Academic literature on the topic 'Mercantile use value'

Invented in China and brought to Europe by Muslim merchants across the Silk Road, the use of paper in the West took off in the Mediterranean towards the end of the Middle Ages. Overshadowed in cultural and media history by the invention of print, paper has played a fundamental role as the media infrastructure for innumerable processes involving the registration and communication of knowledge and value in communities and institutions, from religious orders, mercantile societies, to global empires. This thematic section of Cromohs features four essays. Three essays examine particular cases of paper as a medium for the codification and exchange of knowledge, information and value, whereas the fourth outlines the state of the art on the history of the so-called paper revolution and methodological issues illustrated with relevant case studies. These essays exemplify the research conducted by the Paper in Motion workgroup within the People in Motion COST action.

Ear and kernel rots can reduce yield, quality and feed value of grain. Toxins produced by the fungi in corn can also have serious implications on the end use of the grain. Various fungi cause ear and kernel rots. Fungi belonging to the genus Fusarium are the most significant fungi which can cause corn ear and kernel rots. The aim of this paper is to test health of mercantile maize seed belonging to different hybrids. Seed health testing was done using filter paper and nutritive media (PDA) method. Fungi from genera Fusarium, Penicillium, Aspergillus and Alternaria were isolated from tested corn seed by both methods. Two species from the genus Fusarium were found in the tested corn samples F. graminearum and F. monilirome. Tested hybrids that belonged to different FAO maturity groups showed differences in susceptibility to ear and kernel rot.

The emergence and rapid development of the cryptocurrency market necessitated its organization and legal regulation. Today in Ukraine, businesses are allowed to record cryptocurrency as a financial asset (financial instrument / intangible asset), so cryptocurrency can be used by businesses and individuals as an investment. In developed countries, where the legal framework for the operation of cryptocurrencies has been created, new derivative financial instruments are emerging: Bitcoin futures and options on Bitcoin futures. The purpose of the article is to study the features of derivative financial instruments for cryptocurrencies and prospects for their use in Ukraine. The authors analyzed the peculiarities of the functioning of Bitcoin derivatives on Chicago Mercantile Exchange (CME). It has been established that both Bitcoin futures and options on Bitcoin futures are settlement contracts without the actual delivery of the underlying asset, and their value is formed depending on the spot prices for bitcoin. According to the results of the study, it can be argued that derivatives based on cryptocurrencies (bitcoin) are used mainly for speculative purposes, are highly volatile and high risk, require significant investment to participate in trading (compared to derivatives on traditional financial instruments) and do not involve any transactions with direct cryptocurrencies. Domestic legislation does not explicitly prohibit investments in cryptocurrencies and financial instruments derived from them, but does not determine the legal status of cryptocurrencies. National financial market regulators do not provide any guidance on valuation, accounting and cryptocurrency transactions to businesses, but only warn of the high risks of investing in cryptocurrencies.

The article analyzes the scientific sources on the classification of interactive technologies in primary and higher schools, presents the basic classifications of methods of interactive learning on the basis of various features: communicative functions, degree of involvement of participants in the educational process, forms of organization of educational activities, etc. The main problems in creating a unified classification of interactive methods have been identified. A new, practically oriented classification is developed, based on the sign of motivation of educational activity. Based on the research, we can state the need to create a new classification that would be universal for two levels of education - primary and higher education. The basis for its formation is a set of motives that each participant in the educational process pursues. The first group of methods are those that meet the social needs of the subjects of the educational process. These include the motive for self-expression and self-assertion in the group and the motive for achieving a collective goal. The second group of interactive methods is distinguished on the basis of motivating motives. Interviews aimed at meeting the vocational-value (training-value) needs make up the third group of classification. The fourth is interactive methods aimed at realizing cognitive motives. The fifth group of interactive methods, aimed at satisfying the mercantile motives in the future and synthesizing the previous varieties, is a set of all the above motives. The choice of methods in this category is aimed at a comprehensive realization of all educational needs that will find their way into future activities, including professional ones. In the course of the study, we came to the conclusion that the active use of interactive technologies at a new angle will facilitate the training of motivated and positively oriented students and highly qualified specialists, who are able to integrate theoretical knowledge and practical skills in the future professional activity.

The beautiful parable of Pythagoras, handed down by Cicero (Tusculanae Disputationes, V, 3), about the Greek Games as a metaphor of human life, is well-known. In this parable, the great philosopher and mathematician presents three groups of people who come to the Games (figuratively, the World Games, the Theatre of Life): these are athletes – applying for fame and a wreath of victory, viewers – motivated by an impartial desire to watch the competitions and merchants – putting up stalls for the sale of goods and profit. The featured groups serve Pythagoras as allegories of social roles and human aspirations for values: prestigious and elite (athletes), cognitive and exploratory (spectators) as well as mercantile and consumer (merchants). This parabola essentially serves to expose a sense of philosophy, love wisdom, based on pure and autotelic cognitive curiosity (viewers represent this attitude). The fact that Pythagoras uses the image of the Games here is not accidental, since Greek philosophers were greatly interested in athletics (Pythagoras was friends with the famous wrestler Milo of Croton). Greek athletes were, in fact, spectacular and faithful representatives of their culture, marked by strong individualism flourishing in the tensions between the two oppositional poles: time (fame) and ajdos (shame). The sources of the ancient Hellenic “culture of glory and shame” are rooted in the heroic myths of Homer’s rhapsode. These myths were later subjected to rational sublimation in the ethical and anthropological considerations of philosophers (Pythagoras made a brilliant and, at the same time, raw contribution to them). They also became an archetypal element of the pan-Hellenic agonist ethos and the local athletic and artistic games. Pierre de Coubertin, nostalgically fixated on noble myth and heroic ethos, transferred his senses and values to the ideology of neo-Olympism, desiring the modern Olympic movement be not only a government of bodies, but also a lesson of character, a government of souls. He initiated not only modern Olympiads, but also the theoretical hermeneutics of sport, which is still doing well and developing in the form of, among others, Olympic education, philosophy and ethics of sport, history of sport and physical education, sociology of physical culture. Here is today’s participation in the Games of these Pythagorean spectators – theoreticians (Greek theoria, a panorama, observation), researchers, scientists who develop an ideological and axio-normative basis of sports practices. Despite didactic efforts, effective crystallization and articulation of principles and ideological imperatives by Coubertin and his followers, sport today seems to be losing its archetypal eidos. According to numerous diagnoses, this is the result of the faster appropriation of athletic spaces by heterogeneous economic influences (Pythagorean traders!), – those political, media- and marketing-related. Pure sports values, such as competition, perfectionism, pageantry, bodily and psychological power of man are today subjected to instrumentalisation processes and are used for non-sporting purposes. Critics practicing jeremiads on the condition of modern sport and the decline in the value of its ethos even go as far as to theorise that “sport no longer exists” because it gave the field to foreign dictates. Therefore, sport may appear as a “contemporary slave market”, “marketplace of vanity and greed”, “post-human laboratory”, “pitch of imperial skirmishes of world political powers”. All these affairs actually concern the condition of not only sport, but also the state of society and culture in general. Sport, due to its spectacular presence in the global world, is particularly predisposed to focus dominant trends, influences and interests within it. Sport is not more immoral than the world of which it is a part. For these reasons, it is so eagerly analysed by historians, sociologists and cultural scholars, for whom it is a heuristic model for studying the dynamics of cultural changes. Sport is a mirror focusing the whole of social life and historical processes occurring within the human world, i.e. culture. Approaching this from a hermeneutic understanding and interpreting reflection towards sport, we can (as Hans-Georg Gadamer taught) fuse horizons of historical tradition and contexts that are the result of problems, crises and dilemmas of our time. A meaningful interpretation of these collisions regards extracting vital meaning for current life, as well as increasing the level of human self-knowledge and responsibility. Sport, in its rich historical tradition, in the solstices, barriers, temptations and challenges of present day, requires such a complex understanding. In the introduction to Elements of the Philosophy of Right, Hegel expressed an unusual and invariably current formula: “The owl of Minerva spreads its wings only with the falling of the dusk”. Wisdom is born at dusk, it is the knowledge of the times that passes by in the eyes of the people who create it. Only at the end of events can one clearly and unambiguously draw (against the symbolism of dusk) explanations of their important moments, including the symptoms and causes of crises. There is no wisdom without a historical sense and reflection on the transformation of culture. Wilhelm Dilthey, the creator of philosophical hermeneutics, extended the self-knowledge of man to the knowledge of the vast history of the past, stating that only history tells man who he really is. We can use these directives to study the evolution of sport, both in its historical forms of flourishing and decadence, as well as in the institutions, biographies of sports champions, the fate of ideas and values deposited in it. Sport studied in such a manner has the power of anthropological recognition, it can tell a man who he himself is. Despite the symptoms of crisis, sport is still important for a person, arousing his enthusiasm, giving birth to new masters who become admired models and personal authorities. A man defends sport, fair play and the values that fund his ethos, because he cares about sport, considering it an expression and fulfilment of the rudiments of his own existence. The collection of articles presented in this volume of Studies in Sport Humanities can be viewed as a small fragment of the wider fresco of sport culture in its historical changes and present shapes. Two historical texts relate to the development of sport in the Polish interwar period, on the example of the individual career of the Polish footballer Ernest Wilimowski and institutional management of sports disciplines in Volhynia, an extremely ethnically and culturally diverse province at the time. The other two articles present contemporary discussions on sports tourism (casus of the Philippines) and the religious dimension of sport. We invite you to read, and through these texts to, continue the debate on the historical and current great and smaller matters of sport.

A fines del siglo XIX y en las primeras décadas del siglo XX, se constituyó la época de oro de la vieja oligarquía peruana. Bajo el impulso de una extraordinaria dinamización mercantil, una fracción propietaria ligada a la exportación, las finanzas, el comercio y la especulación logró organizarse políticamente a nivel nacional. Aunó su peso político a través del control directo del aparato estatal: Gobierno, Parlamento, Poder Judicial, Universidad, etc. Jorge Basadre la denominó la Republica Aristocrática. Durante este período, José Pardo actualizó la reforma educativa aprobada durante el gobierno de su padre Manuel Pardo en 1876, al promulgar las leyes Nº 74 y la Nº 162 del 27 de noviembre y del 05 de diciembre de 1905 respectivamente. El 14 de mayo de 1905 inauguró la Escuela Normal de Varones, antecesora de la UNE, La Cantuta, en el local provisional que se le concedió en la calle del Corcobado, ubicado en el Cercado de Lima. Concurrieron al acto solemne el entonces Presidente de la República, doctor José Pardo y Barreda, el ministro de Instrucción Pública doctor Jorge Polar y su Director Encargado, doctor Isidoro Poiry. Enrique Guzmán y Valle, en abril de 1909 es nombrado docente de la Escuela Normal. En 1915 fue nombrado Director de la Escuela hasta su muerte en 1923.

Use value refers to the usefulness of social productions in the sense of the increasingly effective fulfillment of human needs, as well as the production of new, ever richer, more human needs. However, in a society oriented by the logic of capital, thus oriented to the production of goods for exchange (commodities), the use value will always be determined, though not unilaterally, by the fact that it is in indissoluble unity with the exchange value, which leads, as a rule, to the secondary consideration of supplying/ production of needs in favor of the increased production of plus-value, the source of capital profit. This paper analyzes, employing literature review, a discussion about the contradiction of use value / exchange value incident on the use of digital media in education. Based on the Marxian dialectical method, a discussion is made about this contradiction, analyzing (abstracting, isolating) on the one hand the rich possibilities opened by the development of these technologies; and on the other hand, the process of commodification incident on the educational phenomenon, which interferes with the realization of that possibilities. As a synthesis, it is argued that the ontologically human moment, oriented to the use value, although determined by the purpose of producing plus-value, constitutes the fundamental social reference for the critique of the commodification process that occurs in education in general, with consequences in the way the means necessary to achieve the ends are conceived and adopted, a fundamental critical attitude for digital technologies to be part of an effective humanization process.ResumoO valor de uso refere-se à utilidade das produções sociais, no sentido do atendimento cada vez mais efetivo das necessidades humanas, bem como de produção de novas necessidades, cada vez mais ricas, mais humanas. Entretanto, em uma sociedade regida pela ordem do capital, orientada, portanto, à produção de bens para a troca (mercadorias), o valor de uso estará sempre determinado, embora não unilateralmente, pelo fato de se encontrar em unidade indissolúvel com o valor de troca, o que leva em regra à secundarização desse papel de atendimento/produção de necessidades em favor da extração ampliada de mais-valor, fonte de lucro do capital. Este artigo, analisa, empregando revisão de literatura, uma discussão sobre a contradição valor de uso/valor de troca incidente sobre o emprego das mídias digitais na educação. Tomando-se como base o método dialético marxiano, faz-se uma discussão, sobre essa contradição, analisando (abstraindo, isolando) por um lado, as ricas possibilidades abertas pelo desenvolvimento dessas tecnologias; e de outro lado, o processo de mercantilização incidente no fenômeno educativo, que interfere na efetivação daquele potencial. Como síntese, sustenta-se que o momento ontologicamente humano, orientado ao valor de uso, embora determinado pela busca da produção de mais-valor, constitui referência social fundamental para a crítica do processo de mercantilização que incide na educação de forma geral, com rebatimentos na maneira como se escolhem e adotam os meios necessários para atingimento dos fins, crítica fundamental para que as tecnologias digitais se insiram em um efetivo processo de humanização.ResumenEl valor de uso se refiere a la utilidad de las producciones sociales en el sentido de la satisfacción cada vez más efectiva de las necesidades humanas, así como a la producción de nuevas necesidades cada vez más ricas y más humanas. Sin embargo, en una sociedad gobernada por el orden del capital, orientada a la producción de bienes para el intercambio (mercancías), el valor de uso siempre estará determinado, aunque no de manera unilateral, por el hecho de que está en una unidad indisoluble con el valor de cambio, lo que lleva, por regla general, a la secundarización del papel de satisfacción / producción de necesidades en favor de una mayor extracción de más valor, fuente de ganancias del capital. Este artículo analiza, utilizando una revisión de la literatura, una discusión sobre la contradicción valor de uso / valor de cambio incidente en el uso de las medias digitales en la educación. Basado en el método dialéctico marxista, se discute sobre esta contradicción, analizando (abstrayendo, aislando) por un lado las ricas posibilidades abiertas por el desarrollo de estas tecnologías; y, por otro lado, el proceso de mercantilización que ocurre en el fenómeno educativo, que interfiere con la realización de ese potencial. En síntesis, se argumenta que el momento ontológicamente humano, orientado al valor de uso, aunque determinado por la búsqueda de la producción de más valor, constituye una referencia social fundamental para la crítica del proceso de mercantilización que ocurre en la educación en general, con efectos en la forma en que se eligen y adoptan los medios necesarios para lograr los fines, una crítica fundamental para que las tecnologías digitales sean parte de un proceso de humanización efectivo.Palavras-chave: Marxismo, Trabalho e educação, Assimilação crítica de tecnologia. 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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to use the novel data from the primary vision to determine the main financial and economic drivers of this revolutionary shale oil production and how these drivers changed after 2016 when the US removed its oil-exporting ban. Design/methodology/approach In this paper, the authors use the vector autoregressive model to assess the dynamic relationships among the Frac Count (FSCN) from the primary vision and the set of financial/macro-economic variables and how this dynamic relationship is altered with the effects of the US export ban before and after the lifting of the export ban. Findings The empirical evidence reveals that a positive shock to New York Mercantile Exchange, Standard and Poor’s 500, rig count, West Texas Intermediate or the US ending oil stocks increase the FSCN but higher interest rates and oil production decrease the FSCN. After the US became one of the major oil producers, it removed its crude export ban in December 2015. The empirical evidence suggests that the shale oil industry gets more integrated with the financial system and becomes more efficient in its production process in the post-2016 era after the export ban was removed. Originality/value The purpose of this paper is to use the novel data from the primary vision to determine the main financial and economic drivers of this revolutionary shale oil production and how these drivers changed after 2016 when the US removed its oil-exporting ban.

Purpose. The purpose of the article is to determine the prospects of deep processing of corn in Ukraine, taking into account the restraining factors of development, on the basis of the analysis of the state and tendencies of functioning of the world market of corn. Methodology / approach. During the research, general scientific and special research methods were used, in particular: analysis and synthesis, scientific abstraction – in determining the purpose and formulating conclusions; comparative, calculation, statistical and graphical ones – in the assessment, analysis, comparison and establishment of patterns of the current state and trends in the production of corn and its deep processing; program-target one – to substantiate the factors of intensification of deep processing of corn in Ukraine. Results. The analysis was carried out and tendencies of world corn production were determined. The shares of countries-producers and countries-consumers of corn were calculated; their dynamics of changes were analyzed. Analysis of the dynamics of prices for corn grain on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange indicates that the price of raw materials is gradually declining, so agricultural enterprises that sell corn as a raw material, lose income from its production. The structure of corn use in different directions in the world was analyzed, and the structure of its use in the USA was considered in more detail. Factors of activation of deep processing of corn were identified. In Ukraine, deep grain processing as an industry is just beginning to develop, so it is worth processing corn, based on the experience of leading countries, such as the USA and China. Estimated costs for the construction of a modern plant for deep processing of corn and income from the implementation of this investment project were calculated. Originality/scientific novelty. The scientific novelty of the study is a comprehensive analysis of the world corn market; economic substantiation of expediency of corn processing in Ukraine; improving the system of factors to intensify the development of deep processing of corn in Ukraine. Practical value / implications. The practical value of the results of the study is that they will contribute to the formation of the concept of intensifying the development of deep processing of corn in Ukraine. The main results can be used by agro-industrial enterprises during the development of deep corn processing projects.

Precious metals are to mercantile capitalism what paper is to industrial capitalism and what plastic and electronics are to post-industrial capitalism—which is to say, the different materials and their specific textual forms become the dominant, if not always preferred, means of transferring and storing value or wealth in their respective capitalist phases. As a distinct “text,” what separates the precious metals from the materials that follow them is that they are seen as “natural money.” In Capital, for example, Karl Marx endorses Galiani’s view that “although gold and silver are not by Nature money, money is by Nature gold and silver”(92-3). Common enough even among contemporary economists, this view relies upon a conception of “Nature” and money that paper began to unsettle and that the new forms of plastic and electronic money altogether erase. Thus Marshall McLuhan early on proclaimed that the new electronic technologies put “the very concept of money [ . . . ] in jeopardy . . .” (138-9). Even if this is in part true—and I think it is—how does one explain the current proliferation of money thanks to plastic cards and electronic money? Georg Simmel, in his monumental The Philosophy of Money, provides one possible answer. Discussing the war between Spain and the Netherlands, Simmel generalizes “ . . . and one might say paradoxically that, the more it is really money in its essential significance, the less need there is for it to be money in a material sense”(171). Plastic and electronic technologies, far from threatening the “very concept of money,” have worked to free the “essential significance” of money from its previous material forms. Certain forms of money may indeed be in jeopardy but, precisely because of this, the concept of money is all the more necessary to the ideological harmony of post-industrial capitalism. It would even be going too far to say that the new plastic and electronic forms of exchange threaten the aura of money. Instead, it is more advantageous to see these differing materials and their textual forms as representing competing mythologies. As a starting point, consider the de a ocho reales (pieces-of-eight) often referred to as the Spanish or pillar dollar. Minted from silver that came from the Spanish Empire’s silver mines in the New World, it represents the peak of mercantile capitalism. On its obverse side is the image of two worlds between two columns, representing the Pillars of Hercules. Winding around the columns is a banner with the inscription “plus ultra” (more beyond). On one level, this promise was frighteningly true—estimates range from a staggering 145,000 to 165,000 tons of silver extracted from the New World by Europeans (Weatherford 100). And yet, the promise of infinite wealth is belied, ultimately, by the finite nature of the material being used to fashion this text. In contrast, consider the inscription found on the first coin minted in 1787 by the newly established United States of America. The one-cent copper coin bears the motto “Fugio MIND YOUR BUSINESS” and shows the sun above a sundial. The references to time (fugio or I fly) are clearly indebted to the axiom “time is money”, which comes from a founding father of the new nation, Benjamin Franklin, who, perhaps more than any other, lived out and popularized its revolutionary ideology. “Mind your business” is equally Franklinesque and equally expressive of the spirit necessary for the emergence of industrial capitalism. Nonetheless, the coin’s advice, like the Spanish dollar’s promise, contains its own instability. The relatively congenial warning that wasting your time will cost you money is undercut by the pugnacious double entendre contained in “mind your business”, which can also mean stay out of other people’s affairs. The double meaning of “mind your business” encapsulates a rationalist utopia of individual citizens who serve the common good simply by tending to their own gardens or minding their own businesses. In less than seventy-five years, America’s Civil War violently exposed the internal contradictions of such an aspiration. Switching the motto of the Spanish silver dollar with that of the American copper penny results in a jarring confusion that illustrates the ideological divide between mercantile and industrial capital that the two coins represent. The Spanish dollar promises infinite wealth based upon trade, an individual’s appetite for “more,” and access to scarce commodities (gold and silver). The American penny promises endless work based upon production, self-interest, and access to cheap commodities, such as copper. This American work ethic fueled a pathological amassing of wealth that is similar to and yet distinct from the mercantile period preceding it. The differences and similarities are like those that Marx finds between the miser and the capitalist: “This boundless greed after riches, this passionate chase after exchange-value, is common to the capitalist and the miser; but while the miser is merely a capitalist gone mad, the capitalist is a rational miser”(151). Adapting Marx’s comparison, then, it would be more accurate to say the mercantile capitalist is an unfinished capitalist, distracted from his purpose by the maddening allure of the miser’s horde. While the industrial capitalist, on the other hand, may be the truer capitalist, he is still a miser, albeit a rational one. If capitalists are going to realize their full potential as “rational misers” the history of America shows they can only achieve this with a medium of exchange that is cheaper, more accessible, and more disposable than copper or any other metal. Through paper currency, America not only financed its revolution, making it the first nation in the history of the world to do so, it also financed its westward expansion, the North’s victory in the Civil War, and it unleashed the productive capacities necessary for an industrial revolution that would surpass its European rivals. The design found on America’s modern one-dollar bill—which except for minor changes has remained the same since 1935—reveals a textual indeterminacy, like that found in the Spanish dollar and America’s revolutionary copper penny. The first aspect of its indeterminacy is in the nature of all paper currencies. Their cheap materials, relatively easy production, and fiat value make them attractive to counterfeiters as well as governments. To a degree unmatched by coins, paper money’s text is driven by anxieties over counterfeiting. For example, the signatures of the U.S. Treasurer and Secretary of the Treasury on the front of America’s paper currency are motivated in part by this anxiety. But the signing of an official’s name holds a deeper significance, one that separates paper currency from metal. Paper currency seems to call for a signature the way metal coins call for heads in profile. Metal coins, even when machine made, still evoke the artisan and his mode of production—circumscribed, organic, and coherent. The very real artisanship that goes into paper currency is lost in a surreal sea of printed signs—open, fragmented, and dreamlike. The signature, although mechanically reproduced, leaves the trace of a human hand and the individual to which it belongs. In a world where exchange value is created by artificial means that are essentially limitless, the signature is a reassuring reminder of human limits and authority. A different sort of tension is on the back of the dollar bill. Here the front and back of the Great Seal of the United States are on either side of a “ONE” in large letters at the center of the rectangular design. The contraries contained in the Great Seal—war and peace represented by the olive branch and arrows the eagle holds in its talons and the material and the spiritual aspects of life represented by the unfinished pyramid and the eye of the Deity that shines above it—draw the viewer into a web of triangular sight lines. The back of the Seal encircles an apparent triangle formed by the pyramid and the eye above it. The encircled triangle in the Seal’s front is subtler. It is made by the number thirteen which appears in the thirteen stars above the eagle’s head and the thirteen olive leaves and arrows held in the eagle’s talons. This triangular symmetry is reinforced by the four numeral 1s with “one” written across them that appear one in each corner of the bill’s design. These 1s create bisecting diagonal sight lines that connect with and pass through the “ONE” at the center of the rectangle, thereby cutting the rectangle into four symmetrical triangles. At the very least, all this (in)visible triangular symmetry could be called overdetermined—an excessive attempt to impress order on a chaotic world and to naturalize the text’s claim as “legal tender.” If, as Simmel maintains, “all money is credit” (Ingham 24), then by one line of reasoning, it would be easy for credit cards to acknowledge this truth. Instead, like the other monetary forms we have examined, their texts work to obfuscate the social character of exchange value and naturalize or mythologize their authority. Like paper money’s connection to the printing press, credit cards are also connected to a revolutionary technology, the petroleum industry. It is fitting that credit cards are made of plastic, a by-product of oil refineries, since they originated in the 1930s as a convenience to drivers provided by the major oil companies. Even as different businesses extended the use of credit cards, they have retained their early association with the world of travel and the pleasures of mobility—both physical and social. With the company’s origin in the travel business, the American Express credit card is uniquely positioned to exploit the pleasures of mobility, and the history of its credit card designs helps to illustrate some of the ideological shifting required of post-industrial capitalism. As Jack Weatherford points out in his History of Money, American Express made effective use of a card class system. Starting in 1958 with their purple card, the color of royalty, they sought to attract consumers with a feeling of exclusivity. Some years later, they switched to the famous green card, the color of American money. In 1966, they added the distinction of the gold card for elite members. As the numbers of gold card members swelled, they sought further distinctions, such as the black card that was quickly replaced by the platinum card (229). A striking aspect of these textual permutations, given the focus of this paper, is the credit company’s reliance on the security of older monetary forms, such as precious metals and American paper currency, to attract consumers. Now that credit cards rule supreme, it is hard to recall consumers’ earlier antipathy towards them. In 1971, after credit cards were well established, one study found that almost one-third of the families interviewed thought it was “bad business to use credit cards,” and even among credit card users, nearly one-fifth felt it was “bad” (Moore and Russell 78). In contrast, the design of the latest card by American Express, its blue card, boldly proclaims the apotheosis of credit—a blue hologram suspended in transparent plastic. Here is the ultimate medium: a transparency that promises to take its possessor at the speed of light into the depths of hyperspace. Beneath these specific historical texts, lies a deeper and more general ontological association between plastic and movement, which Roland Barthes uncovers in his ruminations upon the substance in Mythologies. In its protean ability to imitate life, plastic is “less a thing than the trace of a movement”(97). And Barthes maintains our new plastic mobility revolutionizes our relationship to life itself. The finite character of metal and paper for storing and transferring wealth were always more or less apparent. Precious metals were limited by the natural laws of scarcity—first come, first served. Paper promised a world of infinite wealth, but it always threatened to hyperinflate, collapsing into worthless piles. Sometimes implicitly or sometimes explicitly, paper still relied on nature’s scarcity in order to justify its claim to value. Plastic needs no such justification. As Barthes puts it, with plastic, “the hierarchy of substances is abolished: a single one replaces them all: the whole world can be plasticized . . .”(99). In a plastic world, there are no limits on what or how much we can produce. And in such a world, only an abstract and infinite medium of exchange, such as credit, can promise to return our alienated labor to us through the plasticized commodities it purchases. Works Cited Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Trans. Anette Lavers. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1990. Ingham, Geoffry. “’Babylonian Madness’: On the Historical and Sociological Origins of Money.” What Is Money? Ed. John Smithin. London: Routledge, 2000. 16-41. Marx, Karl. Capital Volume One. Ed. Frederick Engels. New York: International, 1987. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1995. Moore, Carl H. and Alvin E. Russell. Money: Its Origin, Development and Modern Use. Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1987. Simmel, Georg. The Philosophy of Money. Ed. David Frisby. Trans. Tom Bottomore and David Frisby. New York: Routledge, 1990. Weatherford, Jack. The History of Money. New York: Crown, 1997. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Rizzo, Sergio. "'Show Me the Money!'" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0401/09-rizzo.php>. APA Style Rizzo, S. (2004, Jan 12). 'Show Me the Money!'. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 7, <http://www.media-culture.org.au/0401/09-rizzo.php>

How does material production become socially recognised in capitalism? This is a fundamental question to be addressed in capitalist production, since material production takes place privately and independently in a global and atomistic system. This thesis shows that the question is tackled by Marx in the first three chapters of Capital. The process of social recognition of material production is that of the realisation of work carried out privately and independently as part of the social labour. For Marx this occurs through the private and independent work becoming objective social labour as the substance of the value of commodities, and through the latter finding its necessary developed mercantile expression in the price form of commodities. Therefore, private and independent work becomes social labour through the recognition of its product as equivalent to a certain amount of money. The thesis argues that Marx’s answer is powerfully insightful but flawed because it did not succeed in fully characterising the historical specificity of commodity. Commodity is not merely the differentiated unity of use value and value but of use value and mercantile use value, and of labour value and mercantile value. The former dialectic is immediate and distinguishes between the utility of commodity as a direct means of consumption or production and that as a means of exchange, fully determining the behaviour of the private and independent commodity producer. The latter dialectic is objective and distinguishes between commodity as the embodiment of the social labour necessary to reproduce it and as the embodiment of command over social labour, enabling the adjustment of the productive structure. Both dialectics are mediated by the mercantile form of value, which allows the indirect expression of labour value as the gravitational force of the system. The theory of commodity offered in this thesis, unlike that of Marx, consistently hinges on the atomistic private and independent commodity producer. The thesis shows that commodity production is the organisation of society’s labour for its material reproduction, just as in any previous mode of production. The discovery of the generic aspect of commodity production breaks the false immediate link between production and supply, and that between the labour theory of value and both the supply-side-determined theory of price and the single-factor theory of production. The thesis also shows that the mercantile form of value is what allows society’s labour to become an objective and autonomous materially abstract substance regulating the adjustment of the productive system under the form of material signals. This is the specific aspect of a global mode of production comprised of free and independent individuals. The mercantile form of value is thus Adam Smith’s invisible hand. Finally, the thesis analyses some implications of the framework with regard to the analysis of monetary phenomena, capital accumulation and sustainable development, and reviews the most popular Marxian topic in Economics: the transformation of values into prices of production.

How does material production become socially recognised in capitalism? This is a fundamental question to be addressed in capitalist production, since material production takes place privately and independently in a global and atomistic system. This thesis shows that the question is tackled by Marx in the first three chapters of Capital. The process of social recognition of material production is that of the realisation of work carried out privately and independently as part of the social labour. For Marx this occurs through the private and independent work becoming objective social labour as the substance of the value of commodities, and through the latter finding its necessary developed mercantile expression in the price form of commodities. Therefore, private and independent work becomes social labour through the recognition of its product as equivalent to a certain amount of money. The thesis argues that Marx's answer is powerfully insightful but flawed because it did not succeed in fully characterising the historical specificity of commodity. Commodity is not merely the differentiated unity of use value and value but of use value and mercantile use value, and of labour value and mercantile value. The former dialectic is immediate and distinguishes between the utility of commodity as a direct means of consumption or production and that as a means of exchange, fully determining the behaviour of the private and independent commodity producer. The latter dialectic is objective and distinguishes between commodity as the embodiment of the social labour necessary to reproduce it and as the embodiment of command over social labour, enabling the adjustment of the productive structure. Both dialectics are mediated by the mercantile form of value, which allows the indirect expression of labour value as the gravitational force of the system. The theory of commodity offered in this thesis, unlike that of Marx, consistently hinges on the atomistic private and independent commodity producer. The thesis shows that commodity production is the organisation of society's labour for its material reproduction, just as in any previous mode of production. The discovery of the generic aspect of commodity production breaks the false immediate link between production and supply, and that between the labour theory of value and both the supply-side-determined theory of price and the single-factor theory of production. The thesis also shows that the mercantile form of value is what allows society's labour to become an objective and autonomous materially abstract substance regulating the adjustment of the productive system under the form of material signals. This is the specific aspect of a global mode of production comprised of free and independent individuals. The mercantile form of value is thus Adam Smith's invisible hand. Finally, the thesis analyses some implications of the framework with regard to the analysis of monetary phenomena, capital accumulation and sustainable development, and reviews the most popular Marxian topic in Economics: the transformation of values into prices of production.

The people who settied northwestern Connecticut created an agricultural surplus that allowed them to undertake industrial ventures within a few years of their arrival. Their knowledge of the mechanical arts, coupled with the region’s natural resources, gave them opportunities to make material goods needed by their neighbors. Successive generations continued industrial use of the region’s natural resources over the next two centuries, each making its own choices about how to structure its enterprise within the framework of values and beliefs held separately by individuals and in common within the community. Each had to respond to changes in markets and the advent of new products and techniques. These opportunities, and the participants’ choices about how to use them, combined to create the region’s industrial ecology. Like the rest of the New England hill country, northwestern Connecticut had two abundant, renewable natural resources: streams with steep gradients and reliable flow for waterpower, and forest that covered the large areas that were too steep or too thinly mantled with soil for decent pasture. Millwrights could easily build waterpower systems on the streams, and farmers could manage the forest for continuous production of fuel wood, since it regrew trees to useful size within about twenty years. Unlike other highlands, however, northwestern Connecticut had a unique mineral resource: iron ore beds unmatched elsewhere in New England. Everyone in the newly settled lands and on the frontiers expanding into Vermont and New York in the early eighteenth century needed iron products. As described in chapter 3, individuals throughout the Salisbury district, aided by family members or fluid partnerships, built bloomery forges that they operated as components of their cropping, husbandry, or mercantile enterprises. Nearly every family in Kent and the other new towns had a partner in one of the forges. Individuals lacking metallurgical skills or access to any capital dug ore or cut wood. Others developed their skills as colliers or millwrights. Negotiated exchanges of labor and services among these artisans promoted interdependence within the community. As the colonists in southern New England increasingly mechanized their grain, timber, and cloth production in the mid—eighteenth century, they brought a new opportunity to the ironmakers of the Salisbury disno trict. By making standard parts for grain mills, sawmills, fulling mills, and oil mills that they could distribute widely, Salisbury ironmakers added value to the bar iron they made and enlarged the scope of their market.

The account-books of Florentine merchants are full of purchases and sales of books. In particular, the ledgers of the company of Francesco and Bernardo of Niccolò Cambini offer, for the second half of the 15th century, numerous records. Unfortunately, the conciseness of the accounting does not allow us to know all the characteristics of these books; however, the registrations always indicate the monetary value, thus enabling us to reconstruct the average selling price for various types of books. In this paper, we aim to compare this information with the price series of two goods – wheat and wine – that constituted the basis of the diet for the majority of the population, to better understand what the purchase of a book meant for the society of the period and to perceive more clearly its value.

This final chapter examines the role of cotton brokers in the port of Liverpool in the late-Nineteenth century. It uses data compiled by the Mercantile Liverpool Project, census material from trade directories, and social documents such as biographies and obituaries to reconstruct the activities of the Liverpool cotton broker community between 1850 and 1901. It explores the attitudes toward the value of cotton trading as a vocation in Liverpool and provides a case study of cotton broker Samuel Smith, and Robert Rankin of ‘Rankin, Gilmour and Co’. It offers an analysis of cotton broking statistics; British in-migration to the port of Liverpool in pursuit of employment; and the overall business success of cotton broking in Liverpool, to determine that cotton broking was an unstable venture that lacked social prestige, and that successful cotton brokers often had safety nets in other trade ventures out of necessity.