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Journal articles on the topic 'Mesopotamian politics'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

SEHGAL, MANU, and SAMIKSHA SEHRAWAT. "Scandal in Mesopotamia: Press, empire, and India during the First World War." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 5 (October 24, 2019): 1395–445. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000215.

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AbstractBy providing the first comprehensive account of the role of the British and Indian press in war propaganda, this article makes an intervention in the global history of the First World War. The positive propaganda early in the war, intertwined with a rhetoric of loyalism, contrasted with how the conservative British press affixed blame for military defeats in Mesopotamia upon the colonial regime's failure to effectively mobilize India's resources. Using a highly emotive and enduring trope of the ‘Mesopotamia muddle’, the Northcliffe press was successful in channelling a high degree of public scrutiny onto the campaign. The effectiveness of this criticism ensured that debates about the Mesopotamian debacle became a vehicle for registering criticism of structures of colonial rule and control in India. On the one hand, this critique hastened constitutional reforms and devolution in colonial India and, on the other, it led to demands that the inadequacy of India's contribution to the war be remedied by raising war loans. Both the colonial government and its nationalist critics were briefly and paradoxically united in opposing these demands. The coercive extraction of funds for the imperial war effort as well as the British press's vituperative criticism contributed to a post-war, anti-colonial political upsurge. The procedure of creating a colonial ‘scandal’ out of a military disaster required a specific politics for assessing the regulated flows of information, which proved to be highly effective in shaping both the enquiry that followed and the politics of interwar colonial South Asia.

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Stone, Elizabeth C. "The Ur III-Old Babylonian transition: An archaeological perspective." Iraq 64 (2002): 79–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003661.

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Mesopotamian history tends to be phrased in terms of stages: Early Dynastic city-states replaced by imperial Akkad, bureaucratic Ur III replaced by the more individualistic Isin-Larsa and Old Babylonian periods thanks to the influence of the Amorites, etc. Lost in this process is a sense of the longue durée of Mesopotamian civilization, the basic and largely unchanging aspects of its society, economy and politics. In this paper I will explore one of these transitions, that between Ur III and Isin-Larsa/Old Babylonian times, by examining the nexus between the cuneiform and archaeological records.My aim is to explore the circumstances that resulted in the unearthing of the textual record upon which our understanding of the Ur III and Old Babylonian periods is based. Where did these tablets come from and what were the circumstances that both led to their preservation and allowed them to be recovered so that we could read them? To answer these questions, it will be necessary to look at the interconnections between the survey data, excavated data and the written record.The broad sweep of settlement and abandonment provided by the survey data collected and analysed by Adams and his students and colleagues (Adams 1965, 1972, 1981, Adams and Nissen 1972, Gibson 1972, Wright 1981) has a direct impact on our understanding of the archaeological contexts of the cuneiform texts. Sites are subject to forces of erosion so that periods of abandonment — even if temporary relative to Mesopotamia's four-thousand-year history — still selectively remove parts of the archaeological record. Since all texts derive from archaeological contexts they are by no means immune. Indeed unbaked clay tablets are some of the most fragile of the artifacts recovered from Mesopotamian sites, only surviving to the present when buried rapidly at the outset and remaining so until uncovered by the spade of the archaeologist or, more often unfortunately, the looter. Then there is also the issue of accessibility. In most instances both archaeologists and looters dig from the top of a site down, and generally not that far down. Thus most of our data, both archaeological and textual, derive from those levels closest to the exposed surfaces of archaeological sites.

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Valk, Jonathan. "“They Enjoy Syrup and Ghee at Tables of Silver and Gold”: Infant Loss in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 59, no. 5 (November 7, 2016): 695–749. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341412.

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The present study draws on interdisciplinary research to establish an interpretative framework for an analysis of the material and textual evidence concerning infant loss in ancient Mesopotamia (c. 3000-500 bce). This approach rejects the notion that high infant mortality rates result in widespread parental indifference to infant loss, arguing instead that underlying biological and transcultural realities inform human responses to this phenomenon. With this conclusion in mind, a review of ancient Mesopotamian archaeological evidence reveals patterns of differential infant burial; while the interpretation of these patterns is uncertain, the broader contexts of infant burials in ancient Mesopotamia do not point to parental indifference, but rather the opposite. The available textual evidence in turn indicates that ancient Mesopotamians valued their infants, sought actively to protect them from harm, and mourned deeply when they died, a conclusion that is not controverted by evidence of infant exposure.

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Manan, Nuraini A. "MESOPOTAMIA DAN MESIR KUNO: Awal Peradaban Dunia." Jurnal Adabiya 22, no. 1 (July 16, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/adabiya.v22i1.7452.

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The existence of civilization cannot be separated from the existence of human beings. Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt were the centers of the oldest civilization in the world. Both Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt had typical characteristics. Mesopotamian civilization was more non-physical compared to Egypt. Sciences were emphasized more in Mesopotamia, while Egypt emphasized religious aspects. Political systems in both areas were almost the same, that is, absolutism and considered the king as god. Mesopotamia was more humanist than Egypt. The effectiveness of both civilizations was determined much by political power and economy.

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Nongbri, Brent. "Dislodging "Embedded" Religion: A Brief Note on a Scholarly Trope." Numen 55, no. 4 (2008): 440–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852708x310527.

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AbstractScholars of ancient cultures are increasingly speaking of the "embeddedness" of ancient religion — arguing that the practices modern investigators group under the heading of "religion" did not compose a well-defined category in antiquity; instead, they claim that "religion was embedded" in other aspects of ancient culture. These writers use this notion of "embeddedness" to help us see that categories post-Enlightenment thinkers often regard as distinct (such as politics, economics, and religion) largely overlapped in antiquity. The trope of "embedded religion" can, however, also produce the false impression that religion is a descriptive concept rather than a redescriptive concept for ancient cultures (i.e., that there really is something "out there" in antiquity called "Roman religion" or "Mesopotamian religion," which scholars are simply describing rather than creating). By allowing this slippage between descriptive and redescriptive uses of "religion," the rhetoric of "embedded religion" exacerbates the very problem it is meant to solve.

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6

Bokhari, Kamran Asghar. "Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 124–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i1.1958.

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Many scholars have attempted to tackle the question of why democracy has seemingly failed to take root in the Islamic milieu, in general, and the pre dominantlyArab Middle East, in particular, while the rest of the world has witnessed the fall of"pax-authoritaria" especially in the wake of the demercratic revolution triggered by the failure of communism. Some view this resistance to the Third Wave, as being rooted in the Islamic cultural dynamics of the region, whereas others will ascribe it to the level of political development (or the lack thereof). An anthology of essays, Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East furnishes the reader with five historical casestudies that seek to explain the arrested socio politico-economic development of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey, and the resulting undemercratic political culture that domjnates the overall political landscape of the Middle East. The first composition in this omnibus is "The Crisis of Democracy in Twentieth Century Syria and Lebanon," authored by Bill Harris, senior lecturer of political studies at the University of Otago in Dunedin, New Zealand. Haris compares and contrasts the political development of Syria and Lebanon during the French mandate period and under the various regimes since then. He examines how the two competing forms of nationalism, i.e., Lebanonism and Arabism, along with sectarianism, are the main factors that have contributed to the consolidation of one-party rule in Syria, and the I 6-year internecine conflict in Lebanon. After a brief overview of the early history of both countries, the author spends a great deal oftime discussing the relatively more recent political developments: Syria from 1970 onwards, and Lebanon from I 975 to the I 990s. Harris expresses deep pessimism regarding the future of democratic politics in both countries, which in his opinion is largely due to the deep sectarian cleavages in both states. The next treatise is "Re-inventing Nationalism in B􀀥thi Iraq 1968- 1994: SupraTerritorial Identities and What Lies Below," by Amatzia Baram, professor of Middle East History at the University of Haifa. Baram surveys the Ba·th's second stint in power (1968-present) in lraq. Baram's opinion is that a shift has occurred in B􀀥thist ideology from an integrative Pan-Arab program to an Iraqi-centered Arab nationalism. She attributes this to Saddam's romance with the past, on the one hand, which is the reason for the incorporation of themes from both the ancient Mesopotamian civilization and the medieval Abbasid caliphal era, and, on the other hand, to Islam and tribalism, that inform the pragmatic concerns of the Ba'thist ideological configuration ...

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Liverani, Mario. "Reconstructing the Rural Landscape of the Ancient Near East." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 39, no. 1 (1996): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520962600262.

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AbstractThe reconstruction of ancient Near Eastern history has mainly concentrated on urban (and especially palace) environments, leaving the rural landscape outside these analyses. Recent advances in archaeological and palaeobotanical fields greatly help in the recovery of the general outlines of rural exploitation in Mesopotamia and the surrounding regions; yet they cannot but miss the details of the individual exploitation units (fields and orchards), whose size and shape can be reconstructed on the basis of textual data such as cadastral texts (and other administrative recordings) and legal texts (related to the transfer of landed properties). Continuing the author's earlier work on the shape of fields in Ur III (ca. 2100-2000 B.C.), based on cadastral documents from Lagash province in lower Mesopotamia, this article examines, by way of ‘gross’ generalization and occasional exemplification, the entire history of the Mesopotamian landscape from the first administrative landscape in “late-Uruk” documents (ca. 3000 B.C.), down to the Neo-Babylonian documents of the Archaemenid period (ca. 500 B.C.).

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Dolce, Rita. "The “head of the enemy” in the sculptures from the palaces of Nineveh: An example of “cultural migration”?" Iraq 66 (2004): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001716.

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The choice of this subject originates from the fact that the area of research to which I have been devoting myself recently includes the figurative cultures of Mesopotamia and Syria in the Early Dynastic and the Early Syrian periods, specifically in the field of war. Some of the data resulting from this research focus on the representation of the “head of the enemy”, which appears repeatedly in the documentation of the second millennium BC in Syria but so far seems to be absent in contemporary Mesopotamia. Despite the evident difference between the forms of representation from these two areas, I perceived in the figurative cycles of the Neo-Assyrian reliefs not only the recurrence of this theme but also the intentional display of severed heads, which reaches its climax in the numerous examples from the South-West Palace in Nineveh. My first aim is, therefore, to suggest a plausible approach towards identifying the origin of the display of “severed heads”, previously absent from Mesopotamian scenes of warfare, in the visual communication of the Neo-Assyrian period. My second aim is to offer an interpretation which may help shed light on ideological, cultural and anthropological aspects essential to the Neo-Assyrian political programme and its visual representation.

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Garrison, Mark B. "Politics, Religion, and Cylinder Seals: A Study of Mesopotamian Symbolism in the Second Millennium B.C. By Jeanne Nijhowne. BAR International Series 772. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, 1999. Pp. vi + 126. £37." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 62, no. 4 (October 2003): 306–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/380369.

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10

Yoffee, Norman. "T. PATRICK CULBERT: An appreciation." Ancient Mesoamerica 14, no. 1 (January 2003): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536103132075.

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Pat Culbert's scholarship and teaching are marked by both an insistence on rigorous attention to data and a gentleness and humaneness in which scholarly inquiry should flourish. I discuss in this paper one aspect of his research—the size and degree of political integration of Maya polities—by means of a comparison with Mesopotamian examples.

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Schwemer, Daniel. "Ritual and Politics in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 7, no. 1 (2007): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921207781375169.

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12

Richardson, Seth. "Mesopotamian Political History: The Perversities." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 1, no. 1 (February 1, 2014): 61–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2013-0005.

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AbstractThis essay outlines approaches and problems in writing ancient Mesopotamian political history. A brief review of Assyriological studies is contrasted to political history generally. What follows are six points of theory which present problems and opportunities for moving these studies forward, based on a refocus away from the state; the strategic use of ambiguity by political entities; the role of social forgetting; the productive use of absences of evidence; a renewed effort at period history; and an appraisal of environmental explanations of historical change.

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13

Ristvet, Lauren. "Travel and the Making of North Mesopotamian Polities." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 361 (February 2011): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5615/bullamerschoorie.361.0001.

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14

Al Faruqi, Ismail, and Lamya’ Al Faruqi. "The Cultural Atlas of Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 3, no. 1 (September 1, 1986): 169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v3i1.2768.

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This magnifrcent book, published by Macmillan a month after the Faruqis’deaths, presents the entire world view of Islam-its beliefs, traditions, institutions,and its place in the cultures in which it has taken mot. THE CULTURALATLAS OF ISLAM is not only a comprehensive introduction to the Islamicexperience in history and the modern world. It is an authoritative and deeplyfelt statement of the faith of Islam, written for those of all faiths. Isma‘il andLois Lamya’ al Faruqi’s book is, in fact, Islam explaining itself.Rich with more than 300 photographs, drawings, and other illustrations,and with some 75 original maps, this is a unique guide to the meaning ofIslam and its shaping force on cultures from the Mediterranean to the Pacific.This is, however, much more than a history of events; it is a clear presentationof the essence of Islamic civilization in all its spheres, from everydaypractices of Muslims around the world to the Islamic legacy in art, science,law, politics, and philosophy.The authors begin with the ancient setting of Islam, examining the differentstrands of influence-Arab, Mesopotamian, Canaanite, and Hebrew-that wereits frontrunners. Islam, the authors demonstrate, brought together diverse traditionsand from them forged the unique body of belief, thought, and practicethat continues to animate Muslim life today throughout the world.Part Two explains the concept of Tawhid-the essence of Islam that bindstogether the lives of its believers. Tawhid is the affirmation of God as One,Absolute, and Ultimate; it deeply affects all aspects of Islamic thought, expression,and behavior.Part Three shows how this core of belief takes shape in scripture, socialinstitutions, and the arts-the forms which God’s revelations to Muhammadassumed in the historical fabric of Islam. There is a concise introduction tothe fundamental nature of the Quran, and to the collection of Muhammad’ssayings and deeds that clarify its statements-the Sunnah. The ways in whichIslam affects social life and its institutions-from education and family lifeto the making of the Hajj, or pilgrimage, to Mecca-is also examined. So,too, is the central role of the Qur'an in defining artistic expression.part Four is a remarkable exploriltion of the manifestations of Islam in all ...

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15

SAMUR, HAKAN. "The Mesopotamian Euro-Region." Politics & Policy 38, no. 2 (April 20, 2010): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00239.x.

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16

Parker, Ned. "Machiavelli in Mesopotamia." World Policy Journal 26, no. 1 (2009): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/wopj.2009.26.1.17.

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Fuente del Pilar, José Javier. "Pedro Teixeira y su viaje por Mesopotamia." Arbor CLXXX, no. 711/712 (April 30, 2005): 627–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/arbor.2005.i711/712.463.

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18

Powell, Marvin. "Money in Mesopotamia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 39, no. 3 (1996): 224–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520962601225.

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AbstractAlthough contemporary preconceptions about what money is or is not sometimes evoke doubt about the existence of money in ancient Mesopotamia, it seems clear that it did exist. Money was substance oriented, and coins, when they finally appear are weighed like any other valuable metal. The most common money substances were barley as cheap money and silver as the more expensive, but other substances were also used. As to the forms or shapes in which money circulated, a number of words in the ancient languages can be identified that probably refer to these forms, but their specific appearance remains, in most cases, unknown.

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Syk, Andrew. "THE 1917 MESOPOTAMIA COMMISSION." RUSI Journal 154, no. 4 (August 2009): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840903216544.

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20

Hudson, Michael. "Mesopotamia and Classical Antiquity." American Journal of Economics and Sociology 59, no. 5 (November 2000): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1536-7150.00083.

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Malul, Meir. "The Mesopotamian paranymph and his role." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 32, no. 1 (1989): 241–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852089x00097.

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22

Veenhof, K. R. "Ancient Mesopotamia and Jesho." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 36, no. 2 (1993): 120–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852093x00119.

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23

Harris, Rivkah. "The Conflict of Generations in Ancient Mesopotamian Myths." Comparative Studies in Society and History 34, no. 4 (October 1992): 621–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500018016.

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Recent years have brought a proliferation of studies on the family on such topics as household composition, marriage patterns, childbearing practices, and life-cycle transitions. Scholars in ancient near eastern studies have contributed mainly to the legal and economic aspects of family history. Frequently the work done has centered on philological questions. The cuneiform data on the Mesopotamian family, accidental and all too often limited, is spread over a period of some three thousand years. Nevertheless it is time to broaden the focus despite the inherent problems. In this essay, I treat the question of the dynamics of Mesopotamian family life, more specifically intergenerational conflict, a topic barely touched upon by scholars in the field.

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Kadhim, M. M. Najat Khair Allah. "The Assyrian Emperor ShalmaneserIII (858-824 BC), his biography and achievements." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 224, no. 2 (March 1, 2018): 301–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v224i2.282.

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In the previous researchs, in which we studied an important figure in the history of Mesopotamia, the king's character, the Assyrian king led the Assyrian empire in a period known as the modern Assyrian period in the first section, This king took control of the purposes of the neighboring countries and annexed them to the limits of his power and give them to governors who are subject to his orders and that the policy goals and great achievements focused on the empire in various aspects of economic, political, social. It also contributed to the spread of Mesopotamia in those countries where effectively I 'm HEV A HIF A GOOD

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25

Paulette, Tate. "Inebriation and the early state: Beer and the politics of affect in Mesopotamia." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 63 (September 2021): 101330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2021.101330.

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Richardson, Seth. "Obedient Bellies: Hunger and Food Security in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 59, no. 5 (November 7, 2016): 750–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341413.

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This essay argues that a broad survey of the evidence for hunger in ancient Mesopotamia shows that, while it was relatively rare in fact (if familiar enough in theory), the political management of hunger by early states points to its use in simulating their positions, in rhetoric and ideology, as providers of security and political membership as a rational economic choice. In fact, the social marginalization and moral pejorativization of the hungry points to these protections as “security theater” rather than security in fact.

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Malul, Meir. "Susapinnu: The Mesopotamian Paranymph and His Role." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 32, no. 3 (October 1989): 241. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3631998.

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Reviv, Hanoch. "Kidinnu Observations on Privileges of Mesopotamian Cities." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 31, no. 3 (1988): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3632010.

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Reviv, Hanoch. "Kidinnu: Observations On Privileges of Mesopotamian Cities." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 31, no. 3 (1988): 286–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852088x00133.

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30

Gorelick, Leonard, and A. John Gwinnett. "Minoan versus Mesopotamian Seals: Comparative methods of Manufacture." Iraq 54 (1992): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002485.

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In a previous article we reported a study of Ancient Mesopotamian cylinder seals. The purpose was to provide insights, based on experimental evidence for the change from stone to metal drills in seal manufacture. These findings were correlated to earlier research in which the proportion of medium and hard stone seals (Mohs 5–7) e.g. hematite, quartz, etc. to those of soft stones (Mohs 1–3) e.g. steatite, marble, etc. was documented. The time span encompassed the beginning of cylinder seal history at Uruk (4% medium and hard stone seals) at the end of the 4th millennium B.C. through the Sasanian period c. A.D. 200–600 (99% medium and hard stone seals). Inferences were drawn relating the tremendous increase in the proportion of hard stones to advances in the technology of hard stone seal manufacture. The growing fashion for hard stone seals was attributed to their desirability as status symbols as well as to economic factors. These findings and explanations in no way contradicted the important well documented multi-functional purpose of seals for legal, political, amuletic and funerary use as well as for the protection of property.The purpose of the present article is to provide comparable data for Minoan seals. We sought evidence for the following questions:(1) What was the proportion of medium and hard stone seals to soft stone seals during the time frame of Minoan history?(2) What were the tools and technology used for the manufacture of Minoan seals and how did these change over time?(3) What inferences might be drawn from this data to Minoan culture and history?(4) What comparisons could be made to Mesopotamian glyptic?

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Strakes, Jason. "Current Political Complexities of the Iraqi Turkmen." Iran and the Caucasus 13, no. 2 (2009): 365–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338410x12625876281505.

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AbstractThe Turkmen population of Iraq is a significant factor in linking the greater Caucasus region to Northern Mesopotamia. However, in the post-Saddam Hussein era, much conventional discourse has identified them as a politically and culturally marginalised group in relation to the Arab and Kurdish majorities. This study presents an alternative assessment of the Turkmen situation based on a survey of changes in the Iraqi political context over the past decade. This is applied in order to determine the precedents for Turkmen democratic activity in northern Iraq, as well as impediments to accommodation between Turkmen and other regional identities. These patterns are analysed at both the domestic level, including geographic distribution, popular mobilisation and party formation, and at the international level, which examines the impact of Turkey's external influence and sponsorship on these internal conditions. Several tentative conclusions are reached. First, the Iraqi Turkmen exhibit both high levels of mobilisation and pluralistic political organisation that contrast with other ethnic and sectarian minorities in Iraq. Second, sectarian and ideological cleavages within the Turkmen population along with sporadic violent attacks have motivated assimilation with the coalition politics that has evolved since the first post-Saddam national elections, rather than armed insurgency. Finally, the role of Turkey as a primary external patron has presented both obstacles and potential advantages for the political welfare of the Iraqi Turkmen community since 2003.

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Kraus, Nicholas. "The Weapon of Blood: Politics and Intrigue at the Decline of Akkad." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 108, no. 1 (July 16, 2018): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2018-0001.

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Abstract By the end of the reign of Šar-kali-šarrī, the hegemony that Akkad held over southern Mesopotamia was weakening. The governors of Sumer began to assert their independence and break free from Akkad’s control, and the Gutium presence posed a significant threat to Akkad’s power. The present article includes a copy, edition, and commentary of an unpublished Sargonic letter, specifically concerned with the political machinations occurring during this period of upheaval in the Late Akkadian period. Of particular interest are references to the governors of Umma and Adab, the ensi-ship of Gutium, and military action at Uruk. Additionally, the events detailed in this new letter closely parallel another letter from Girsu, suggesting that the two letters are synchronous correspondence. The new letter furthers our understanding of the intrigue amongst the political elite and the events leading to the end of Akkadian supremacy in Sumer.

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Popplewell, Richard. "British intelligence in Mesopotamia 1914–16." Intelligence and National Security 5, no. 2 (April 1990): 139–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529008432050.

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Ulrichsen, Kristian Coates. "The British occupation of Mesopotamia, 1914–1922." Journal of Strategic Studies 30, no. 2 (April 2007): 349–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390701248780.

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Helle, Sophus. "The Return of Mess O’Potamia: Time, Space, and Politics in Modern Uses of Ancient Mesopotamia." Postcolonial Studies 19, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 305–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13688790.2016.1264250.

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Dale, Gareth. "‘Marketless Trading in Hammurabi’s Time’: A Re-appraisal." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 56, no. 2 (2013): 159–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341299.

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Abstract In this article I revisit Karl Polanyi’s writings on ancient Mesopotamia. I begin by situating them in the context of his general approach to trade, markets and money in the ancient world. Next, I reconstruct his major theses on Mesopotamia, drawing upon his published works as well as unpublished documents in the Karl Polanyi and Michael Polanyi archives. Finally, I provide a critical assessment of the merits and demerits of his contribution, with reference to Assyriological research published in the decades that have elapsed since his death in 1964.

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Monroe, Burt L., and Philip A. Schrodt. "Introduction to the Special Issue: The Statistical Analysis of Political Text." Political Analysis 16, no. 4 (2008): 351–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpn017.

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Text is arguably the most pervasive—and certainly the most persistent—artifact of political behavior. Extensive collections of texts with clearly recognizable political—as distinct from religious—content go back as far as 2500 BCE in the case of Mesopotamia and 1300 BCE for China, and 2400-year-old political discussions dating back to the likes of Plato, Aristotle, and Thucydides are common fare even in the introductory study of political thought. Political tracts were among the earliest productions following the introduction of low-cost printing in Europe—fueling more than a few revolutions and social upheavals—and continuous printed records of legislative debates, such as the British parliament's Hansard and precursors tracing to 1802, cover centuries of political discussion.

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Morales, Helen. "Marrying Mesopotamia: Female Sexuality and Cultural Resistance in Iamblichus' Babylonian Tales." Ramus 35, no. 1 (2006): 78–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x0000093x.

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Iamblichus'Babylonian Tales, whose extravagant adventures of female homoeroticism, extreme violence and mistaken identity sit uneasily alongside those told in the so-called ‘ideal’ Greek novels, is a work largely ignored by scholars of the ancient novel, or relegated to discussions of ‘fringe literature’ We are not helped by the fact that the novel survives only in fragments and through the critical summary by the Byzantine scholar Photius, in his collection of epitomes calledBibliotheca. This article attempts a fresh analysis ofBabylonian Tales, taking as its starting point the sexual relationship between two of its female characters and moving on to discuss the politics of the novel and its self-positioning in relation to Rome and Roman conquest. It argues thatBabylonian Taleschallenges some of the rather neat stories that are currently told about the Greek novels, and that moving it from the ‘fringe’ to the centre might radically alter how we think about the genre.

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Debié, Muriel. "Syriac Historiography and Identity Formation." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x408014.

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AbstractHistoriographical texts are here read as literary compositions of their time, providing us with various elements of the process of identity construction or reconstruction. The first West Syrian historical texts were produced in the sixth century, when the history of what would become the Syrian Orthodox Church began. An examination of contemporary sources and myths of origins shows that the ethnic origins of the Abgarid dynasty played no part in Syrian 'ethnogenesis', but that there existed a notion of Syro-Mesopotamian origins, closely related to a supposed homeland, that of Aram. An acknowledged common ancestry going back to the Chaldean and Assyrian Empires relies on a common language more than a common homeland or sovereign. Whereas the Assyrians came to personify the ever-hostile Persian neighbour, a sort of stereotypical enemy, the Hellenistic kings were perceived as having effected a synthesis of the double Syro-Mesopotamian and Greek culture. The Seleucid era, as adopted by the Edessans, thus remained in use regardless of the prevailing political powers and is an assertion of independence and a strong local identity marker, being a rejection of the local Antiochene as well as the imperial Byzantine eras. The Syrian Orthodox also developed an innovative method of writing the history of their separated Church, producing a new genre consisting of lengthy chronicles written in several parts or columns, in which political and ecclesiastical history were kept separate. This Syrian Orthodox method of writing history is the only truly distinctive Syrian Orthodox literary genre.

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Hamilton, Caleb R. "Experiencing Power, Generating Authority: Cosmos, Politics, and the Ideology of Kingship in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia." History: Reviews of New Books 43, no. 3 (June 3, 2015): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2015.1032052.

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Simpson, St J. "Christians at Nineveh in Late Antiquity." Iraq 67, no. 1 (2005): 285–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000139x.

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The mound of Kuyunjik contains the longest known archaeological sequence of occupation in Mesopotamia, spanning all periods from the sixth millennium BC until at least the thirteenth century AD. The prehistoric periods have been comprehensively studied by Gut (1995, 2002) and the general sequence of excavation, occupation and principal architectural finds reviewed by Reade (2000), yet despite a few exceptions (Curtis 1976, 1995; Reade 1998, 1999, 2001; Simpson 1996), the pottery and other finds from the Seleucid period onwards have thus far attracted surprisingly little study. For these periods though, the material culture is characterised by a strong mixture of Classical and Oriental traditions; thus, first-century AD graves contained gold face-coverings and the remains of diadems, both hinting at the eastern extension of practices more commonly found in the eastern Roman provinces, but Western lamps, glassware, ceramics and even a Roman military badge also occur at the site. Some of these betray direct political and military control, whereas others reflect a mixture of imports and local imitations; an appreciation of this rich cultural mix is important for the clearer understanding of Nineveh in Late Antiquity.Nineveh almost certainly held a Roman garrison at the extreme eastern limit of its empire but following the humiliation of the apostate Julian's Mesopotamian campaign of 363, it must have been ceded as part of the handover of five trans-Tigridian Roman provinces containing Nisibis, Singara, Castra Maurorum and fifteen unnamed forts to Shapur II (309–379). Thereafter the material culture from Nineveh finally acquires an Iranian character and, until its capture in 637/38 or 641/42 by an Arab army generally believed to have been commanded by ‘Utba bin Farqad, it flourished as a Sasanian town, bridgehead and fortress on the east bank of the Tigris (cf. Robinson 2000, 36–7). The datable finds of this period include four hoards of silver and bronze coins (Simpson 1996, 95–6); several personal seals, bullae and elaborate cutlery of Sasanian type (Simpson 1996, 97–8; 2003, 362–3, Fig. 3); a range of plain, mould-blown and cut glass (Simpson 2005); and four helmets, the latter hinting at the military component of the settlement referred to in the Arab sources (Simpson forthcoming, b).

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Gottwald, Norman K., and Dale Launderville. "Piety and Politics: The Dynamics of Royal Authority in Homeric Greece, Biblical Israel, and Old Babylonian Mesopotamia." Journal of Biblical Literature 123, no. 3 (2004): 540. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3268049.

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Seri, Andrea, and Dale Launderville. "Piety and Politics: The Dynamics of Royal Authority in Homeric Greece, Biblical Israel, and Old Babylonian Mesopotamia." Journal of the American Oriental Society 124, no. 1 (January 2004): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4132171.

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Nielson, Lisa. "GENDER AND THE POLITICS OF MUSIC IN THE EARLY ISLAMIC COURTS." Early Music History 31 (2012): 235–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127912000010.

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Until the ninth century, the role of the professional musician in pre-Islamic Arabia and Mesopotamia was primarily fulfilled by women. Men were socially prohibited from working as musicians, though some transgressed gender and social boundaries by adopting feminine dress and playing ‘women's’ instruments. With the advent of Islam, patronage of qiyān (singing girls), mukhannathūn (effeminates) and later, male musicians, did not substantially change. During the early Abbasid era (750–950 ce), however, their collective visibility in court entertainments was among several factors leading to debates regarding the legal position of music in Islam. The arguments for and against took place in the realm of politics and interpretation of religious law yet the influence of traditional expectations for gendered musical performance that had existed on the cultural landscape for millennia also contributed to the formation of a musical semiotics used by both sides.In this article, I examine the representation of musicians in the early Islamic court in Baghdad from the perspective of select ninth-century Arabic texts. First, I begin with a summary of the gender roles and performance expectations for pre-Islamic court musicians and point to their continuation into the early Islamic courts. Then, I suggest how the figure of the musician became a key referent in the development of a musical semiotics used in medieval Islamic music discourse.

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Crowley, P. T. "Operational Lessons of the Mesopotamia Campaign, 1914–18." Defence Studies 4, no. 3 (January 2004): 335–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1470243042000344795.

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Foster, Benjamin R. "Recent Studies of the Role of Writing in Mesopotamian Civilization*." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 56, no. 3 (2013): 494–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341316.

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Ristvet, Lauren. "Legal and archaeological territories of the second millennium BC in northern Mesopotamia." Antiquity 82, no. 317 (September 1, 2008): 585–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00097246.

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Defining territories and settlement hierarchies is a primary goal of archaeological survey, involving the mapping of different-sized settlements on the ground. However it may not always work, owing to the particular land use or political strategies anciently employed. With the aid of cuneiform documents from Tell Leilan, Syria, the author shows how the settlements found by archaeological survey in northern Mesopotamia actually relate to a number of intersecting authorities, with a hold on major tracts of pasture as well as on arable land and cities. These insights from the Near East have important implications for the interpretation of surveyed settlement patterns everywhere.

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Crawford, Harriet. "Mesopotamia and the Gulf: The history of a relationship." Iraq 67, no. 2 (2005): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001339.

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The economic relationship between Mesopotamia and the Gulf is a long one which spans millennia, rather than just a few centuries, and which took many forms. Indeed, it can be suggested that the changing nature of this relationship reflects the economic and social changes taking place in southern Iraq and of the related changes in Dilmun. There was an increasing demand by Mesopotamia for both raw materials and exotica from the sixth millennium, when we have the earliest evidence for a relationship, until the annexation of Dilmun by the Kassites in the mid-second millennium. This increasing demand seems to reflect the growing complexity in social organisation in the region. The emergence of an elite group within society in southern Sumer, first seen in the late Uruk phase, and then notably in the mid-third millennium when the group expanded, encouraged an increased demand for status goods and materials (Van De Mieroop 2002). Such goods are used initially to enhance the power and prestige of the group itself, both by display and by gift-giving, because gift-giving binds both men and gods, through offerings, ever more closely into the group. In Mesopotamia such exotic materials also played a role in the birth of what Baines and Yoffee have called “high culture” in these newly emergent complex societies. Baines and Yoffee define this high culture as “the production and consumption of aesthetic items under the control, and for the benefit of, the inner elite of a civilization” (Baines and Yoffee 1998: 235). High culture becomes a vital part of the identity of any civilization. Maintaining a supply of luxuries thus becomes a political necessity, rather than an indulgence, as it helps the essential identity of the group to survive.

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West, M. "Review: Piety and Politics: The Dynamics of Royal Authority in Homeric Greece, Biblical Israel, and Old Babylonian Mesopotamia." Journal of Semitic Studies 50, no. 2 (September 1, 2005): 361–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgi045.

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Pozzer, Katia Maria Paim. "WORTH 5 SILVER SHEKELS: SLAVERY IN MESOPOTAMIAN'S PRIVATE ARCHIVES." Heródoto: Revista do Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre a Antiguidade Clássica e suas Conexões Afro-asiáticas 1, no. 1 (April 12, 2016): 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31669/herodoto.v1i1.30.

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We propose a reflection about the theme of slavery, from the study of the archives of an important businessman in the city of Larsa, in the south Mesopotamian, named Ubar-Šamaš, during the reign of King Rîm-Sîn (1822-1763 BCE). This merchant exercised relevant economic activities, such as buying and selling land in urban and rural areas, silver loans and slave trade. In paleobabylonian society, slave labor did not occupy an important role in the economy, and the conditions of the trade of servantswere directly linked to political conditions, such as war and its economic and social consequences. Another objective of this article is to offer Brazilian readers research sources for the study of economic history of the ancient world, from the translation of documents directly from Akkadian language and cuneiform writing into Portuguese.

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