the world to experience. Perhaps this is why Tokyo now has an outpost of Portland’s Blue Star Donuts or why Red Hook (Brooklyn) has its own version of Portland’s Pok Pok. One designer/maker, who had recently relocated to Portland, captured the popular imaginary of Portland in this conversation:Maker: People in Brooklyn love the idea that it came from Portland. People in Seattle love it; people in the Midwest love that it came from Portland right now, because Portland’s like the thing.Interviewer: What does that mean, what does it embody?Maker: They know that it’s local, it like, they know that maker thing is there, it’s in Portland, that they know it’s organic to Portland, it’s local to Portland, there’s this crazy movement that you hear throughout the United States about–Interviewer: So people are getting a piece of that?Maker: Yeah.For us, the dialogical relationship between material and immaterial has never been more entangled. Instagram is one way that makers might control the gap between fragmentation and belonging (i.e. to a particular community or milieu), although in the process they are confronted with an aesthetic distribution that is productive of a mythological sense of place that social media seems to produce, distribute, and consume so effectively. In the era of social media, where sense of place is so quickly transmitted, cities can come to represent a sense of collective identity, and that identity might in turn be distributed across its material landscape.DenouementThrough every wrench turn, every stitching of fabric, every boutique opening, and every Instagram post, makers actively produce Portland as both a local and global place. Portland is constructed through the material and virtual interactions makers engage in, both cultivating and framing everyday interactions in space and ideas held about place. In the first section, we focused on the curation of a maker aesthetic and the development of the maker subjectivity mediated through Instagram. The second section attempted to better understand how those aesthetic performances on Instagram become imprinted on urban space and how these inscriptions feedback to global audiences. Taken together, these performances reveal the complex undertaking that makers adopt in branding their goods as Portland Made. In addition, we hope to have shown the complex entanglements between space and place, production and consumption, and ‘here’ and ‘not here’ that are enrolled in value production at the nexus of place-brand generation.Our investigation opens the door to another, perhaps more problematic set of interrogations which are beyond the scope of this paper. In particular, and especially in consideration of Portland’s gentrification crisis, we see two related sets of displacements as necessary of further interrogation. First, as we answer the question of where Portland is made, we acknowledge that the capturing of Portland Made as a brand perpetuates a process of displacement and “spatio-subjective” regulation that both reflects and reproduces spatial rationalizations (Williams and Dourish). This dis-place-ment renders particular neighbourhoods and populations within Portland, specifically ethnic minorities and the outer edges of the metropolitan area, invisible or superfluous to the city’s imaginary. Portland, as presented by makers through their Instagram accounts, conceals the city’s “power geometries” (Massey) and ignores the broader social context Portland exists in, while perpetuating the exclusion of ethnic minorities from the conversation about what else is made in Portland.Second, as Portland Made has become virtually representative of a deepening connection between makers and place, the performance of such aesthetic labour has left makers to navigate a process that increasingly leads to their own estrangement from the very place they have a hand in creating. This process reveals an absurdity: makers are making the very thing that displaces them. The cultivation of the maker milieu attracts companies, in-movers, and tourists to Portland, thus creating a tight real estate market and driving up property values. Living and working in Portland is increasingly difficult for makers, epitomized by the recent sale and eviction of approximately 500 makers from the Town Storage facility (Hammill). Additionally, industrial space in the city is increasingly coveted by tech firms, and competition over such space is being complicated by looming zoning changes in Portland’s new comprehensive plan.Our conclusions suggest additional research is needed to understand the relationship(s) between such aesthetic performance and various forms of displacement, but we also suggest attention to the global reach of such dynamics: how is Portland’s maker ecosystem connected to the global maker community over social media, and how is space shaped differentially in other places despite a seemingly homogenizing maker aesthetic? 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