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1
Kõresaar, Ene, and Kirsti Jõesalu. "Okupatsioonide muuseumist Vabamuks: nimetamispoliitika analüüs." Eesti Rahva Muuseumi aastaraamat, no. 60 (October 12, 2017): 136–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33302/ermar-2017-006.
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From “Museum of Occupations” to “Vabamu”: Analysis of Naming Policy This article focuses on the debate around the name Vabamu and is aimed at discussing whether and how the culture of remembering the Soviet era can change in today’s Estonia. In February 2016, the Estonian Museum of Occupations announced its plans to refresh its identity and change the name of the museum to the Museum of Freedom Vabamu. The planned name change sparked controversy in society about the meaning of the (Soviet) military occupation, the sufferings of that period and ways of commemorating them. Over 60 stories were published in the Estonian media from February to August 2016, accompanied by lively discussion on social media. Estonia’s Russian-language media did not participate in the discussion. The article analyses the Vabamu name debate in the context of naming policy and Estonian 20th century historical memory. First of all, the term of “occupation” is explained from the aspect of Estonia’s political identity and Baltic, Russian and European relations. Secondly, the article analyses the main voices and topics in the debate and which of the current memory regime’s models and frameworks of memory policy emerged. It asks, from the perspective of memory studies, why the name change to “Vabamu” was not carried out according to original plans. The main sources of the analysis were texts in the media; including social media; interviews with the museum director, participatory observations at meetings of the museum’s advisory board, and at meetings and temporary exhibitions organized by the museum. In addition to documenting the development of the name debate, the participation, observation and interviews made it possible to explore the conceptual objectives behind the name “Vabamu”. The following opinions resonated in discussions: (1) opinions of the Memento organization (which advocates for the rights of those who suffered persecution by the Soviet regime) and Soviet-era dissidents in media opinion pieces and segments and public statements; (2) statements made by politicians (mainly rightconservatives); (3) opinions from members of the Estonian émigré community; (4) statements from museum managing director Merilin Piipuu and the chairwoman of the Kistler-Ritso foundation Sylvia Thompson, which reflected the museum’s intentions; and (5) the public discussion initiated by the museum. A key date in the development of the debate was 25 March 2016, the anniversary of mass deportations in 1949 when also the representatives of Memento organization voiced their opinion. Giving up “occupation” in the name of the museum occasioned property claims of the generation of victims of communism. The repressed people considered the Museum of Occupation their symbolic place. For this group, the disappearance of the word “occupations” from the museum name actualized the complexity of policy of recognizing their experience ever since the late 1980s. The debate regarding the establishing of a memorial to victims of communism in Tallinn also had an influence. The discussions over “Vabamu” were held in a transnational context, pertaining mainly to neighbouring Russia, and the global Holocaust memory culture. The name change was perceived above all as an adoption of Russian memory politics, not just in the context of the Baltic states but in the broader geopolitical context. Giving up the word “occupation” was seen by critics – and at the outset of the debate by the museum as well – as a national security issue. As the discussion evolved, the museum distanced itself from the security discourse and cited Russian tourists and Estonian Russians as target groups that needed to be reached and included. The comparison to the Holocaust memory culture was also used as an argument by both parties. The opponents of the new name used international comparisons to stress the remembering of the violent past in similar (national) threat contexts. On the other hand, the museum used the Holocaust argument from the standpoint of Jewish identity to justify its intention to move further past the national narrative of occupation. The debates over the name Vabamu were also related to a perception of intergenerational changes in memory work. The museum was reconceptualising the past and future to reach out to younger generations whose experience horizon is radically different from that of the generation of the victims of repressions and whose sense of freedom is more individualized. For opponents of “Vabamu”, the museum staff themselves represented the younger generation who no longer had a link to Estonia’s past ordeals and for whom intergenerational memory and solidarity had become interrupted. Their preference for a multiperspective narrative in place of a narrative of victimhood and resistance was interpreted as an ethical softening toward the victims and trivialization of trauma. As a result of the name debate, the museum decided to forgo a radical change in the name and opted for a compromise: Vabamu, the Museum of Occupations and Freedom. The debate over the concept of occupation showed the importance of linguistic definitions in a more extensive battle over how the past is represented. The concept of occupation has been the core of political identity both in postcommunist Estonia and the other two Baltics. The term “occupation” is related to all of the key elements in Estonia’s postcommunist narrative. Associating the memory of the (Soviet) occupation with security policy in the Vabamu debate points to a main reason for persistence of Estonian current memory culture – the so-called Russian threat, which is perceived as an existential danger, a constant challenge to the survival of the Estonian state. Earlier studies have shown that for Estonians, personal, social, cultural and political memory is strongly interwoven when remembering the 20th century: the national story is strongly supported by family stories. This makes the national narrative personal. When central symbols of the historical memory come under fire, fears are stoked and appeals to a moral duty to preserve a common past are heard.
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Mezhevich, Nikolai, and Petr Oskolkov. "Presidential elections in Estonia: domestic political aspects." Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS 3 (2021): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics32420213237.
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On August 31, 2021, Alar Karis, with support of the governing coalition, won the second round of presidential elections in Estonia. The authors analyze the elections in the framework of institutional and procedural contexts as well as formal and informal stances taken by political parties on the event’s eve. A. Karis became the most appropriate candidate proposed by the ruling coalition, after gaining certain advantage over another “intelligent” candidate T. Soomere, president of the Academy of Sciences. The institute of presidency and election procedure form a subject for permanent discussion in Estonian society, because of the authoritarian experience of the 1930s.
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Loffman, Reuben Alexander. "Same Memory, Different Memorials." Social Sciences and Missions 31, no. 3-4 (August 17, 2018): 217–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-03103004.
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Abstract Recent literature on modern martyrdom and memory has focused on cases in which individual groups remember martyrs’ sacrifices by making similar memorials to them. However, this article argues that even if members of a group agree on a martyr narrative, different memorials with diverse meanings can still be erected in memory of the martyrs concerned. This article supports its argument by exploring the case of twenty members of the Holy Ghost Fathers (Spiritans) who were killed on 1 January 1962 in Kongolo in southeastern Congo-Kinshasa. The memorials dedicated to these Spiritans differ substantively with each other by emphasizing different aspects of sacrifice and memory. This article concludes by arguing that the diversity of memorials involved in this case alerts us to the fact that the traditions associated with martyrdom do not always dominate the public memory of those who sacrifice their lives for a cause.
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Megem, Maxim. "Decoding Symbolic Space: the “Monumental Fall” in the Baltic States." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840021796-4.
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The article cosiders the phenomenon of the "monument fall" in Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia and outlines the main stages of this process as well as the key factors that have intensified the dismantling of Soviet memorial heritage and contributed to the spread of vandalism against it. The "monument fall" began in the first half of the 1990s when, in the absence of a legislative framework providing protection and legal status for memorial objects, numerous acts of vandalism and isolated cases of demolition of monuments by official decision were carried out in the Baltic States. The second wave of demolition actions (from 2014) took place in different circumstances, when memorial legislation was already in place (from the second half of the 1990s), the international cooperation between Russia and the Baltic states regarding the protection of Soviet memorials could be seen, and on the domestic political level Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia supervised the condition of the monuments. Like the previous one, the third wave (from 2022) was related to the aggravation of international relations against the background of the Russian-Ukrainian crisis, and here the particular feature was the change in legislation by the Baltic states authorities with a general vector towards stripping Soviet memorials of their special status and legalising their dismantling. At the same time, the "monument fall" in the Baltic states poses something of a paradox: the cleansing of the collective memory of Latvians, Lithuanians and Estonians from the Soviet presence, aimed among other things at consolidating these peoples, is accompanied by the destruction of memory of their representatives, who in one way or another were identified with the Soviet presence in Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia.
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Vihalemm, Peeter. "Media Use in Estonia." Nordicom Review 27, no. 1 (February 1, 2006): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nor-2017-0216.
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Abstract The article gives an overview of general trends in media use in Estonia over the last 15 years, making some comparisons with Nordic countries. Since the beginning of postcommunist transformation in 1991, the media landscape in Estonia has faced substantial changes. A completely renewed media system has emerged, characterized by a diversity of channels, formats, and contents. Not only the media themselves, but also the patterns of media use among audiences, their habits and expectations, have gone through a process of radical change. Changes in the Estonian media landscape have some aspects in common with many other European countries, such as the impact of emerging new media and global TV; others are specific features of transition to a market economy and democratic political order. Besides discussing general trends, the article gives insights into some audience- related aspects of changes, more specifically age and ethnicity.
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Raun, Toivo U. "Estonia after 1991." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 4 (August 12, 2009): 526–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409342113.
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The past two decades have witnessed a reassessment and broadening of conceptions of identity among both the ethnic Estonian and Russian populations in Estonia. In addition to a continuing focus on aspects of national distinctiveness, emphasizing their small numbers, language, culture, territorial homeland, and—as a new factor—the state, the Estonians have increasingly engaged with a wider range of identities (local, regional, and European). Among these, the regional level has been the most productive, enhancing Estonia’s already strong ties to Finland but also fostering closer connections to its other Nordic and Baltic neighbors. Although integration into NATO and integration into the European Union continue to receive strong approval, a European identity is still in the process of formation. For the Russian community, the fall of communism led to a full reevaluation of the bases of its identity. The major trend has seen a shift from a political consciousness (loyalty to the Soviet Union) to a greater emphasis on the Russian language and ethnicity. In spite of the general peacefulness of ethnic relations, any meaningful integration of the two major nationalities in Estonia remains incomplete, as graphically demonstrated in the Bronze Soldier affair in April 2007. Russians, especially younger ones, increasingly know the Estonian language, but views of history, especially regarding World War II, and attitudes toward Russia still differ markedly between the Estonian and Russian populations. The process of integration is further complicated by the neighboring and still powerful kin-state of the local Russian population.
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Lilleholt, Kåre, and Urmas Volens. "Consumer Insolvency Law in Estonia and Norway: Comparative Aspects." European Review of Private Law 24, Issue 5 (October 1, 2016): 759–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/erpl2016045.
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The authors examine and compare the rules on consumer insolvency in Estonia and Norway. Under Estonian law, consumers may obtain debt adjustments under the 2003 Bankruptcy Act (in the form of a debt release) or under the 2010 Debt Restructuring and Debt Protection Act (in the form of debt restructuring). These two acts apply to both entrepreneurs and consumers. In Norway, a Debt Settlement Act was introduced in 1992, allowing for debt settlements for consumers. Debt adjustment under general insolvency legislation is not regarded as a viable option for consumers in Norway, it being a rather costly and cumbersome procedure. In Norway, each municipality is obliged to offer debt counselling services to consumers, while in Estonia, debt counselling services are available through non-governmental organization (NGOs) and through some municipalities on a voluntary basis. The number of instituted proceedings for debt settlements (Norway) and for debt restructuring (Estonia) are relatively low: in 2014, the numbers stood at 57 per 100 000 inhabitants in Norway and 2 per 100 000 inhabitants in Estonia. The difference between the two countries may to some extent be explained by differences in legislation and in organization of debt counselling, but the authors conclude that the explanation must probably be found also in cultural, sociological and political factors.
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Buckley-Zistel, Susanne. "Tracing the politics of aesthetics: From imposing, via counter to affirmative memorials to violence." Memory Studies 14, no. 4 (June 27, 2021): 781–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17506980211024320.
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Memorials have become increasingly relevant in societies seeking to come to terms with the past of mass violence and there is a growing body of academic scholarship that scrutinises the politics of memory in divided societies. This article takes a different approach to the politics of memorials: it does not focus on what is remembered, that is, to what a memorial testifies, but how memory at a memorial (supposedly) takes place through the aesthetic strategies put to work. It contributes to emerging literature which explores aspects of performativity and the politics of affect. The objective is, however, to take it one step further by not only shifting attention to studying the engagement with, experience and performance at these sites but also to the politics of the aesthetics choice that promote this engagement. To do so, it differentiates between three aesthetic styles of memorials: imposing, counter and affirmative memorials that were all developed at a particular time in order to pursue particular political and social objectives. The current phenomenon, affirmative memorials, holds that there is a duty to remember and is firmly embedded in efforts to build peace, advance liberal norms and contribute to transitional justice. Pursuing this strategy is however at odds with the aesthetic style of these affirmative memorials that is derived from counter memorials and celebrates plurality and openness rather than wanting to affirm one message.
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Silva, Jamile Borges da. "Memories of pain." Sul-Sul - Revista de Ciências Humanas e Sociais 3, no. 01 (May 31, 2022): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.53282/sulsul.v3i01.923.
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This article aims to reflect on the creation of new digital memorials and obituaries to preserve and tell the story of people who were victims of the coronavirus, and the political and cultural aspects of these projects of patrimonialization of mourning.
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Lischer, Sarah Kenyon. "Narrating atrocity: Genocide memorials, dark tourism, and the politics of memory." Review of International Studies 45, no. 5 (August 20, 2019): 805–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000226.
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AbstractAfter a genocide, leaders compete to fill the postwar power vacuum and establish their preferred story of the past. Memorialisation, including through building memorials, provides a cornerstone of political power. The dominant public narrative determines the plotline; it labels victims and perpetrators, interprets history, assigns meaning to suffering, and sets the post-atrocity political agenda. Therefore, ownership of the past, in terms of the public account, is deeply contested. Although many factors affect the emergence of a dominant atrocity narrative, this article highlights the role of international interactions with genocide memorials, particularly how Western visitors, funders, and consultants influence the government's narrative. Western consumption of memorials often reinforces aspects of dark tourism that dehumanise victims and discourage adequate context for the uninformed visitor. Funding and consultation provided by Western states and organisations – while offering distinct benefits – tends to encourage a homogenised atrocity narrative, which reflects the values of the global human rights regime and existing standards of memorial design rather than privileging the local particularities of the atrocity experience. As shown in the cases of Rwanda, Cambodia, and Bosnia, Western involvement in public memory projects often strengthens the power of government narratives, which control the present by controlling the past.
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Kuddo, Arvo. "Determinants of Demographic Change in Transition Estonia." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 4 (December 1997): 625–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408531.
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The transformation of a society from socialism to a market economy, in addition to political and economic change, is accompanied by a socio-cultural transition of changing values, goals and social behavior by different groups in the population. It is also accompanied by a psychological transition from an overwhelming dependence of the people on the paternalistic state and its institutions, to individual choice, initiative and effort, and by substantial shifts in the demographic behavior of the population (Kuddo, 1995). The transitional crisis effects many aspects of people's everyday life, and demographic processes are a good indicator of such change.
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RAKHIMOVA, Maiya. "RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE BALTIC STATES: KEY ASPECTS." PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND CIVIL SERVICE, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52123/1994-2370-2022-638.
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The issue of relations between Russia and The Baltic States is of particular relevance against the backdrop of interaction with the European Union. The change in the policy stance of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania after the Soviet Union’s collapse was reflected at the regional level. The desire to integrate the Baltic States into the EU and NATO has led to a series of determined political decisions that in turn have affected cooperation with Russia. In the process of developing relations with the European Union, the Russian Federation has begun to consider possibilities of cooperation with the Baltic countries as well. The article analyses the prospects for change, problems and cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Baltic states at the regional level.
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Kurowska, Anna. "The impact of an unconditional parental benefit on employment of mothers." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 37, no. 1/2 (March 14, 2017): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-08-2015-0085.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to solve the puzzle of the disproportionately lower employment rate of mothers of toddlers with relation to the employment rate of mothers of preschool and school-age children in Estonia. Design/methodology/approach The research is based on the Most Similar System Design and compares Estonia with Lithuania. The applied methods include inferential statistics and microsimulation techniques, employing the OECD Benefits and Wages Calculator, the OECD Family Support Calculator and EUROMOD – the European tax-benefit microsimulation model. Findings The comparison revealed that the overwhelming majority of the crucial aspects of socio-cultural, economic and institutional conditions were more favourable for maternal employment in Estonia than in Lithuania. This explains the higher maternal employment rates both for mothers of pre-schoolers and school-age children in Estonia. However, one particular element of the institutional context targeted to the mothers of toddlers – the unconditional parental benefit – had an entirely opposite character. This particular feature of the parental leave scheme was the only factor that could explain why the employment rate of mothers of toddlers is disproportionately lower than the employment rate of mothers of older children in Estonia and much lower than the employment of mothers of toddlers in Lithuania. Originality/value This study complements previous research by providing evidence on the relative importance of universal parental benefit schemes in the context of other country-specific conditions for maternal employment, including the availability of institutional childcare. Furthermore, the results presented show that childcare regime typologies, at least those that characterise Eastern European countries, should be more sensitive to children’s age.
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Khorishko, Liliia, and Tetyana Vasyl'chuk. "MECHANISMS FOR ENSURING ESTONIA'S PERMANENT DEVELOPMENT: THE ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECT." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 8, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 205–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2022-8-3-205-209.
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The latest trends in global development actualize the problem of ecological modernization in order to ensure the sustainability of socio-economic and political functioning of modern states, creating additional opportunities for an appropriate response to possible threats. The issues of ecological modernization are key on the agenda of the EU, which seeks to demonstrate leadership in addressing it. Ecological modernization and the subsequent digitalization of the economic sphere are considered one of the most important components of sustainable development of the EU and each member state. These processes and mechanisms for their practical implementation are approved in the program The European Green Deal. The European Commission created the Recovery and Resilience Facility, which provides for the coordination of efforts of EU member states to ensure resilience and sustainability of development. The subject of the study is the content and characteristics of sustainable development in Estonia. The purpose of the scientific exploration is to identify environmental aspects and to specify mechanisms for sustainable development in Estonia. Research methodology: systematic approach, methods of analysis and generalization. Estonia has developed a long-term strategy "Estonia 2035", which defines the basic principles of sustainability and sustainable development of the state. The tools for implementing the set sustainable development goals are legislative, managerial, educational and awareness-raising. In this strategy, the priorities of sustainable development of the state are innovation and sustainability of the economy, its competitiveness in world markets, energy efficiency, digitalization of management processes, safe environment for citizens, stimulating their activity in different spheres of society. Environmental issues are a key aspect of the "Estonia 2035" strategy, which meets such sustainable development goals as rational consumption, sustainable cities and communities, combating climate change, and preserving the ecosystem. A recovery and sustainability plan, correlated with the "Estonia 2035" strategy, was presented to enhance the ability to implement the basic principles of sustainable development and obtain additional sources of funding. Estonian officials are actively engaging financial and political mechanisms to implement sustainable development. According to the plan approved by the European Commission, Estonia will receive 969.3 million euros in funding from the Recovery and Resilience Facility. They will be distributed along the following lines: ecological modernization, digitalization, economic and social sustainability. In addition, political mechanisms, in particular public diplomacy, are actively used. They are aimed at positioning environmental initiatives according to the state branding strategy and intensifying cooperation with stakeholders in the implementation of international environmental projects. Research results: sustainability and resilience of Estonia's development correlate with the need to implement environmental modernization of the economy and digitalization of management processes; implementation of the "Estonia 2035" strategy, national recovery and sustainability plan is facilitated by economic and political decision-making mechanisms at the supranational and national levels of government.
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Adam, Frane, Primož Kristan, and Matevž Tomsšič. "Varieties of capitalism in Eastern Europe (with special emphasis on Estonia and Slovenia)." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 1 (February 25, 2009): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.02.005.
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The authors proceed from the assumption that the institutional and economic efficiency of a particular country (or society) depends on its historic legacy or ‘path-dependence’, strategic interactions of the elite and the impact of the international environment. Estonia and Slovenia are both — not only economically, but also institutionally — perceived as relatively successful and prominent post-communist countries and new members of the EU. Yet they have developed completely different — in some aspects even diametrically opposite — regulative settings and socio-political arrangements. The main emphasis is on the connection between the dynamics and ideological preferences of political actors and the pace of reforms as well as institutional regulations. One can argue that the political elite in Estonia encouraged the shaping of the state in a direction close to the liberal-market model, whereas Slovenia is closer to the corporatist social welfare-state model. In both cases, some dysfunctional effects are evident that represent a new challenge to the elites and, at the same time, a test of their credibility and competence.
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Charles, Alec. "The Electronic State: Estonia’s New Media Revolution." Journal of Contemporary European Research 5, no. 1 (April 24, 2009): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v5i1.122.
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This article examines the case of Estonia as one of Europe’s fastest growing informational economies, and asks whether its furious development of new media technologies, as industrial products, commercial resources and political instruments, has necessarily proven as beneficial to society at large as some domestic and international commentators have anticipated. After mapping Estonia’s unique development in embracing new technologies since the mid-1990s, the article concludes with a study of Estonia’s recent experiments in electronic voting: in 2007, Estonia was lauded as the first country in the world to afford voters at national parliamentary elections the opportunity to vote online from their homes. The article is based on a series of interviews conducted by the author with a number of prominent figures in Estonia’s IT industry, private and voluntary sectors, government service and politics. It addresses issues arising out of academic literature relating to the ethical, social and political aspects of the proliferation of new media, within the context of related surveys and reports produced by governmental and transnational organisations.
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Krzymowski, Adam. "THE BALTIC STATES OF THE THREE SEAS INITIATIVE: ESTONIA, LATVIA AND LITHUANIA IN CREATIVE RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED ARAB EMIRATES." Creativity Studies 15, no. 1 (January 10, 2022): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/cs.2022.13867.
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The presented manuscript deals with three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) that are part of the Three Seas Initiative in the context of cooperation with the United Arab Emirates. The research’s goal is analysis the larger dimension of Three Seas Initiative and its creative role and importance in the international arena, including the Middle East. In this sense, this paper asks a research question of whether the relations between Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and the United Arab Emirates have the potential for deeper and broader creative dynamics of their cooperation. The presented article is the first research work of this type. Thus, it fills a gap in the literature and analyses concerning relations between the Baltic states and the United Arab Emirates. This work is primarily base on empirical research conducted for ten years. In addition, the author used his own creative experience, including as an Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates (2011–2015) or Senior advisor at Expo 2020 (2016–2018), responsible for strategies and creative development of relations the United Arab Emirates with all the Three Seas Initiative countries, including Baltic states. As a result of the research, the author argues that Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, as a part of the Three Seas Initiative, should make this concept more creative in its external dimension, with the United Arab Emirates. Expo 2020 (1 October, 2021–31 March, 2022) provides an opportunity for creative diplomacy. This event is an occasion to demonstrate joint projects, also in global aspects.
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Pius, Reet. "Familienkapellen auf dem Kirchhof und dem Gutshoffriedhof." Baltic Journal of Art History 13 (October 9, 2017): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/bjah.2017.13.07.
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The 1772 cemetery reform of Catherine the Great, Empress of Russia, resulted in great changes in the cemetery culture of Russia’s Baltic provinces. The ban on burials in churches and the vicinity of churches resulted in the rapid development of cemetery parks outside of settlements. The strong political relations of Estonia’s manor owners with the Russian central government resulted in the nobles being given the privilege to establish burial plots in the churchyards, but in Livonia, this was strictly prohibited. Simultaneously with the parish cemeteries, the owners of private manors established family cemeteries on their manors. The new cemeteries were not only places to bury the dead, but, inspired by contemporary poets, they were seen as family altars, which were visited regularly and which was accessed by path that was attuned to contemplation.The cemetery is complex, which includes a garden, chapel and allée, and if possible, a body of water. Noble trees were planted along the path leading to the cemetery. Oaks were preferred, which due their mighty shape were considered to be the symbol of family and nobility. Influenced by the poetry of the Enlightenment, evergreens – silver firs, thuja trees, and spruces – were called “sad trees”. The French poet Jacques Delille, whose works were popular among the Baltic Germans, sees women as mourners. And many family cemeteries were established at the initiative of women. Examples of Ancient Greek architecture, in the form of temples with porticos or antas, or the small-scale copies of the Pantheon from Ancient Rome, dominated in cemetery architecture. The chapel was comprised of underground burial chambers and above-ground memorials. A so-called memorial altar was located in the end wall of the chapel, which have survived until the present day in a few places. The Barclay de Tolly monument is the most majestic in Estonia.Already in the 1830s, the family chapels became memorials and burials no longer took place there. However, chapels continued to be built until in Estonia until the early 20th century.
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Ćemalović, Uroš. "Intellectual property rights and digital transformation in Estonia: Aspects related to copyright and patent protection." Strani pravni zivot, no. 4 (2021): 701–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spz65-34681.
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With almost all public services delivered online, functioning system of e-residency and established 'data embassies,' Estonia is also home to blooming creative community and numerous companies ranging from small start-ups to tech giants. Apart from being the result of a clear and long-lasting political orientation, this success is strongly correlated with Estonian legislation and, more narrowly, its regulatory framework on both information/ digital society and protection of intellectual property rights (IPR). After examining the most relevant features of Estonia's legislation related to digital economy and society (Chapter 2), this paper analyses the country's regulatory framework on copyright (Chapter 3) and patents (Chapter 4) in the light of digital transformation. The author argues that there is a direct correlation between, on the one hand, regulatory framework dedicated to IPR protection on both EU and national level and, on the other, development of digital technologies. The study of Estonian legislation and practice in the field of copyright and patent protection has shown that, in numerous aspects, the country is largely dependent on the good functioning of wider EU legal and institutional framework, while, in the near future, the technological advance would require more supranational regulatory mechanisms.
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Fischer, Dirk-Hinnerk. "Making a Mark—Time Changing Politics from Estonia: An Alternative Idea for the British, Bulgarian and Estonian EU Presidency." Baltic Journal of European Studies 6, no. 1 (February 1, 2016): 175–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2016-0008.
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AbstractEstonia is famous among politicians for its e-Governance policies. One core ingredient for this progress is the abolishment of outdated technologies and standards as this kind of legacy policy slows down the innovation process. This short paper adapts the Estonian approach towards legacy policy and proposes a political symbol initiated by the EU Presidency Trio of the United Kingdom, Bulgaria and Estonia. The entire topic was inspired by the motivation of the Estonian government to use the presidency to make a mark for Estonia. The twice-yearly occurring process of introducing and disabling the summertime, is not only annoying but has also almost exclusively negative impacts. Meanwhile, the summertime itself comes with many aspects of questionable impact and even opposing empirical results, but it also has some generally agreed upon positive influences. This paper takes side against the process of changing times, but does not take position for one of the possible solutions. This short article shall only inform and show the possibilities in regard to the summer time, the EU presidency and the political symbolism of celebrating the centenary of the First World War.
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Stahlberg, Sabira, and Sebastian Cwiklinksi. "Foreword: Tatars in Finland in the Transnational Context of the Baltic Sea Region." Studia Orientalia Electronica 8, no. 2 (May 13, 2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.83952.
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The Tatar diaspora in Finland has attracted researchers for over a century, but studies traditionallyfocus on topics such as origins and general Tatar history, religion, identity or language. One of themost important aspects of research on Tatars both historically and today, however, is the transnationalcontext. Migrating from villages in Nizhny Novgorod province, often via the Russian capitalSaint Petersburg at the end of the nineteenth century, the forming Tatar diaspora communities inthe Baltic Sea region maintained, developed and extended their previous networks and also creatednew connections over national borders despite periods of political difficulties. New research aboutTatars in the Baltic Sea region – with the focal point of the Tatars in Finland and their connectionschiefly in Estonia, Russia and Sweden – was presented during a seminar called Tatars in Finland inthe Transnational Context of the Baltic Sea Region at the University of Helsinki in October 2018.Scholars from Finland, Sweden, Russia, Estonia and Hungary spoke about the past and present ofthe diaspora. A result of the seminar, this special issue of Studia Orientalia Electronica is dedicatedto new research on Tatars in a transnational context.
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Crowe, David. "Bibliographic Article: Baltic Émigré Publishing and Scholarship in the Western World." Nationalities Papers 16, no. 2 (1988): 225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998808408084.
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The Soviet absorption of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania during World War II caused hundreds of thousands of Baltic immigrants to come to the West, where they established strong, viable ethnic communities, often in league with groups that had left the region earlier. At first, Baltic publishing and publications centered almost exclusively on nationalistic themes that decried the loss of Baltic independence and attacked the Soviet Union for its role in this matter. In time, however, serious scholarship began to replace some of the passionate outpourings, and a strong, academic field of Baltic scholarship emerged in the West that dealt with all aspects of Baltic history, politics, culture, language, and other matters, regardless of its political or nationalistic implications. Over the past sixteen years, these efforts have produced a new body of Baltic publishing that has revived a strong interest in Baltic studies and has insured that regardless of the continued Soviet-domination of the region, the study of the culture and history of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania will remain a set fixture in Western scholarship on Eastern Europe.
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ЕЛОХИН, К. А. "TRIGGERS OF MODERN BARBARISM AND HISTORICAL MEMORY." Цивилизация и варварство, no. 10(10) (November 10, 2021): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2021.10.10.004.
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Статья посвящена изучению различных аспектов девиантного поведения как отдельных личностей, так и небольших групп и целых коллективов. Деструктивная деятельность этих людей направлена на осквернение памятников и различных монументов. Эта проблема в разной степени касается всех стран мира. Необходимо отметить, что в последнее время наблюдается устойчивая тенденция к часто повторяющимся деструктивным действиям в отношении памятников как объектов культуры, искусства и средоточия исторической памяти народа. Различные группы населения в зависимости от образования, культуры и политических взглядов по-разному смотрят на уничтожение или осквернение памятников. В статье представлена попытка определить триггеры появления и методы преодоления варварства при осквернении мемориалов. The article is devoted to the study of various aspects of deviant behavior of both individuals and small groups and whole collectives. The destructive activities of these people are aimed at desecrating monuments and various memorials. This problem affects all countries of the world to varying degrees. It should be noted that recently there has been a steady tendency towards frequently repeated destructive actions in relation to monuments as objects of culture, art and the focus of the people's historical memory. Different groups of the population, depending on education, culture and political views, have different views on the destruction or desecration of monuments. The article presents an attempt to determine the triggers for the emergence and methods of overcoming of barbarism in the desecration of memorials.
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Kolář, Ondřej. "Different Stories of One Battle: The Moravian-Ostrava Offensive in Historiography and Collective Memory." Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies 8, no. 2 (June 30, 2020): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.25167/ppbs2039.
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The paper focuses on the historiography and remembrance of a significant battle, fought between the Red Army and German forces in the last week of World War II in Europe on the present Czech-Polish border. In the opening part of the paper, the historical surveys are depicted and analysed. The text also examines “official” forms of remembrance, such as museums and memorials, as well as popular narratives, myths and common tales surrounding the military operation, which are seen in the context of a specific collective identity of the population of the borderland. The article seeks correlations between professional research, political rhetoric and other aspects that created the “popular image” of the offensive. The question of regional memory is understood in the context of nationwide debates about contemporary history.
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Talts, Mait. "Some Aspects of the Baltic Countries’ Pre- and Post- Accession Convergence to the European Union." Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 58–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0005.
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AbstractThis comprehensive article provides an overview of the broader process of political, legal and societal changes characterizing the Baltic countries’ convergence towards the European Union. The article aims to identify the specific areas and issues which reveal both similarities and differences between the three Baltic countries. Special focus has been given to issues of economic development, economic policy choices, employment, public opinion and some legal aspects. The article, first of all, tries to reveal the differences between Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania stemming from different economic policy decisions made by the Baltic countries in the 1990s as well as from to the fact that in 1997-1999 the European Union treated the Baltic countries somewhat differently in terms of conditionality. However, during the 21st century, especially due to the economic recession, the ‘Baltic clocks’ have been synchronized despite the obvious differences in political system and levels of economic development. The author of the current article believes that the main factor behind that development was the convergence to European Union.
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Matuzova, Vera. "Everyday Life in an Order Castle." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018265-0.
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The reviewed book is the publication of the papers read at the Session of the International Historical Commission for Study of the Teutonic Order held in Tallinn (Estonia) from the 26th to the 28th of September, 2014, in the frameworks of the theme “Everyday Life of the Order’s Castle”. The concept “everyday life” allows scholars to treat various aspects of medieval religious order (in Prussia and Livonia), using written sources and archeological artifacts. The papers reflect numerous approaches and methods used for the development of the theme of the Session. Interdisciplinary approach and comparative research proved to be very fruitful.
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Aidukaite, Jolanta. "From universal system of social policy to particularistic? The case of the Baltic States." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 36, no. 4 (December 1, 2003): 405–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2003.09.002.
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This paper compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the paper is to highlight the forces that have influenced social policy transformation from its former highly universal, however authoritarian form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present day Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. It will be demonstrated that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. Rather, social policy should be studied as if embedded in the political, historical and cultural aspects of a given society. The people’s attitude towards distributive justice will be highlighted as being one of the most important factors for either social policy shortcomings or expansion. This paper takes steps to combine quantitative and qualitative data.
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Kann, Lauri. "Inimohvritega revolutsioonisündmused Eesti linnades 1905. aastal." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal 171, no. 1 (November 30, 2020): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2020.1.01.
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The Revolution of 1905 had an enormous impact on many nations in the Russian Empire. In order to study the society of the Russian Empire during the Revolution of 1905, many aspects need to be considered. Besides political and social changes, it is also important to study how and why violence occurred during the Revolution.
Violence had many sources in the Revolution of 1905 in the Russian Empire. One such source was the revolutionary political parties, whichsaw acts of violence as a means for realising their political agenda. Revolutionary parties formed armed groups, which attacked the authorities and other people. Bombs exploded in many places. Revolutionaries also gave speeches and printed various texts calling upon the masses to engage in violence against the authorities. The authorities also used violence in situations where it was unnecessary for defending themselves or protecting the lives of others. On many occasions, soldiers opened fire on political demonstrations or crowds of strikers. Although the authorities finally managed to supress the Revolution using violence, it is also evident that during the Revolution, the use of violence by the authorities played a role in the radicalisation of the revolutionary movement. It is well known that the shooting of demonstrators in St Petersburg on 9 January 1905 became a catalyst for the Revolution. Later, similar events took place in many parts of the Russian Empire.
In many areas of the Empire (Poland, Latvia, etc.), large numbers of people were killed by the authorities and by the people participating in the revolutionary movement. This study reveals that almost all of the people who were killed during the Revolution of 1905 in Estonia died at the hands of the authorities. There were 102 known victims of the Revolution in Estonian towns, and all of them were killed by the authorities. Most of them died on 16 October when soldiers opened fire on a peaceful workers’ demonstration in Tallinn. There was a total of five revolutionary events in Estonian towns where people were killed. Three of them took place in Tallinn, one in Tartu and one in Narva. All five events took place during workers’ strikes. Events in the countryside need to be investigated more thoroughly, but as far as is known, it seems to have been extremely rare for revolutionaries or participants in uprisings to kill anyone in the countryside as well. We know with certainty that only one German landlord (Arthur von Baranoff) was killed in Estonia in 1905. The punitive squads that were sent to Estonia by the authorities in December of 1905 killed hundreds of people. So although the events in the countryside need further research in order to obtain more reliable data, it is clear that most of the victims of the Revolution of 1905 in the countryside were killed by the authorities.
It is exceedingly difficult to point out exactly why the revolutionary movement in Estonia was less violent than in many other areas of the Russian Empire. Estonia and Latvia were in a relatively similar political situation, but the Revolution became much more violent in Latvia. This may be due to the fact that the socialist movement was not as widespread in Estonia as it was in Latvia. Socialist organisations in Estonia were also weaker than in Latvia. An event already occurred on 13 January in Riga in which soldiers opened fire on a crowd of people. It is possible that this contributed to the early radicalisation of the revolutionary movement in Latvia. Tallinn’s City Council may also have played an important role in keeping the peace. Estonians had won election to the City Council of Tallinn for the first time in 1904. It is likely that Estonian workers found it easier to communicate with the Tallinn’s municipal government than Riga workers with their local city government that was still dominated by Germans. Tallinn’s municipal government did not position itself against the workers’ movement and in some cases tried to work together with the representatives of the workers. It is possible that this also played an important role in revolutionary events in Tallinn.
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Rupasov, Aleksander. "Finland in Search of Foreign Policy Guidelines." ISTORIYA 12, no. 7 (105) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840016509-8.
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The article analyzes Finland's attempts to find a solution to current foreign policy problems in the interwar period. The main problem was the search for possible allies and guarantors of independence. The solution to this problem was complicated by a complex of factors: the limited interest of the great powers in accepting obligations guaranteeing the preservation of independence by Finland, the political and military weakness of possible allies (Latvia and Estonia), contradictions in relations with Sweden (not least caused by domestic political aspects both in Finland and Sweden), fears about Poland's foreign policy ambitions, potentially dangerous Finnish involvement in crisis situations Domestic political consensus on the issue of foreign policy orientation seemed to be achieved in the mid-1930s. However, the so-called Scandinavian orientation did not even partially solve the security problem. By the beginning of the pan-European crisis, the search for guarantors of independence remained an unresolved problem.
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Zhurzhenko, Tatiana. "The border as pain and remedy: commemorating the Polish – Ukrainian conflict of 1918-1919 in Lviv and Przemyśl." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 2 (March 2014): 242–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.801416.
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The fight for Lwów/Lviv in 1918 was the first military conflict in the difficult twentieth-century history of Polish–Ukrainian relations. In the inter-war period, an impressive military memorial, the Eaglets Cemetery, was constructed in Lwów to honor the young defenders of the city. A monument to the Eaglets was also erected in the neighboring Przemyśl. In inter-war Poland, the Ukrainians, who had lost their cause for state independence, created their own cult of national heroes, the Sich Riflemen. Their graves in Lwów and Przemyśl, as well as in many smaller towns, became sites of public commemoration and national mobilization. This article traces the emergence, the development and the post-World War II decay of both competing memorial cults, focusing on their revival and political uses after 1989. It examines the trans-border aspects of memory politics in Lviv and Przemyśl and analyses the role of war memorials in (re-)establishing the link between ethnic communities and their homelands.
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Kallas, Elina. "Environment-Readiness Entrepreneurship Intention Model: The Case of Estonians and the Russian-Speaking Minority in Estonia." SAGE Open 9, no. 1 (January 2019): 215824401882175. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244018821759.
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The entrepreneurship intention research is mainly focused on individual related features, and the aspects of the external environment are not sufficiently considered. The present article aims to present and empirically test the Environment-Readiness Entrepreneurship Intention (EREI) Model, which consists of the perception of the environment (namely, political, economic socio-cultural) and an evaluation of readiness (motivation, attitudes, competencies) to start up a business by potential entrepreneurs. To test the model, the EREI Questionnaire was developed and tested in Estonia on a sample of Estonians and the Russian-speaking minority population. The results of the analysis indicate that the EREI Model shows the following empirical evidence: a higher satisfaction with the external environment and a higher level of readiness lead to higher entrepreneurship intention. There are also significant differences in how the EREI Model manifests for the majority and minority populations. Based on the results, an ethnic minority entrepreneurship obstruction hypotheses is introduced.
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Puolokainen, Tarmo. "Reforming fire and rescue services: a comparative study of Estonia and Georgia." International Journal of Public Sector Management 30, no. 3 (April 10, 2017): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-08-2016-0127.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to compare the systems of fire and rescue services (FRS) in Estonia and Georgia with respect to recent centralization reforms, especially with performance measurement and management in mind, and analyse their prospects for successful implementations. Design/methodology/approach A desk study, covering all the main publicly available strategic plans of both countries relevant to FRS was conducted by the author. In addition, a meeting with the Georgian officials from the Emergency Management Agency was held in May 2016 and follow-up inquiries to specify certain aspects were made in the following two months. Findings This study demonstrates that Estonia is using performance indicators widely to set the target levels and manage the fire and rescue system, whereas Georgia is still under the process of introducing performance indicators. Therefore, since the systems of both countries are under centralized management in contrast to the typical European system, it would be suitable to learn from the reforms of each country to further understand the best practices. Research limitations/implications Since Georgia was in the process of reform in 2016, it does not have many performance indicators or impact evaluations of the reform readily available, which makes the possibilities of comparison limited. Practical implications The last reform of the FRS in Estonia and Georgia was similar: the centralization of services to increase the potential of cooperation and standardize the level of service provision. Estonia’s FRS system is eager to implement the reforms based on a data-driven analysis, whereas Georgia, still in the process of reform, does not have many performance indicators. As a result, Georgia and other countries aiming to centralize their FRS system in the near future would have the perfect opportunity to learn from Estonia’s reforms as well as predict and adapt to the possible bottlenecks of the reforms. For a wider audience, an analysis of the possible challenges of centralizing public agencies in transitional countries are of interest. Originality/value The public service provision is not widely analysed in the context of transition countries. As the reforms are to some extent the result of the accession process of joining the EU, it is crucial to understand whether the reforms have the planned impact on public services. The current paper analysed the reforms and implementations of public management techniques in the FRS, based on two transitional countries: Estonia and Georgia. FRS has seen relatively few studies analysing and comparing the reforms of different countries.
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Avdonin, Vladimir, and Elena Meleshkina. "E-GOVERNMENT: FROM SERVICE TECHNOLOGIES TO A NEW MANAGEMENT PARADIGM." Political Expertise: POLITEX 17, no. 4 (2021): 341–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2021.402.
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The article analyzes conceptual approaches to the development of e-government. The factors that contribute to its successful development are identified. Two examples (Estonia and Germany) show the influence of a different combination of these factors. The successful development of e-government requires a combination of a number of various factors, including characteristics of political institutions, political actors, and political culture. The development of e-government entails changes in these aspects of political life and, more broadly, changes in the nature of public administration and participation. In turn, the specifics and pace of these changes also depend on the unique combination of factors. The authors show that significant economic resources and strategic planning at the state level are not sufficient explanatory factors for the successful development of e-government. Important circumstances may include the relatively small size of the state, the perspective vision of political actors, the coincidence of the interests of public and private structures, readiness to reform the management system, the creation of conditions for institutional cooperation, and coordination of interested actors. The authors conclude that prospects for further research in the field of e-government development are related to the study of unique national sets of factors that explain features of e-government models and their evolution.
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de Raadt, Jasper. "Contested Constitutions." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 3 (May 5, 2009): 315–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409333192.
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What were the effects of constitution-making procedures on the acceptance of the new “rules of the political game” in postcommunist Central Europe? This article sets out to scrutinise the increasingly popular claim among politicians and scholars of democratisation that inclusiveness and popular involvement in constitution-making processes enhance a constitution's legitimacy. The concept of constitutional conflict, referring to political contestation over the interpretation and application of constitutional relations among state institutions, is introduced as a way to assess constitutional acceptance among politicians. The investigation concentrates on constitutional conflict patterns during the five years following constitution-making in seven Central European countries: Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, and Slovakia. Constitution-making procedures varied substantially among the cases, as did the intensity and timing of constitutional conflict. The article finds that differences in constitution-making procedures do not necessarily determine the legitimacy of constitutions among political elites. Instead, ambiguity on the allocation of formal competencies among political actors and increasing political tensions between pro-reform and anti-reform parties during the early 1990s proved to be more important triggers of constitutional conflict. Accordingly, studies on constitution-making and democratisation should focus less on procedural aspects and take into account the fuzziness of important constitutional provisions and the extent to which constitutions can survive periods of intense political polarisation.
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Reire, Gunda. "Small States in the United Nations Security Council: Legal and Conceptual Aspects versus Practical Perspective." SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 3, no. 21 (2021): 90–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/socr.21.2021.3.090-104.
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The article focuses on the prospects for work conducted by small states in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and examines two aspects which frame the work of small states in the UNSC – the legal aspect (institutional and procedural) and the conceptual aspect (the concept of small states), comparing them with the work and achievements of small states in praxis. The aim of the article is to provide qualitative and comparative analysis of small states’ work in the UNSC, to outline legal and political interpretation of their activities and to compare legal and conceptual framework with the practical perspective. The research is designed to be relevant for Latvia in the context of its candidature for a non-permanent seat of the UNSC at the elections in 2025, and it analyses cases of Lithuania’s and Estonia’s membership. The author of the article argues that despite the minimal role provided for the small states in the UNSC by international law and the theoretical concept, cases of Lithuania and Estonia show that the practical perspective proves a much higher capability, influence and ability of small states to profile themselves actively within the global agenda while at the same time remaining in the aforementioned legal and conceptual boundaries. This can happen under circumstances where there are minor systemic challengers, lack of triggers for security of small states, and overlapping of the international security agenda and their field of expertise. Keywords: United Nations, Security Council, small states, the Baltic States.
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Smirnov, Vadim A. "The Role of the Elites in Choosing the Foreign Policy Priorities of the Baltic States." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 603–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-4-603-616.
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The author analyzed the role of the elites of the Baltic countries in the choice of foreign policy priorities in the period after the declaration of independence. The process of determining the course towards the Euro-Atlantic is inscribed in the sub-regional context, taking into account the current Russian-Baltic political interaction. The study of power groups was carried out on the basis of an examination of large-scale socio-political transformations along with an analysis of individual practices. A comprehensive study of the transformation of the political elites of Baltic states as small countries, involves consideration of both the domestic and foreign policy aspects. The thesis is put forward that, despite a number of differences in the Baltic states, since the 1990s there were similar processes of transformation of political elites. The elite formation was due to the principle of state continuity as continuity with the pre-war regimes of Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia and as a break with the Soviet period, including the EuroAtlantic course as the key priority of the foreign policy. The consolidation of deep divisions in the societies of the Baltic states - ethnic, linguistic, political - was the result of the elite struggle for power in the 1990s. After the implementation of the idea of Back to the West the elites of the Baltic states replaced it with a Russian threat, which made it possible to postpone overcoming internal divisions fraught with weakening of their power.
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Laineste, Liisi, Anastasiya Fiadotava, Eva Šipöczová, and Guillem Castañar Rubio. "The cute and the fluffy." European Journal of Humour Research 10, no. 4 (January 9, 2023): 99–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr.2022.10.4.692.
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When serious official political statements are not enough to get people’s votes, politicians often turn to attention-grabbing and emotion-triggering self-presentation. They give the public access to their “normal, everyday” lives through personalisation and use other tools of “new” politics to create a favourable image of themselves. They can also show the unexpected, backstage aspects of their lives, such as their interactions with their pets. The paper analyses four case studies from different countries (Belarus, Estonia, Slovakia and Spain) in which politicians’ references to their pets became a prominent topic in internet communication and provoked numerous humorous reactions in the form of memes. By looking at various degrees of politicians’ personalisation strategies, we show that “new” and “old” politics should be regarded as the poles of a continuum rather than a binary opposition. We also discuss the content, form and stance of the humorous internet memes posted in reaction to the appearance of politicians’ pets in the news. Our research indicates that such memes function to provoke a discussion and, as a result, form a polyvocal commentary on events; the politicians, however, must take risks accompanying unconventional, revealing political communication and hope that “there's no such thing as bad publicity”.
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Smirnov, V. A. "The transformation of the Baltic countries’ political elites: general and specific features." Baltic Region 12, no. 3 (2020): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/2079-8555-2020-3-2.
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This research focuses on the features and transformations of power groups and their role in the political life of the societies of the Baltic countries. This article aims to analyse structural and functional changes in the composition of the Baltic political elites after these countries gained independence in the 1990s. The main objective of this research is to reveal the general and the specific in the transformations of Latvian, Lithuanian, and Estonian elites. Changes in the structure of power groups are considered on a sub-regional scale in view of the current Russian-Baltic political interaction. The common and distinctive features in the transformations of Latvian, Lithuanian, and Estonian elites are identified. Quantitative methods of analysis are used to detect trends in the selection of channels and mechanisms of elite recruitment. The study of power groups concentrated on both large-scale socio-political transformations and individual practices. A comprehensive examination of elite transformation in small states such as the Baltics requires the consideration of both domestic and foreign policy aspects. The thesis is put forward that despite some differences between the Baltic States their political elites have undergone very similar transformations since the 1990s. At the time, Baltic elites asserted continuity with pre-war Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia and detachment from the Soviet past. The 1990s elite struggle for power led to sharp ethnic, linguistic and political divides in Baltic societies. These rifts limit competition between power groups and reduce the ability of political systems to renew themselves. Having reached the ‘back to the West’ goal, Baltic elites replaced it with the idea of ‘Russian threat’. Bridging internal divides, which may weaken the power of the elites, was postponed as a result.
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Likarchuk, D. "Communicative technologies in the formation of political mediariality during conflicts." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 4(52) (December 21, 2021): 47–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2021.4(52).248136.
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In the modern political world, information and technological principles are important, which form the media space – factors of manipulation, fake news, support for political actors. The media, in the XXI century, not only manipulate society and create confrontational moments, but also in their activities mix politics, commercial advertising, criminal aspects. The modern product of media culture is media reality, which forms new boundaries of the socio-cultural space of each state. Media reality is one of the elements of communication technologies that influence society, but also individual state institutions. Focusing on important political problems and issues in the modern world is reduced to public (mass) attention, coverage of incorrect (fake) information about the opponent – and so is the process of manipulation of citizens and the creation of conflicts in society. All this is accompanied by an imbalance of communication interaction and information noise, which leads to distortion of the information space of the state, new hybrid wars, information disputes, fake news. In Ukraine, there are difficulties in maintaining the media space in the international arena, because we have a number of open and latent conflicts. Accordingly, the media space – connections and interaction, as well as gaps and opposition between agents in the political arena. Ukraine should understand that it is necessary to develop and integrate into new communication technologies. This will give an opportunity not only to orient oneself politically and to understand the advantages and disadvantages of one or another political force, but also to form one’s own integral and effective state interest and values. The rapid process of information and communication technologies in all spheres of society has caused global transformations, opened new opportunities for the information space. A popular model of integrated political technologies in Europe is social management in a real communication network. For example, Estonia has a progressive model of e-government in Europe, which means that communication technologies and a minimized level of conflict factors function accordingly in the country.
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Jaago, Tiiu. "Discontinuity and Continuity in Representations of 20th Century Estonian History." Culture Unbound 6, no. 6 (December 15, 2014): 1071–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.1461071.
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The theme of this article is how Estonians have described political changes in their autobiographical narratives. The discussion is based on the observation that the establishment of Soviet rule in Estonia in the 1940s is construed in the studies of life stories, on the one hand, as a discontinuity of ‘normal life’, and on the other hand, as continuity. It is remarkable that irrespective of the demarcation of state borders by political decisions, Estonian territory is still perceived as a single and eternal whole. To what extent is the perception of discontinuity or continuity related to experiencing political change and to what extent is it related to the method of narration, and to what extent does it depend on the choices made by the researcher? An analysis of the three life histories discussed in the article indicates that experiencing discontinuity or continuity in a specific historical context does not coincide with its depiction in life histories. The texts reflect both the diversity of narrative methods (coherent representation of different layers of recollections, the comparison and contrast of different situations, etc.), and the context of narratives – for example the interviewer’s effect on discussing a topic or the relation of a story to publicly discussed topics. Recollections are characterised by variability, however this may not become evident as studies focus on certain aspects of the narrative or interrelations of the topic and public discourses. The polysemic and ambivalent nature of the ‘border’ unfolds through the entangled interplay of territorial, political and cultural borders, their narrative articulation in life story telling as well as researchers’ choices.
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Savchuk, Sergiy. "Special aspects of legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts of some European countries." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 2 (August 10, 2020): 286–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.2.2020.54.
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The article is devoted to the study of foreign experience in legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts. Fixed-termemployment contracts should be considered as one of the earliest and, accordingly, the oldest forms of non-standard employment. Tur -ning to the concept of the application of fixed-term employment contracts in Ukraine in the near future, it seems appropriate to consider the possibility of their further development through the prism of studying European experience. Indeed, in many European countriesthe fixed-term contracts are quite common and therefore analysis of both positive and negative examples of their legal regulation willbe useful for the future development of labour legislation in Ukraine.The article features an analysis of the relevant legislation of the United Kingdom, Estonia, Italy, Poland and France. It is concludedthat the membership of these states in the European Union has had a significant impact on the evolution of national labour le -gislation. This also applies to the United Kingdom, which had been part of this economic and political union for a long time.The transposition of EU legislation into national law by these countries predetermines the existence of common features betweenthem in the legal regulation of fixed-term employment contracts. This common features include: clear time limits of the employmentcontract, maximum allowable number of renewals enshrined in law, compliance with the principle of non-discrimination, etc.In turn, the implementation of fixed-term employment relationships in each country differs in its uniqueness, which is due to thedomestic tradition of their implementation. For example, in the United Kingdom, the dismissal of an employee due to the expiration ofthe employment contract is considered through the lens of fairness of the employer’s actions, while in Italy the number of fixed-termemployment contracts with a particular employer cannot exceed 30 %.The above circumstances should be taken into account by Ukraine when reforming labour legislation. Indeed, the need to implementCouncil Directive 1999/70/EC is clearly provided for in clauses 1139 and 1140 of the Action Plan for the implementation of theAssociation Agreement between Ukraine, on the one hand, and the European Union, the European Atomic Energy Community and theirmember states, on the other hand, approved by Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine No. 1106, of 25.10.2017.
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Matviienko, Matviienko, and Mykola Doroshko. "The 1920 Ukrainian-Polish Alliance and Its Implications." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-3.
Full textAbstract:
The article describes the internal political situation in the UPR and Poland before the conclusion of the Treaty of Warsaw in 1920. The authors argue that in the context of the end of World War I and the rebuilding of the world geopolitical order the UPR and the Republic of Poland were destined to establish allied relations with a view to strengthening their restored statehood and ensuring security in the Baltic-Black Sea region. However, the signature of the Treaty of Warsaw failed to preserve stable interstate cooperation between Ukraine and Poland due to a range of internal political and external factors. This situation cast a shadow over the preservation of the independence of the UPR and Ukrainian-Polish partnership. The military and political alliance of Ukraine and Poland broke apart due to inextricable external and internal aspects. It was a rearguard action and could not struggle against the strengthened Bolshevist Russia without the support of the Entente states. In the meantime, the 1920 Treaty of Warsaw was significant not only for Ukrainians who continued to fight for the independence of the UPR with the assistance of Poland until the end of 1921. The authors assume that the joint opposition of Ukraine and Poland in the summer of 1920 dashed the Kremlin’s marches on Poland, Romania, and Germany that could turn into a tragedy for those states and Europe as a whole. The authors stress that the Baltic states such as Finland, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania gained their independence because of the military and political alliance of Ukraine and Poland and its struggle against the Bolshevist Russia. Poland got a chance to strengthen its statehood, as Moscow was significantly weakened by the war with the UPR and peasants’ insurrections in Ukraine. Keywords: UPR, Republic of Poland, Entente, Treaty of Warsaw, allied relations.
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Nöps, Angelika. "Metallniplispitsid Eesti rahvarõivastel / Metal Bobbin Lace on Estonian Folk Clothing." Studia Vernacula 7 (November 4, 2016): 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2016.7.91-115.
Full textAbstract:
The metal laces made using the bobbin lace techniques on Estonian national costumes have received unreasonably modest attention. Unlike other types of lace that have been studied in the 20th and 21st centuries, there is no information regarding the use of metal laces in Estonia.In order to better understand the background of national costumes decorated with metal laces, one needs to be familiar with the political, economic and educational life of the time. The research questions set in this article concern the spread of metal lace used on Estonian national costumes, the technology used and the contemporary materials for making metal bobbin lace. I discuss the spread of laces and the purpose of use thereof; also, I provide an overview of the technological aspects that the makers of national costumes can rely on to create authentic national costumes.The items decorated with metal bobbin lace preserved in the Estonian National Museum date back to a period from 1714 (Kadrina pot-shaped cap ERM 16362) to around 1900. Hence our ancestors held the beauty of metal lace in high esteem and used it to decorate their clothing for almost 200 years. During this period, present-day Estonia was divided in two – Estonia and Livonia – and the country had been under Russian rule since 1710. Metal bobbin lace is widespread primarily in northern and western Estonia and on the islands. The use of bobbin lace decreased after 1860 when crochet lace pushed it into the background, as the former required more time and more resources.This article examines the period from the early 18th century to the late 19th century. Based on the collections of the Estonian National Museum, I created a database of 223 items decorated with metal bobbin lace. Metal bobbin lace was used to decorate midriff blouses, head covers and aprons – in short, the technique was used to decorate items which play a central role in clothing. Items of clothing decorated with metal bobbin lace were considered fancy. The use of linen lace in Estonia has been documented, but there is no data on the making of metal lace locally. In the course of my research, I was not able to find any reference to metal bobbin lace being made locally. The few explanations that can be found in the object legends in the museum refer to metal lace as a purchased good. The need of the peasantry for beautiful items should be highly appreciated and the desire to decorate one’s clothes with remarkable details even more so – using expensive purchased goods like gold or silver lace.Trade connections between Tallinn and Russia were tight; therefore, we can claim for certain that goods produced in Russia, including metal lace, could have found their way into sales outlets in Tallinn. We find a series of references to gold and silver laces in the trilogy of source publications of the property lists of German merchants in Tallinn in the 18th century. Unfortunately, most of the laces do not include references to their origins, and the information given is limited to the amount and material. Thanks to trade connections with foreign countries, even the peasantry had the possibility to purchase lace. In addition to town stores, they were also able to buy lace at fairs or from peddlers.As metal laces with slight variations in patterns were produced from the 17th-19th centuries in several European lace centres, it is difficult to name the specific place from which the laces found in Estonia might originate. It is probable that the metal laces found here were imported from Europe.Many of the laces are similar. Wide laces consist of a wavy band whose waves are separated with a fan motif. Many of the laces have small teeth joined by a net. The edges of the lace can be wavy or straight, but with one exception they are all attached to textile, and not used as lace between the textile or on the end of the textile.In the article, I give an overview of different materials that have been used to make historic metal lace and which are accessible to contemporary masters. The availability of suitable material enabled me to make new metal lace based on the examples. However, I do not dare to claim that the material used was authentic. In the future, the chemical composition and the origins of metal laces used on national costumes deserve further research.
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Nöps, Angelika. "Metallniplispitsid Eesti rahvarõivastel / Metal Bobbin Lace on Estonian Folk Clothing." Studia Vernacula 7 (November 4, 2016): 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2016.7.91-115.
Full textAbstract:
The metal laces made using the bobbin lace techniques on Estonian national costumes have received unreasonably modest attention. Unlike other types of lace that have been studied in the 20th and 21st centuries, there is no information regarding the use of metal laces in Estonia.In order to better understand the background of national costumes decorated with metal laces, one needs to be familiar with the political, economic and educational life of the time. The research questions set in this article concern the spread of metal lace used on Estonian national costumes, the technology used and the contemporary materials for making metal bobbin lace. I discuss the spread of laces and the purpose of use thereof; also, I provide an overview of the technological aspects that the makers of national costumes can rely on to create authentic national costumes.The items decorated with metal bobbin lace preserved in the Estonian National Museum date back to a period from 1714 (Kadrina pot-shaped cap ERM 16362) to around 1900. Hence our ancestors held the beauty of metal lace in high esteem and used it to decorate their clothing for almost 200 years. During this period, present-day Estonia was divided in two – Estonia and Livonia – and the country had been under Russian rule since 1710. Metal bobbin lace is widespread primarily in northern and western Estonia and on the islands. The use of bobbin lace decreased after 1860 when crochet lace pushed it into the background, as the former required more time and more resources.This article examines the period from the early 18th century to the late 19th century. Based on the collections of the Estonian National Museum, I created a database of 223 items decorated with metal bobbin lace. Metal bobbin lace was used to decorate midriff blouses, head covers and aprons – in short, the technique was used to decorate items which play a central role in clothing. Items of clothing decorated with metal bobbin lace were considered fancy. The use of linen lace in Estonia has been documented, but there is no data on the making of metal lace locally. In the course of my research, I was not able to find any reference to metal bobbin lace being made locally. The few explanations that can be found in the object legends in the museum refer to metal lace as a purchased good. The need of the peasantry for beautiful items should be highly appreciated and the desire to decorate one’s clothes with remarkable details even more so – using expensive purchased goods like gold or silver lace.Trade connections between Tallinn and Russia were tight; therefore, we can claim for certain that goods produced in Russia, including metal lace, could have found their way into sales outlets in Tallinn. We find a series of references to gold and silver laces in the trilogy of source publications of the property lists of German merchants in Tallinn in the 18th century. Unfortunately, most of the laces do not include references to their origins, and the information given is limited to the amount and material. Thanks to trade connections with foreign countries, even the peasantry had the possibility to purchase lace. In addition to town stores, they were also able to buy lace at fairs or from peddlers.As metal laces with slight variations in patterns were produced from the 17th-19th centuries in several European lace centres, it is difficult to name the specific place from which the laces found in Estonia might originate. It is probable that the metal laces found here were imported from Europe.Many of the laces are similar. Wide laces consist of a wavy band whose waves are separated with a fan motif. Many of the laces have small teeth joined by a net. The edges of the lace can be wavy or straight, but with one exception they are all attached to textile, and not used as lace between the textile or on the end of the textile.In the article, I give an overview of different materials that have been used to make historic metal lace and which are accessible to contemporary masters. The availability of suitable material enabled me to make new metal lace based on the examples. However, I do not dare to claim that the material used was authentic. In the future, the chemical composition and the origins of metal laces used on national costumes deserve further research.
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Matviienko, Viktor. "UPR’s Diplomacy at the Conclusion of the National Liberation Struggle: The 1921 Black Sea Union." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXIII (2022): 389–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2022-25.
Full textAbstract:
The article offers an insight into the foreign policy of the Ukrainian People’s Republic at the final stage of the national liberation struggle. Author analyses the UPR’s course towards forging stable political and economic alliances with the peripheral states that have emerged on the post-imperial territory of russia. The most ambitious project of 1919–20 was the creation of the Baltic-Black Sea Union consisting of Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland, Finland, and Ukraine; however, the legal aspects of the organisation of the Black Sea Union became of primary importance in late November 1920. The certain aspirations for its formation were based on the intensification of anti-Bolshevik insurgent movements in the regions on the Don, Kuban, and Terek Rivers, in Dagestan and Chechnya, the existence of the Republic of Mountainous Armenia and the Democratic Republic of Georgia, which were independent from the kremlin. During the spring–autumn of 1921, the governments-in-exile of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, the Georgian Democratic Republic, the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic, and the Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus completed the treaty and legal formalisation of the Black Sea Union. Yet, the project was not implemented de-facto: the then military and political situation in Central and Eastern Europe and the Caucasus was not favourable for the successful struggle for independence of the peripheral states of the former empire. In the late 20th century, Ukraine and the Transcaucasian countries restored their independence, thus creating new political realities in Europe. It became possible to implement effective projects of the Black Sea sub-regional associations, in particular the Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organisation and Organisation for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM), aimed at the development of a network of transport connections and broad economic cooperation. Keywords: Black Sea Union, Ukrainian People’s Republic, Democratic Republic of Georgia, Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan, Republic of North Caucasus Mountaineers, peripheral states, government-in-exile.
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Rennu, Madis, Priit-Kalev Parts, Martin Bristol, and Meelis Kihulane. "Meeskäsitööliste vestlusring Heimtali laadal 25. septembril 2021 / The current state of artisanal woodwork in Estonia: a roundtable." Studia Vernacula 13 (November 18, 2021): 186–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2021.13.186-197.
Full textAbstract:
Why do we expect handicraft to occupy any place at all in our brave digital world? This was the first question asked at the woodcraftsmen’s roundtable held at the Heimtali Fair in Viljandi county on the 25th September, 2021. The purpose of the discussion was to investigate the wider background to men’s handicraft in the framework of the current year dedicated to male artisanship. Three artisan woodworkers joined the roundtable initiated by University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy in order to gain an overview of the field and to supply important background aspects. The participants were: Martin Bristol, Priit-Kalev Parts, and Meelis Kihulane. Martin Bristol has been active in starting the Puupank initiative which deals with the procurement of rare and specific wood material. He is also a founder of several platform-craft shops that have been functioning successfully in the old town of Tallinn. Priit-Kalev Parts was the initiator of the native construction study programme at the University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy and is also known as a maker of dugout canoes. Meelis Kihulane is renowned for reviving native woodwork and he is an experimental instructor of artisanry. The questions were posed by a long-term associate to the University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy in the field of traditional technologies, Madis Rennu.
The discussion focused on the local entrepreneurial environment and the influence of wider economic space with its crises and limits to growth such as peak oil, green transition and EU structural funds, the gender of artisans, and computer addiction. Additionally, they discussed such evergreen topics as clock reading skills and the objectives of a national university. The wish was expressed to move towards a wider recognition of manual skills as indispensable part of personal development, as was the desire to add more substance to attempts to improve the image of low-tech skills. The acquisition of manual skills, including working with both hands and standing on two feet, should be a recognised part of mental development at school ages of between 15 and 25 years.
The participants unanimously agreed that manual skills, as opposed to economic activity, consumerism, wealth, peak oil etc. have gradually declined over recent decades, and that we have probably now reached the bottom of the curve. Hopefully after the decline of the economic peak, the importance given to the possession of manual skills will start to rise again.
Terminology is also a problem. The word ‘handicraft’ may sound old-fashioned or even obsolete; it is often loaded with political or ideological ballast. Answers to the question whether it is possible to earn a livelihood with handicraft were diverse: a convinced ’no’, a hyperbolically conditional ’yes’ (if one could win the olympics of handicraft), and a convinced ’yes’, albeit one which admitted that handicraft is part of lifestyle.
The participants were rather sceptical as to the long-term positive impact of EU structural funds on handicraft, but the current situation, which is characterised by an increase of raw material and energy prices, seems hopeful because there are signs that top brands are interested in bringing their production back to Europe from China and so are seeking contacts, something which may lead to new opportunities for manually skilled artisans here.
Martin Bristol summarised matters as follows: “A shop does not have to be in Viru Street. It can be in the forest, if the narrative is powerful enough – and of course it has to be top-level. If there is a grove and people who are dedicated – I really mean that we would be able to produce more out of one hectare of forest without cutting it than is produced with the help of clear cut. And if we add full production-chain logic, in the sense that forest is not only wood for building, and fleece is not only a dull by-product, we could develop quite a contemporary form of production. But all this presupposes knowledge of the specificities of native raw materials and regions, clock reading, and a bit of entrepreneurship as well.“
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Rennu, Madis, Priit-Kalev Parts, Martin Bristol, and Meelis Kihulane. "Meeskäsitööliste vestlusring Heimtali laadal 25. septembril 2021 / The current state of artisanal woodwork in Estonia: a roundtable." Studia Vernacula 13 (November 18, 2021): 186–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sv.2021.13.186-197.
Full textAbstract:
Why do we expect handicraft to occupy any place at all in our brave digital world? This was the first question asked at the woodcraftsmen’s roundtable held at the Heimtali Fair in Viljandi county on the 25th September, 2021. The purpose of the discussion was to investigate the wider background to men’s handicraft in the framework of the current year dedicated to male artisanship. Three artisan woodworkers joined the roundtable initiated by University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy in order to gain an overview of the field and to supply important background aspects. The participants were: Martin Bristol, Priit-Kalev Parts, and Meelis Kihulane. Martin Bristol has been active in starting the Puupank initiative which deals with the procurement of rare and specific wood material. He is also a founder of several platform-craft shops that have been functioning successfully in the old town of Tallinn. Priit-Kalev Parts was the initiator of the native construction study programme at the University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy and is also known as a maker of dugout canoes. Meelis Kihulane is renowned for reviving native woodwork and he is an experimental instructor of artisanry. The questions were posed by a long-term associate to the University of Tartu Viljandi Culture Academy in the field of traditional technologies, Madis Rennu.
The discussion focused on the local entrepreneurial environment and the influence of wider economic space with its crises and limits to growth such as peak oil, green transition and EU structural funds, the gender of artisans, and computer addiction. Additionally, they discussed such evergreen topics as clock reading skills and the objectives of a national university. The wish was expressed to move towards a wider recognition of manual skills as indispensable part of personal development, as was the desire to add more substance to attempts to improve the image of low-tech skills. The acquisition of manual skills, including working with both hands and standing on two feet, should be a recognised part of mental development at school ages of between 15 and 25 years.
The participants unanimously agreed that manual skills, as opposed to economic activity, consumerism, wealth, peak oil etc. have gradually declined over recent decades, and that we have probably now reached the bottom of the curve. Hopefully after the decline of the economic peak, the importance given to the possession of manual skills will start to rise again.
Terminology is also a problem. The word ‘handicraft’ may sound old-fashioned or even obsolete; it is often loaded with political or ideological ballast. Answers to the question whether it is possible to earn a livelihood with handicraft were diverse: a convinced ’no’, a hyperbolically conditional ’yes’ (if one could win the olympics of handicraft), and a convinced ’yes’, albeit one which admitted that handicraft is part of lifestyle.
The participants were rather sceptical as to the long-term positive impact of EU structural funds on handicraft, but the current situation, which is characterised by an increase of raw material and energy prices, seems hopeful because there are signs that top brands are interested in bringing their production back to Europe from China and so are seeking contacts, something which may lead to new opportunities for manually skilled artisans here.
Martin Bristol summarised matters as follows: “A shop does not have to be in Viru Street. It can be in the forest, if the narrative is powerful enough – and of course it has to be top-level. If there is a grove and people who are dedicated – I really mean that we would be able to produce more out of one hectare of forest without cutting it than is produced with the help of clear cut. And if we add full production-chain logic, in the sense that forest is not only wood for building, and fleece is not only a dull by-product, we could develop quite a contemporary form of production. But all this presupposes knowledge of the specificities of native raw materials and regions, clock reading, and a bit of entrepreneurship as well.“
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Alistratovaite-Kurtinaitiene, Inesa. "Urban transformations in state squares of the Baltic Sea region." Landscape architecture and art 13 (December 10, 2018): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/j.landarchart.2018.13.08.
Full textAbstract:
The square is a traditional element of urban fabric and, as a rule, a focal point of its urban spatial structure. It is not only an element that reflects the maturity of an urban structure but also transcends the sociocultural experience of society (heritage). It has been almost 30 years since the restoration of Baltic states independence, but the squares in the central parts of towns and cities have not acquired a complete result. The development of squares remains a burning issue in the structural aspect (the form, the ratio of a square and surrounding build-up), in the compositional aspect (formation of continuous building frontage, respective principles of the build-up, etc.), in the functional aspect (the rank of a square among other urban public spaces, etc.). This question is frequently raised at various levels (professional, political, social), just like the issue of status (both physical and social). This is especially true for the capital Vilnius of Lithuania, which still does not have the image of the stately representative square. The assumption is made that the comparative method can provide more information and will look at the topicality from another point. Therefore, this article presents a comparative study of the 4 countries of Baltic Sea region – Estonia, Latvia Lithuania and Poland. The capital cities of countries from a pre-defined region with similar culture, have been selected. They have a common feature – post socialist status in the Europe. The above discusses the main aspects of the formation of squares, reveals certain parallels between the main items of the capitals of Baltic Sea region countries and discusses the possible further development of the paths.
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Raszkowski, Andrzej, and Bartosz Bartniczak. "Sustainable Development in the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs): Challenges and Opportunities." Sustainability 11, no. 4 (February 23, 2019): 1180. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11041180.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of the study was to analyze and present the position of the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs) in terms of levels of sustainable development concept implementation in the years 2010–2016. The second purpose and the added value of the conducted research was to identify the selected opportunities and challenges related to sustainable development in the CEE countries. The research was based on 66 indicators that monitored the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) from the global perspective. Eurostat (database: sustainable development indicators) was the source of data in terms of their availability and integrity. Implementation of the concept of sustainable development was assessed using the synthetic measure of development (SMD). The past and current socioeconomic situation in the group of CEE countries is presented in the introduction. The theoretical aspects of sustainable development are discussed, taking into account social, economic, environmental, spatial, as well as institutional and political areas. The concept of integrated order is also considered. The core part of the study presents the research results showing the position of the CEE countries regarding the implementation levels of the sustainable development concept. The value of SMD in individual years is specified for each of the analyzed countries. It was concluded that the situation of all countries improved over the analyzed period of time. Nevertheless, the current situation is not favorable in any of the analyzed countries: However, the Czech Republic and Slovenia are very close to achieving such status. Apart from the aforementioned two countries, in 2016 a moderate situation was observed in Estonia, Hungary, Slovakia, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, and Croatia. Bulgaria and Romania still remain at a disadvantage, despite having made noticeable progress.
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Hrybachova, I. P., and Y. A. Shevtsov. "Weapons turnover in the civil law of Ukraine." Legal horizons, no. 23 (2020): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2020.i23.p22.
Full textAbstract:
Now days Ukrainian legislation is at the stage of active reformation in order to modernize It and adapt it to European standards. The changes affected all branches of law, including civil law. Now, such changes are mainly related to issues of intellectual property, land ownership, legal personality of persons and a number of procedural issues. In many areas of society, there is a partial liberalization of processes, including, both from the state and from the population, there are more and more proposals for the introduction of things that were previously completely or partially restricted in circulation. That is why, against the background of large-scale reforms, the issue of legalizing weapons for the population has become quite resonant. The issue of weapons has always been of interest to Ukrainians. there have been numerous discussions in the media, public discussions in society and even in political circles. Proponents of gun liberalization say this will allow everyone to protect themselves, their families and their property. They also often refer to the success of legalization in the United States and European countries, such as Finland, Germany, Estonia, Italy, and others [14]. However, there are a large number of opponents of the legalization of weapons, who explain their position by saying that weapons are too dangerous to be owned by everyone. The article is devoted to the analysis current legislation which is regulate the law aspects of weapons, the necessity legalization of weapons, the research of related problems and ways of their solution. Therefore, it is very important to explore the prospect of legalizing weapons in order to understand how this is possible and really necessary in Ukraine today. In addition, it is very appropriate to investigate the legal aspect of civil arms trafficking, because for a long time, the legislation has not changed or been updated, so there is a real necessity to strengthen control over civilian weapon trafficking.