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Journal articles on the topic 'Mencius'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 March 2023

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1

Wang, Ruoyu. "The Influence of Mencius Philosophy Thought based on Personality Cultivation on Western Academic Circles." Frontiers in Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 7 (July 20, 2022): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/fhss.v2i7.1300.

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Mencius was one of the first famous thinkers introduced into Europe from China, and Mencius was also one of the first Chinese classics translated into Europe and America. Mencius thought and its main philosophical ideas have an important influence on the Western academic circle and the whole history of human civilization. The English versions were the author of "mencius", as well as Western academia about mencius’s main philosophy research, combing and analysis, and combined with the visiting time of the study in the United States, the system discusses the philosophical thought of mencius, such as the mandate of heaven, personality, ethics, etc., in the spread of western academia and accepting the situation, providing a bridge for academic exchange between Chinese and western culture, thus promoting the dissemination of Chinese civilization and the improvement of human self-worth.

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2

Bai, Tongdong. "Between and beyond Consequentialism and Deontology: Reflections on Mencius’ Moral Philosophy." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 49, no. 4 (December 28, 2022): 373–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-12340080.

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Abstract Mencius’s account of the yi-li (righteousness-benefit) distinction is important in his moral philosophy, and is often compared with consequentialism or deontology in Western moral philosophy. After showing the problems with a naïve deontological reading and a sophisticated consequentialist reading of Mencius, I will argue that both a really sophisticated consequentialist reading and a non-Kantian deontological reading are more defensible. But they couldn’t address the inequality hidden in Mencius’s moral philosophy, making a Nietzschean reading possible. However, Mencius embraced compassion as a key virtue, which Nietzsche would reject. Mencius’s moral philosophy is doubly bifurcated and different from consequentialism, deontology, and also Nietzsche’s philosophy.

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3

Zhengming, Ge. "Mencius." Prospects 24, no. 1-2 (March 1994): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02199011.

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4

Lee, Hae-im. "A Study on a Royal Lecture’s Situation of Mencius in the Period of King Yeongjo and Recognition of Mencius." JOURNAL OF ASIAN PHILOSOPHY IN KOREA 58 (December 31, 2022): 97–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.19065/japk.2022.12.58.97.

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A royal lecture of Mencius in the period of King Yeongjo shows the unique characteristics of the Joseon Confucian classics. While the founder of the Chinese Ming dynasty deleted the phrase of Mencius which did not conform the absolute monarch, King Yeongjo had the same mind set as the founder of the Chinese Ming dynasty and did not’s do this. It led the attendees in a royal lecture to have a discussion freely with King Yeongjo. It reveals what Mencius’s intention is. King Yeongjo tries to evaluate Mencius as a servant without hiding his true feelings. this shows that he tries to figure out Mencius as the composition of the monarch and his subordinates, and to emphasize the virtue of loyalty by limiting Mencius to his subordinate status. On the other hand, the subordinates who attended a royal lecture try to realize the royal leaderships of King Yeongjo by interpreting Mencius' interests and moral nature as the composition of Zhu Xi's desires and moral principles. For this reason, Joseon scholars also insisted that King Yeongjo became a moral ruler through studying to keep consciousness awake. This can be said to be an intrinsic characteristic of the Joseon Confucian classics culture to interpret servants as equivalent to the monarch.

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5

Ming (陳明), Chen. "The Difference Between Confucian and Mencian Benevolence." Journal of Chinese Humanities 2, no. 2 (August 25, 2016): 217–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340035.

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Confucius and Mencius differ in many ways in describing and demonstrating benevolence. For Confucius, benevolence is a basic concept, with filial piety at its core, and entails socially and culturally regulated action; benevolence symbolizes self-perfection while sagacity symbolizes perfection of all things in the universe. In contrast, for Mencius, who transforms the Confucian universe of unending life into a philosophical universe and changes Confucian benevolence of familial respect into a universal and absolute moral sentiment or instinct, the universe is a basic concept. With the universe as the metaphysical core, Mencius changes benevolence from the fruit of intention to an object of thought, so it is no longer a relation between life and its projects but, rather, a relation between the mind and its cultivation. Confucius talks about benevolence through the individual and familial morality while Mencius does so through the universe and human nature. Distinguishing Confucian and Mencian benevolence has theoretical importance for Confucianism and practical importance in our lives.

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6

Hughes, J. Donald. "Mencius, ecologist." Capitalism Nature Socialism 8, no. 3 (September 1997): 117–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10455759709358752.

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7

Behuniak, James. "Naturalizing Mencius." Philosophy East and West 61, no. 3 (2011): 492–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pew.2011.0045.

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8

Jong-Im, Kang. "A Common Man: Mencius : Seen through Madam Mencius." Chinese Studies 70 (March 31, 2020): 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.14378/kacs.2020.70.70.18.

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9

Chang, Yao-Cheng. "An Exceptional Portrait of Yang Zhu and Mozi." Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.1.203-224.

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This paper examines the coupling in early texts of two masters, Yang Zhu 楊朱 and Mo Di 墨翟. The two thinkers are most famously paired in the Mencius as the prominent preachers of extreme doctrines, while they are also sometimes presented in other early texts such as the Zhuangzi and Han Feizi as useless debaters on trivial topics. These alternative portrayals of Yang-Mo are usually simplified as a second-rate imitation or repetition of the standard Mencian depiction. The paper argues that such a reading represents a serious misunderstanding of the pre-imperial textual transmission. Unfamiliarity with Yang-Mo as sophists may also be the result of the unconscious acceptance of Mencius’ description. The unconventional portrayal of Yang-Mo, very likely relatively unrelated to Mencius’ portrayal, had its own history in early China. Presented in various contexts, this alternative Yang-Mo image was once circulated in various forms for different intended audiences.

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10

Chang, Yao-Cheng. "An Exceptional Portrait of Yang Zhu and Mozi." Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2021.9.1.203-224.

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This paper examines the coupling in early texts of two masters, Yang Zhu 楊朱 and Mo Di 墨翟. The two thinkers are most famously paired in the Mencius as the prominent preachers of extreme doctrines, while they are also sometimes presented in other early texts such as the Zhuangzi and Han Feizi as useless debaters on trivial topics. These alternative portrayals of Yang-Mo are usually simplified as a second-rate imitation or repetition of the standard Mencian depiction. The paper argues that such a reading represents a serious misunderstanding of the pre-imperial textual transmission. Unfamiliarity with Yang-Mo as sophists may also be the result of the unconscious acceptance of Mencius’ description. The unconventional portrayal of Yang-Mo, very likely relatively unrelated to Mencius’ portrayal, had its own history in early China. Presented in various contexts, this alternative Yang-Mo image was once circulated in various forms for different intended audiences.

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11

Porter, Jean. "Mencius and Aquinas." Faith and Philosophy 9, no. 4 (1992): 535–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/faithphil19929439.

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12

van Norden, Bryan W. "Mencius on Courage." Midwest Studies in Philosophy 21 (1997): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4975.1997.tb00526.x.

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13

He, Tao. "A Study of The Neo-confucian Mencius View in Chinese Philosophy." International Journal of Education and Humanities 3, no. 2 (July 13, 2022): 127–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ijeh.v3i2.890.

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First, the relevant categories are defined, and the research status is summarized. Then, to the new Confucianism of the Republic of China mencius view of the formation of the social historical background and political background, do a general exposition. Moreover, the author makes a case analysis of the mencius view of the three representatives of the newly emerged Confucian school in the Republic of China. Xiong Shili's view of Mencius was formed in the system of "new only knowledge", in which the inner sage and the outer king were promoted simultaneously, which made up Liang's hole in the cultivation of kung fu but failed to specify how to "open up the new". Feng Yulan interprets Mencius' thought mainly in his "Three Histories" and "Six Books" and reveals the other aspect of his philosophical methodology, namely, the return to intuition, by the "negative method". Finally, the author expounds the views of Mencius of other neo-Confucian scholars in the Republic of China (including Zhang Junli, He Lin, Qian Mu, etc.). Through the in-depth study of the concept of Mencius in the Neo-Confucianism of the Republic of China, we can not only master the mental schema of the neo-Confucianism of the Republic of China through its various concepts of Mencius but also see the new orientation and development trend of the concept of Mencius in the Period of the Republic of China through the development of the thinking mode of Mencius in the neo-Confucianism of the Republic of China.

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14

Ooi, Daryl. "Resenting Heaven in the Mencius: An Extended Footnote to Mencius 2B13." Dao 20, no. 2 (March 27, 2021): 207–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11712-021-09773-0.

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15

Wu, Guanjun. "From the Castrated Subject to the Human Way: A Lacanian Reinterpretation of Ancient Chinese Thought." Psychoanalysis and History 23, no. 2 (August 2021): 187–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/pah.2021.0381.

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Lacan studied ancient Chinese classics assiduously, including Daodejing and Mencius during 1969–73 when his own thought was reaching maturity. Lacan's idiosyncratic interpretation of Mencius is often regarded as a simple misreading. This essay defends Lacan's reading of Mencius by treating it as a psychoanalytic reading. It further develops a reinterpretation of ancient Chinese thought by revisiting primarily two major disputes – Mencius versus Xunzi, Confucianism versus Daoism – through a Lacanian interpretative method. The research findings reveal the possible latent side of ancient Chinese thought that has substantially formed what Lacan called ‘the Chinese unconscious’.

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16

Tu (杜維明), Weiming. "Mencius, Xunzi, and the Third Stage of Confucianism." Journal of Chinese Humanities 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340087.

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Abstract According to Karl Jaspers’s theory of the Axial age, many important cultures in the world experienced a “transcendental breakthrough” between 800 and 200 BCE; no more transformations occurred until Martin Luther’s Protestant Reformation in the sixteenth century, which eventually ushered in the modern era. The implication of this theory is that only the West had a second cultural breakthrough, thus rendering moot the discussion of a third Confucian epoch. But, in reality, Confucianism had a second breakthrough during the Song—Ming period (tenth to seventeenth centuries) and spread from China to East Asia; this new form of Confucianism is called “neo-Confucianism” by Western scholars. The third Confucian epoch is a forward-looking concept that uses the lexicon of Western science and democracy to trace Confucianism’s philosophical transformation from a Chinese tradition into a part of world culture, and the integration of Mencian and Xunzian thought has to be treated in this light. Faced with Western cultural challenges, modern Confucianism has broken new ground in many ways. Mou Zongsan 牟宗三 is Mencian (as represented by Lu Xiangshan 陸象山, Wang Yangming 王陽明, and Liu Jishan 劉蕺山) in spirit and Xunzian (as represented by Zhu Xi 朱熹) in practice. Li Zehou 李澤厚, by contrast, exhorts us to talk the Mencian talk but walk the Xunzian walk; this contradictory stratagem, which he thinks will lead to a brighter and healthier future, only accentuates the power of Mencius 孟子 as a philosopher of the mind. Mencius and Xunzi 荀子 are very important in a modern deconstruction of Confucianism and the integration of their thought may very well become the impetus for another transcendental breakthrough. Is integration possible? How should they be integrated? We await the results of Confucian scholars’ open-minded explorations.

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17

Perkins, Franklin. "Mencius, Emotion, and Autonomy." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 29, no. 2 (February 1, 2002): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-02902005.

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18

Smith, Kidder. "Mencius: Action Sublating Fate." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 33, no. 4 (February 19, 2006): 571–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-03304010.

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19

Lee, Joo-gang. "Mencius and Conscious Capitalism." Yeongnam Toegye Studies Institute 22 (June 30, 2018): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33213/thlj.2018.0.22.169.

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20

Shun, Kwong-loi. "Mencius on Jen-hsing." Philosophy East and West 47, no. 1 (January 1997): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1400247.

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21

刘, 琳. "On Mencius’ Inherent Goodness." Chinese Traditional Culture 10, no. 01 (2022): 11–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.12677/cnc.2022.101003.

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22

SMITH, KIDDER. "MENCIUS: ACTION SUBLATING FATE." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 33, no. 4 (December 2006): 571–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6253.2006.00383.x.

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23

Pu, Pang. "From Confucius to Mencius." Contemporary Chinese Thought 32, no. 2 (December 2000): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10971467.2001.11735779.

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24

Perkins, Franklin. "Mencius, Emotion, And Autonomy." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 29, no. 2 (June 2002): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-6253.00078.

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25

Huang, Chun-chieh. "Mencius’ hermeneutics of classics." Dao 1, no. 1 (December 2001): 15–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02857461.

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26

Andreini, Attilio. "The Yang Mo 楊墨 dualism and the rhetorical construction of heterodoxy." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 68, no. 4 (December 19, 2014): 1115–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2014-0047.

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Abstract The Mengzi 孟子 (The Book of Mencius) served as a constant model of doctrinal argumentation and style for centuries. One of the distinctive traits that emerges from the work is the image of Mencius struggling against the disorder arising from the increasing influence of the heretical doctrines of Yang Zhu 楊朱 (ca. 4th century BC) and Mo Di 墨翟 (ca . 480–390 BC). It deserves particular attention, as the authors of the Mengzi – or perhaps even Mencius himself – carved a rhetorical strategy of strong emotional impact, hyperbolic in its very nature, based on the “moral balance” (zhong 中) of the Ru 儒 (Classicists) tradition compared to both the egoism (wei wo 為我) promoted by Yang Zhu and the vitiated form of indiscriminate and unbalanced concern for others supported by Mo Di's followers. To date, the Mengzi seems to be the first text in which the “Yang Mo 楊墨” symbol for Yang (Zhu) and Mo (Di) occurs. It became proverbial in Chinese literature for the two prototypes of ethical drift from which traditions that had allegedly strayed from the Ru should be retracted. The importance of both thinkers within a Mencian framework is evident: it is around these two figures that the text structures a highly sophisticated rhetorical framework, characterized by implicit and explicit strategies of inventio and dispositio.

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27

Yang, Jae-sung. "Gaje ong Lee Gok's Acce ptance Patte rns of The Mencius in His Prose." Institute of Korean Cultural Studies Yeungnam University 82 (December 31, 2022): 487–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.15186/ikc.2022.12.31.18.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate Gajeong Lee Gok's acceptance patterns of The Mencius in his prose works. He quoted or altered phrases from The Mencius in various ways in many of his works, conveying the topic of his text clearly. He quoted phrases from The Mencius or added a new meaning to a phrase from the book in his poems, as well, to present his thoughts or topics effectively. Since the poem format allowed him to express his idea in short lines with a limited number of given phrases, he had to quote only essential meanings or shorten phrases from The Mencius in his poems. In his prose works, however, he faced no such limitations and enjoyed much more various forms of acceptance and alteration. The study shed light on the following aspects of his acceptance patterns of The Mencius : First, he urged the kings to reflect on their wrong perceptions of politics and asked the rulers to establish the rig ht social relations, quoting phrases from the scriptures. Making a distinction between the rule of right and the rule of might, he quoted phrases from The Mencius in mature ways. Secondly, his acceptance of vocabulary and speeches from the book usually happened in his works to send off a government official leaving for his new post or a man going on a journey. In his Wonsuhan, which is his essay-style work about the causes of droug hts, he developed his point that the temporary relief measures of the policies were useless by accepting Mencius' unique vocabulary and speech. Finally, he accepted Mencius' sentence and paragraph distinction and development process by taking his development methods in many of his works and altering them. He strengthened his topics and points by accepting the catechetical method, one of the major characteristics of The Mencius, and the quotation methods of the Odes and the Histories.

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28

Niu, Zezhen, and Shuhong Zheng. "Argumentation in Mencius: A Philosophical Commentary on Haiwen Yang’s The World of Mencius." Argumentation 34, no. 2 (February 16, 2018): 275–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10503-018-9452-3.

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29

Kim, Sungmoon. "Confucian Constitutionalism: Mencius and Xunzi on Virtue, Ritual, and Royal Transmission." Review of Politics 73, no. 3 (2011): 371–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467051100341x.

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AbstractBy examining Xunzi's and Mencius's contrary reactions toward royal transmission by individual merit or “abdication” (shanrang 禪讓), this article attempts to reveal the distinctive features of their respective political theories, which I reconstruct in terms of lizhi constitutionalism and dezhi constitutionalism. Resisting the conventional tendency to capture Mencius's and Xunzi's political theories in such dichotomous terms as idealism and realism, this paper draws attention to the complex mixture of idealism and realism found in both thinkers' constitutional political theories and identifies such common ground in terms of “Confucian constitutionalism.” This paper presents Mencius's idealistic defense of abdication and his realistic resolution of the constitutional crisis latent in it, then it examines Xunzi's refutation of the three conventional rationalizations of abdication, and it concludes by recapitulating the common Confucian constitutionalist ground that Mencius and Xunzi shared and discussing its implications for the study of constitutional theory.

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30

Lai, Whalen. "Of One Mind or Two? Query on the Innate Good in Mencius." Religious Studies 26, no. 2 (June 1990): 247–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412500020394.

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Every man, says Mencius, has within him this mind (heart) of commiseration, this pu-jen chih hsin that cannot bear to see another person suffer. To support his argument, Mencius cites the parable of the child about to fall into a well. A man with an innate mind of compassion unable to bear to see the child suffer would naturally feel the urge to run ahead to save the child (Mencius 2A.6). Yet elsewhere in Mencius 4A.17, it appears that had the potential victim been a drowning sister-in-law, the man would also be momentarily checked by a fear of impropriety. Since the sense of propriety has its beginning in the mind as much as the sense of compassion, is not the mind of goodness somehow divided against itself? The present essay will examine this possible dilemma.

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31

Huang (黃玉順), Yushun. "Integrating the Thought of Mencius and Xunzi and the Problem of Modernizing Chinese Society." Journal of Chinese Humanities 6, no. 1 (December 7, 2020): 21–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-12340088.

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Abstract How should people today deal with the teachings of Mencius 孟子 and Xunzi 荀子? This is a question of utmost importance in reviving Confucianism. The thought of Mencius and Xunzi has many inherent complexities and contradictions. After all, they have been revised, reconstituted, and reused alongside shifts in lifestyles and social structures; their respective influence also waxed and waned accordingly. Xunzi’s teachings flourished during China’s transition from monarchical feudalism to imperial autocracy, an indication that Xunzi’s thinking has Legalist elements. The rulers in the imperial period adopted “sole veneration of Confucian learning” [du zun rushu 獨尊儒術], so the suspiciously Legalist teachings of Xunzi went into decline while the orthodox Confucian teachings of Mencius were on the rise. At the same time, Xunzi’s thought continued to play an important, perhaps even fundamental, role in hidden ways. This is the political path of being “openly Confucian, covertly Legalist” [yang ru yin fa 陽儒陰法] practiced under autocratic authority. As Chinese society began to modernize, Xunzi’s teachings enjoyed a revival, revealing that some of its strains were compatible with modern Enlightenment ideas. Further, this modern revival of Xunzi occurred on the heels of a Confucian revival. The fact that the two then more or less continued to coexist indicates the need to rethink the two schools of thought in an integrated way. To do this, I take a page from modern value systems and consider the existing distinctions between Mencius’s and Xunzi’s thinking via a “profit and loss analysis.”

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32

Hansen, Chad, and Kwong-Loi Shun. "Mencius and Early Chinese Thought." Philosophy East and West 49, no. 2 (April 1999): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1400204.

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33

Geaney, Jane M., and Kwon-loi Shun. "Mencius and Early Chinese Thought." Journal of the American Oriental Society 119, no. 2 (April 1999): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606154.

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34

김영민. "Mencius Thoughts on Social Welfare." JOURNAL OF KOREAN PHILOSOPHICAL HISTORY ll, no. 57 (May 2018): 91–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.35504/kph.2018..57.004.

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35

Cho, Francisca. "Mencius and Early Chinese Thought." International Studies in Philosophy 36, no. 1 (2004): 299–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil200436167.

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36

Wee, Cecilia. "Mencius and the Natural Environment." Environmental Ethics 31, no. 4 (2009): 359–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/enviroethics200931441.

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37

Eno, Robert. "Mencius on Becoming Human (review)." China Review International 12, no. 2 (2005): 359–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2006.0014.

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38

Kim, In. "Mencius’ Political Thought and Education." Korean Society for the Study of Moral Education 30, no. 2 (June 30, 2018): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17715/jme.2018.6.30.2.1.

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39

Yoo Hee-Sung. "Moral generating theory of Mencius." YANG-MING STUDIES ll, no. 19 (December 2007): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17088/tksyms.2007..19.007.

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40

Liu, Xiusheng. "Mencius, Hume, and Sensibility Theory." Philosophy East and West 52, no. 1 (2002): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pew.2002.0002.

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41

Chong, Kim Chong. "Xunzi's Systematic Critique of Mencius." Philosophy East and West 53, no. 2 (2003): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pew.2003.0012.

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42

Perkins, Franklin. "Mencius on Becoming Human (review)." Philosophy East and West 57, no. 4 (2007): 596–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pew.2007.0054.

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43

Paltiel, J. "Mencius and World Order Theories." Chinese Journal of International Politics 3, no. 1 (February 10, 2010): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pop016.

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44

Hunter, Michael. "Did Mencius know the Analects?" T’oung pao 100, no. 1-3 (November 24, 2014): 33–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685322-10013p02.

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This article questions the widely held assumption that the received Mengzi (Mencius) was composed by an author or authors familiar with the Lunyu (Analects). After reviewing the history of the association between Kongzi (Confucius) and Mengzi and between the Lunyu and Mengzi, it summarizes the case against the traditional dating of the Lunyu to argue for a reevaluation of the “Lunyu→Mengzi nexus.” It then analyzes Lunyu parallels in the Mengzi to show that those parallels do not establish the Mengzi authors’ familiarity with a Lunyu text. The next section on the dating of the Mengzi examines early Mengzi quotations to suggest that the text may not have been fixed until the Eastern Han period, in which case some Lunyu parallels in the Mengzi might reflect a Han milieu. A final section considers the implications of a Mengzi→Lunyu nexus for the study of early Chinese thought. Cet article met en question l’opinion extrêmement répandue selon laquelle le texte reçu du Mengzi (Mencius) aurait été composé par un ou plusieurs auteurs familiers du Lunyu (Analectes). Après avoir passé en revue l’histoire de l’association entre Kongzi (Confucius) et Mengzi et entre le Lunyu et le Mengzi, l’auteur récapitule les arguments allant à l’encontre de la datation traditionnelle du Lunyu et argumente en faveur d’une réévaluation de la “connexion Lunyu→Mengzi”. Il analyse ensuite les parallèles avec le Lunyu dans le Mengzi et montre que ceux-ci ne prouvent pas que les auteurs du Mengzi aient été au fait d’une quelconque version du Lunyu. La section suivante, sur la datation du Mengzi, s’intéresse aux citations anciennes du Mengzi et suggère que le texte n’a pu être fixé avant la période des Han Orientaux, auquel cas certains parallèles avec le Lunyu dans le Mengzi pourraient refléter un contexte Han. La section finale examine les implications de la connexion Lunyu→Mengzi pour l’étude de la pensée chinoise ancienne.

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Kang, Bong-Soo. "Confucianism’s Legitimacy on the Ground of Mencius - Ideological Confrontation between Mencius and his Contemporaries -." Journal of Ethics Education Studies 42 (October 31, 2016): 223–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18850/jees.2016.42.10.

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Sertdemir, İlknur. "Intuitive Learning in Moral Awareness. Cognitive-Affective Processes in Mencius’ Innatist Theory." Academicus International Scientific Journal 25 (January 2022): 235–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7336/academicus.2022.25.15.

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Mencius, referred to as second sage in Chinese philosophy history, grounds his theory about original goodness of human nature on psychological components by bringing in something new down ancient ages. Including the principles of virtuous action associated with Confucius to his doctrine, but by composing them along psychosocial development, he theorizes utterly out of the ordinary that makes all the difference to the school. In his argument stated a positive opinion, he explains the method of forming individuals’ moral awareness by means of inseparable integrity of feelings and thoughts, saying human being are born innately good. According to Mencius, heart-mind correlation is the motivational complement of inner incentives. Knowledge and virtue, which are extensions of inborn goodness, comprehended intuitively; then affective motives respond to circumstance, what is learned transmits to cognitive process and eventually behavior emerges. Comparing during the years of Warring State period he lived, in western geography Aristotle, who is one of the pioneers of Greek philosophy, argues deductive and inductive methods in mental activity. On the other hand, Mencius uses analogical reasoning throughout his self-titled work. This essay is an attempt to assert that most postulates of developmental theories, which have been considered an integral part of modern psychology, begin with Mencius in early era. Secondly, this study also aims to discuss the main paradigm of Mencius across emotivist-rationalist opposition, which keeps emotion above thought as well as reason above emotion.

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WANG, CHENG-BIN, and CHAO ZHOU. "Dorcus tianlongi, a new species from central China (Coleoptera: Lucanidae: Lucaninae)." Zootaxa 4691, no. 5 (November 4, 2019): 575–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4691.5.9.

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A new species of stag beetle, Dorcus tianlongi Wang & Zhou, new species (Coleoptera: Lucanidae: Lucaninae) is described from Guizhou Province, China. It is closely related to D. liyingbingi Huang & Chen, 2013 and D. mencius (Kriesche, 1935). Diagnostic characters of the three species are illustrated and compared. Dorcus mencius is for the first time recorded from Henan Province of China.

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Chuan Lee, Jig. "Wang Yang-Ming, Mencius, and Internalism." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 12, no. 1 (January 19, 1985): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-01201005.

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Jiang, Xinyan. "Mencius on Human Nature and Courage." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 24, no. 3 (February 10, 1997): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-02403001.

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Im, Manyul. "Action, Emotion, and Inference in Mencius." Journal of Chinese Philosophy 29, no. 2 (February 1, 2002): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15406253-02902006.

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