Academic literature on the topic 'Members of the League of Polish Families'
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Journal articles on the topic "Members of the League of Polish Families"
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de Lange, Sarah L., and Simona Guerra. "The League of Polish Families between East and West, past and present." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 42, no. 4 (October 27, 2009): 527–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2009.10.006.
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Historical legacies play an important role in the rise of radical right parties in Central and Eastern Europe. This article conducts an in-depth study of the trajectory of a particular radical right party, the League of Polish Families, in a particular Central and East European country, Poland. The central objective of the article is to highlight that, although there are important similarities between the League of Polish Families and other radical right parties in both Central and Eastern Europe and Western Europe, the League of Polish Families differs in some respects, such as the composition of electorate and ideology from these parties. The article shows that the observed differences have their roots in the Polish historical legacy, that on some accounts deviates from the historical legacies present in other Central and East European countries.
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Dajnowicz, Małgorzata. "The League of Women (Liga Kobiet) – the conditions for functioning of the women’s organisation in the communist system of the Polish People’s Republic (in the first period of the organisation’s activity from 1945 to 1975)." Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych, no. 2(9) (2020): 186–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/cnisk.2020.02.09.10.
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The League of Women (Liga Kobiet), until 1949 operating under the name of the Socio-Civic League of Women (Społeczno-Obywatelska Liga Kobiet), was a mass women’s organisation functioning in the Polish People’s Republic. Throughout the whole period, one of the priorities set by the organisation was to build up its mass character and, thus, to influence different social, professional and environmental groups of Polish women, fitting into the general agenda of implementing the communist regime in Polish society. Most League of Women’s members were also members to the Polish United Workers’ Party. The League of Women tried to play a role of a “utilitarian” organisation, supporting in a genuine and diverse way the Polish women’s environment. The period between 1945 and 1975 was the first stage of organisation’s activity; in the communist Polish People’s Republic it was a period of “isolation” of the Polish society from the Western world and of a significant influence of the Soviet Union’s policy on the social relations in the country. The League of Women was an example of an East European women’s organisation in the communist era.
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Zaniewska, Agnieszka. "„Nasza Praca” – miesięcznik „wytycznych” do działań i praktyk Ligi Kobiet." Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych, no. 1(10) (2021): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/cnisk.2021.01.10.07.
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The article is an analysis of the “Nasza Praca” magazine published by the Main Board of the League of Women as an internal instruction of women’s organizations in this field. In the years 1947–1981, the journal was published in the form of a bulletin, the content of which was intended solely for analysis by members of the organization in all branches of the Polish People’s Republic. On the other hand, since 1981, with the breakthrough in the country and the League of Women itself, “Nasza Praca” became an open monthly addressed to all Polish women, including those who are not members of the Women’s League. The following article focuses on the guidelines of the Main Board of the Women’s League for field activists from the early 1980s.
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Płoski, Marcin. "Państwo narodowe czy zjednoczona Europa w dyskursie parlamentarzystów Ligi Polskich Rodzin." Przegląd Sejmowy 26, no. 1(144) (2018): 89–111. https://ps.sejm.gov.pl/journal.nsf/PS.xsp?documentId=C490D5C5C6FBAD78C12582420042EDD6&lang=PL.
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This article is an attempt to present national and European thought in the discourse of parliamentarians of the League of Polish Families in relation to two important processes of contemporary
times, namely the Poland’s transformation and its integration with European structures. The data
for the research are divided into the several spheres of social reality: politics, economy, culture,
technology (production) and consumption. In particular spheres antinomies could be noticed, becoming the subject of the research study, because of the political controversy. Analytical material
is cognitively interesting because of the contrary views in relation to other political opponents.
The League of Polish Families used, in its rhetoric, Eurosceptic views as a weapon to fi ght its political adversaries.
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Koziełło, Tomasz. "The Question of Local Self-Government in The Political Concepts of the Contemporary Polish National Camp." Reality of Politics 18, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop2021405.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the attitude of the contemporary Polish national camp towards local government in the political concepts of the two most influential political parties of this trend - League of Polish Families and National Movement. In the article are characterized the most important issues such as: the role of local government, the tasks of local government, the postulated reforms.
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Sanecka-Tyczyńska, Joanna. "Między mocarstwowością a peryferyjnością. Międzynarodowa pozycja Polski w XXI wieku w narodowej i konserwatywnej refleksji politycznej." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 19, no. 3 (2021): 110–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2021.3.8.
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The research objective of this paper is to analyse trends in contemporary nationalist and conservative political thought from the system and problem-based perspectives through the lens of Poland's international status in the 21st century. The subject of the analysis is the political thought of two parties − the League of Polish Families (representing the nationalist trend) and Law and Justice (the conservative trend) in two dimensions. First − in the ideological dimension, covering political views with the greatest degree of generalisation. Second − in the programme dimension, understood as a set of specific political proposals, creating concepts and defining the conditions for their fulfilment in the future. The research objective was contingent on the following research questions: How did the League of Polish Families and the Law and Justice Party define and describe international order? What values were assigned key roles in shaping Poland's international position? What international roles were assigned to Poland?
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Koziełło, Tomasz. "Koncepcje ustrojowe polskiego obozu narodowego w XXI wieku na przykładzie Ligi Polskich Rodzin i Ruchu Narodowego." Polityka i Społeczeństwo 20, no. 1 (2022): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2022.1.5.
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This article analyses the political concepts of the contemporary Polish national camp, represented by the League of Polish Families (2001–2011) and the National Movement (since 2012). Both parties strived to create a national state in which the Polish nation would have a dominant position and pursue its own interests. According to the leaders of both parties, only a nation-state can pursue a policy of comprehensive internal social, economic and military development, making Poland an important player in international politics and ensuring the security and prosperity of its citizens.
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Sariusz-Skąpska, Izabella. "The Katyń Families." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 4 (September 22, 2015): 761–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415594672.
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By appearance it would seem that Rodziny Katyńskie—the Katyń Families—are a veterans’ organization. The elderly, the last witnesses of the terrible Second World War, make up the majority of members. But these are not heroes, and they are not veterans. Who are they? In the first days after Poland regained its independence, after the first free elections of 4 June 1989, people from many cities leave the quiet of their homes and for the first time in their lives start talking about the history of their fathers, who had gone missing after 17 September 1939. The Katyń Families were formed. Statutes were written, and the aims of the organization were defined: explaining all of the circumstances of the Katyń Massacres, finding all of the locations where Polish prisoners of war died, and, finally, accomplishing their dignified burial in Polish War Cemeteries.
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Gimžauskas, Edmundas. "The Activities of Fr Friedrich Muckermann in 1918–1919 in Vilnius: A Significant Application Towards a Civil Society? (The Phenomenon of the Christian Workers League)." Lithuanian Historical Studies 18, no. 1 (January 8, 2013): 67–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01801003.
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The activities of the German priest Friedrich Muckermann in Vilnius would belong to those cases when an extraordinary personality influenced crucially the development of the public process, by rallying an abundant crowd of followers. The assumptions of the social activities initiated by this Jesuit priest consisted of the transformation of the Catholic Church at the beginning of the 20th century from a confessional to a social category, and the conditioned general operation of the latter phenomenon. At the turn of 1918–1919 in Vilnius, due to the efforts of Muckermann, the League of Christian Workers appeared and gained more and more popularity in lower social strata. This seriously worried the Bolshevik government. Activists of the national movements conflicting with each other, in turn, understanding the prospects for the cultural-social consolidation begun by the priest to become political, naturally sought to influence the League. The arrest of Muckermann by the Bolsheviks not only encouraged a shift by the League to the Polish side, but also changed the nature of the organisation in the direction of radical action. Members of the League contributed actively to the capture of Vilnius by the Polish army in April 1919. And from that time, the organisation can be considered to be Polish, which in no way could be said about the League run by Muckermann. Leaving Bolshevik captivity at the end of 1919 in an exceptional way, he became not only a famous Catholic activist in interwar Germany, but also a symbol of the Christian resistance to Nazism.
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Moroska, Aleksandra, and Krysztof Zuba. "Two Faces of Polish Populism. The Causes of the Success and Fall of Self Defence and the League of Polish Families." Totalitarianism and Democracy 7, no. 1 (July 1, 2010): 123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/tode.2010.7.1.123.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Members of the League of Polish Families"
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Aliyeva, Vusala. "Impact de la politique familiale de l'Union Européenne pour les pays membres : France, Royaume-Uni, Allemagne." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010014.
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La politique de l'Union européenne a suscité des débats académiques sur son impact potentiel et l'effet qu'elle exercerait sur les processus politiques au niveau national. les récentes réformes des politiques familiales allemandes et anglaises peuvent être attribuées à l'influence de l'Union européenne au travers de la participation dans les processus d'apprentissage initiés par cet organisme. Cette étude examine les éventuels glissements dans les objectifs des politiques familiales vers la politique de l'Union européenneThe policy of the European Union has packed academic debate on its potential impact on the political process at national level. Recent reforms of german and english family policies can be attributed to the European Union influence through its participation in the learning process initiated by this organisation. This examines the potential shifts in the objectives of national families to European Union objectives
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Klapal, Ondřej. "Srovnání Ligy polských rodin a Palikotova hnutí v kontextu proměn polské společnosti." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-336944.
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The aim of the diploma thesis "Comparison of the League of Polish Families and the Palikot's Movement in the Context of Changes of Polish Society" was to describe activity of the LPR and the RP, to chararacterize their ideology and to find out whether their policies caused changes in opinions of the Polish society on some social issues (abortion, euthanasia, homosexuality and gay rights and involvement of priest in politics) or not and whether these changes caused gain or loss of the electoral support of both parties or not. The analysis of both parties revealed that the League of Polish Families, which was supported by part of the Roman Catholic Church in elections and was against abortion, euthanasia and strengthening of gay rights, is a populist Catholic far-right party (in the sense of the Cas Mudde's definition), and the Palikot's Movement, later Your Movement, which holds opposite positions, can be defined as a liberal movement with populist elements. The analysis of public opinion surveys revealed that the Polish society has tendencies to more conservative attitude during public debate about controversial issues, no matter if "ultraconservative" or "ultraliberal" party succeeds in elections. The analysis also revealed that change (or preservation) of the opinions of the Polish society did not affect...
Books on the topic "Members of the League of Polish Families"
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Płoski, Marcin. Liga Polskich Rodzin jako aktor społeczny. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Instytutu Socjologii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2016. https://www.repozytorium.uni.wroc.pl/dlibra/publication/80114.
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This book is a monograph, on the political party, that shows the birth, rise and fall of the League of Polish Families. In the chapter I the division was made into individual and collective actors. Chapter II is an attempt to describe the birth and functioning of LPF in the context of a broader national movement. Chapter III focuses on the fields of activities of the national party. Chapter IV is an attempt to recreate the role of LPF on the political scene. Chapter V is an attempt to play the role of LPF on the European political scene. Chapter VI is the description of a research taken on the party groups, surveyed with the usage of a questionnaire technique. Chapter VII is an empirical reflection of the views of LPF deputies and senators about political transformation and Polish integration with European structures. The tool for this method was mainly based on an open interview. Chapter VIII is an attempt to present the Polish society in the perspective of political transformation, and the reflection on the degree of civility and democracy and finaly presents the fall of LPF. \n\nNiniejsza książka ma charakter monografii poświęconej partii politycznej, która ukazuje narodziny, rozkwit i upadek Ligi Polskich Rodzin. W rozdziale I dokonany został podział na aktorów zbiorowych i indywidualnych. Rozdział II jest próbą opisu narodzin i funkcjonowania LPR w ramach szerszego ruchu narodowego. Rozdział III koncentruje się na polach aktywności partii narodowej. Rozdział IV jest próbą odtworzenia roli LPR-u na scenie politycznej. Rozdział V jest próbą odtworzenia roli LPR na europejskiej scenie politycznej. Rozdział VI stanowi badawczy portret kół partyjnych, przeprowadzony za pomocą metody ankietowej z zastosowaniem kwestionariusza ankiety. Rozdział VII jest empirycznym odzwierciedleniem poglądów posłów i senatorów LPR na temat transformacji ustrojowej i integracji Polski ze strukturami europejskimi. Narzędziem tej metody był wywiad swobodny otwarty. Rozdział VIII jest próbą przedstawienia społeczeństwa polskiego w perspektywie transformacji ustrojowej, refleksji nad stopniem obywatelskości i demokracji oraz upadkiem LPR.
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Discrimination for the sake of the nation: The discourse of the League of Polish Families against "others" 2001-2007. Frankfurt am Main: PL Academic Research, 2013.
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Shibata, Yasuko. Discrimination for the Sake of the Nation: The Discourse of the League of Polish Families Against Others 2001-2007. Lang Publishing, Incorporated, Peter, 2013.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Members of the League of Polish Families"
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Adema, Willem, Chris Clarke, and Olivier Thévenon. "Family Policies and Family Outcomes in OECD Countries." In The Palgrave Handbook of Family Policy, 193–217. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54618-2_9.
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AbstractFamilies in OECD member countries have changed dramatically in recent decades. Across almost all OECD countries, couples are marrying and starting a family later than ever before. Fertility rates are low. Divorce and re-partnering have become much more common, giving rise to a diversity of new family forms. The (male) single-earner family model, previously dominant, is now largely a thing of the past. This chapter examines how families and family policies have changed in OECD countries in recent decades. It starts with an overview of changes in families, in partnering behaviours, in family living arrangements, and in family work arrangements. The chapter then turns to the evolution of family policy and the policy response to changing families, such as increases in public Early Childhood Education and Care (ECEC) support and the provision of fathers-only paid parental leave. It concludes by highlighting important key challenges ahead, including how policy must adapt to growing inequalities between families.
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Taranowicz, Iwona. "Tradycja i zmiana – rytuały bożonarodzeniowe i ich znaczenie dla młodych polskich rodzin." In ZMIANA SPOŁECZNA, PANDEMIA, KRYZYS Konteksty empiryczne i teoretyczne, 267–86. Wydawnictwo Instytutu Filozofii i Socjologii PAN, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37240/9788376831985.12.
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The first generation of Polish migrants in Germany in the 1980s and 1990s sought to improve the economic situation of their families and tried to blend in with German society. Only their descendants managed to do so. They experienced the upward mobility that their parents expected of them. However, they were not prepared for the generational change related to it. The change involved the transformation of the cultural capital in the migrant family. The article presents an analysis of the intergenerational transmissions in Polish families in Germany, based on autobiographical interviews with the second generation of migrants. The article explains why the eff orts of the first generation to build a life in Germany did not translate into a happy family life. Neither did it bring enough economic resources for the first generation to pass economic capital to descendants. Social capital turned out to be a strong feature of Polish families. The supportive role of grandmothers and other family members has often proved to be of a huge value. Paradoxically, the absence of their parents gave their children a lot of freedom and free time to build their own networks of friends. The article also draws attention to the negative dimension of social capital in Polish families. It manifests itself in limiting expectations and pressure exerted by the family on the second generation.
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Hensel-Liwszicowa, Joanna. "The Alphabetical List of Payers of the Communal Tax in Warsaw for 1912." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 12, 212–18. Liverpool University Press, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774594.003.0015.
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This chapter analyses the Alfavitnij ukazatel' plat'elshchikov obshchinnogo zbora za 1912 god (Alphabetical List of Payers of the Communal Tax for 1912). The Alphabetical List of Payers begins with a list of the names of the sixteen members of the Jewish community council who were absolved from paying contributions to the kehilah but gave them voluntarily. The list of those required to pay is in alphabetical order and contains the names of 11,417 heads of Warsaw's Jewish families, each payer's occupation or source of income, his address, the value of the contribution, and the person's registration number in the Warsaw Jewish commune. The amount of the annual contribution is given in silver roubles and the registration number is marked ‘sta'tja’. The chapter shows how approaching the Alphabetical List of Payers statistically reveals many analytical possibilities, and on the basis of this information, it should be possible to describe in detail the economic situation of Warsaw's Jewish bourgeoisie.
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Pilarczyk, Krzysztof. "Printing the Talmud in Poland in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 15, 59–64. Liverpool University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774716.003.0002.
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This chapter explores Jewish religious print culture in Poland during the second half of the sixteenth century and the first half of the seventeenth centuries. During this period, Jewish printers in Poland established their printing houses in Kraków and Lublin. Jews in the Polish diaspora in the second half of the sixteenth and the first half of the seventeenth century saw the development of Jewish typography as essential to the normal functioning of Jewish communities everywhere. The members of the communities needed books to study the Torah, and in particular they needed the Talmud — the fundamental work on which rabbinic Judaism is based. The printers in Kraków and Lublin in this period satisfied the needs of the Jewish book market in Poland to a considerable degree while also competing with foreign printers. Jewish typography in Poland, managed by a few families over two or three generations, could not equal that of Venetian printers or later of Dutch printers, who had a much greater influence on culture and economy and served many European communities. Nevertheless, printers in Poland played a significant role in printing the Talmud.
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Korybut-Marciniak, Maria. "„Widać z listów, że nas kochasz [...]”. Portrety kobiet w świetle korespondencji rozproszonej rodziny kresowej (1845–1877)." In Życie prywatne Polaków w XIX wieku. „Prywatne światy zamknięte w listach”. Tom 7. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego; Instytut Historii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych UWM, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8142-182-9.10.
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The correspondence of the Doliński/Łazarowicz clerical family kept in the Lithuanian Historical Archives in Vilnius, was the most important and often the only form of communication for its members for decades. The article analyzes letters written by: Tekla Melania Łazarowicz (1820–1897), Aleksandra Natalia Antonina Mongin (1814–1888), Eufemia Antonina Symonowicz (1816–1896) and Tekla Symonowicz (1838–1900). Letters are the basis in scratching four portraits of these polish women from administrative intelligence families living in Lithuanian-Belarusian lands in the nineteenth century. Being written for many years correspondence is a reflection of their everyday life, fates and lifestyle.
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Wodziński, Marcin. "Hatred or Solidarity? Jewish and Polish–Jewish Fraternity in the 1860s." In Haskalah and Hasidism in the Kingdom of Poland, translated by Sarah Cozens and Agnieszka Mirowska, 180–99. Liverpool University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781904113089.003.0007.
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This chapter focuses on the founding of Polish-language periodicals — first Jutrzenka (1861–3) and then Izraelita (1866–1915) — which was one of the most visible achievements of the new integrationist movement. The most active members of this new group were Marcus Jastrow and Daniel Neufeld, who was editer-in-chief of Jutrzenka. Even though it was active only for a short time, Jutrzenka and the writers associated with it wielded considerable influence. Their influence extended to bringing about a realignment of the attitude of the modernizing camp towards the hasidim; in particular, it was not until the 1860s that hasidism was recognized as a major ideological problem and perceived to be the most serious enemy in the battle to emancipate and modernize Jews in Poland. Neufeld and other Jutrzenka writers argue that the hasidim needed to be educated and that learning would bring about the ultimate solution to the problem, i.e. the disappearance of hasidism. But, alongside the voices of criticism, Jutrzenka's writers increasingly expressed the positive features of hasidism, particularly their unrivalled unity, their caring for their families, their concern for religious education, and their wholehearted espousal of their ideology. Ultimately, the reassessment of attitudes towards the hasidic movement among the moderate integrationist camp brought immediate, direct results in the pre-uprising period of Polish–Jewish fraternity and had a lasting effect.
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Sosnowska, Joanna. "Opieka i wychowanie w placówkach Robotniczego Towarzystwa Przyjaciół Dzieci w Łodzi w okresie międzywojennym." In Dziecko w historii - między godnością a zniewoleniem. Tom 1. Dziecko jako fundament praw człowieka, 207–28. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/dhmgz.01.2021.14.
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Robotnicze Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Dzieci (RTPD, Workers’ Society of Children’s Friends) was an organization which provided care and education and operated at the initiative and under the patronage of the Polish Socialist Party. In Łódź, an RTPD division was established in 1923. Since the beginnings of that organization in Łódź, its activists started to open care and education centres for children and teenagers. The first of them included community centres for school and pre-school children aged 5-6 to 13-14. Following new trends in pedagogy, they were then transformed into kindergartens for children aged 4-6 operating based on Maria Montessori’s method. Other centres opened by the Łódź RTPD Division included youth clubs and centres initiating preventive and medical care, such as summer camps, summer play centres, or tuberculosis clinics. Those initiatives were meant for children from workers’ families from Łódź, most of all members of the Polish Socialist Party in Łódź. This paper presents the main aspects related with the type of care provided and the contents of educational programmes followed in community centres, kindergartens, and youth clubs run by the Łódź RTPD Division in 1923–1939.
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Berry, Jason. "Sicilians in the Meld." In City of a Million Dreams, 184–204. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469647142.003.0010.
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69,937 Italians, mostly from Sicily, arrived in New Orleans between 1898 and 1929. A culture of close families, loyal to the Church and one another, gave birth to a Sicilian ghetto in the Vieux Caré backstreets. Public opinion turned against Sicilians after police chief David C. Hennessy’s assassination in 1890. Joe Macheca and members of the Provenzano and Matranga clans were arrested but acquitted. In retaliation, a mob stormed the prison where the defendants were held and killed 11 people, including Macheca. Prostitution was rampant in late 19th-century New Orleans. In 1897, patrician alderman Sydney Story passed an ordinance that confined prostitution to a 16-square block area in lower Tremé. The “District”, also known as “Storyville”, flourished into a vibrant community where men and women of all classes, races, and ethnicities mingled intimately, casually, and continuously. Black musicians like Jelly Roll Morton and Joe Oliver gained venues in the bordellos. Jazz musicians began to leave New Orleans in the early 20th century, making successful careers for themselves across America. Among these were Jelly Roll Morton, Louis Armstrong, and the Original Dixieland Jazz Band. Jazz entered the vocabulary of America, and, despite disdain from some, jazz became popular with the elite.
Reports on the topic "Members of the League of Polish Families"
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Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh, and Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.
Full textAbstract:
Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.