Journal articles on the topic 'Meida and public affairs – China'
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1
Di, Cui, and Wu Fang. "New channels, new ways of becoming informed? Examining the acquisition of public affairs knowledge by young people in China." Information Development 35, no. 5 (June 15, 2018): 688–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666918782361.
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People always rely on a specific media environment to acquire knowledge about public affairs. This pilot study investigates gain of public affairs knowledge as an effect of media use and interpersonal discussion in China. Based on a contextual understanding of China’s press system, this study explores the mainstream and alternative forms of public affairs knowledge and the ways they are linked with use of new media (i.e., web news and social media) and traditional media (i.e., newspaper and television). An analysis of survey data first shows that television news and web news have direct positive effects on mainstream knowledge, and only web news directly contributes to alternative knowledge. Second, news from newspapers, television, the web and social media have indirect effects on both mainstream and alternative forms of public affairs knowledge through elaboration and interpersonal discussion. Third, elaboration is only associated with alternative knowledge, whereas interpersonal discussion is associated with both mainstream and alternative knowledge. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.
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Dorokhov, Vyacheslav Z., and Vladimir V. Sinichenko. "Preparation of Far Eastern Internal Affairs Agencies for Action under the Conditions of the Special Period in 1970-1972." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2018): 463–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-463-474.
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Drawing on unique documents that have not yet been introduced into scientific use, the article reviews the activities of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs in training its agencies for probable border war with China. A series of events was conducted by Shchelokov, Minister of the Internal Affairs of the USSR, in order to strengthen the regional internal affairs agencies. It included introduction of a list of ‘advanced alert,’ ‘special period,’ and ‘covert mobilization’ signals, accompanied by a list of mandatory positions. The article focuses on the work of internal affairs agencies in the Far East border areas and the Khabarovsk special secondary school of militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR in particular, all of which hurried to fine-tune public order and state security maintenance, evacuation of the population and the internal affairs bodies in case of onset of the Special Period. Significantly, the Khabarovsk special secondary school of militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR was to become not just a base for accelerated training of officers, but also a military reserve in case of enemy assault. It also was to enforce public order in case of mass riots. The manpower strength of the school allowed to form a battalion of 3 rifle companies. The author underscores that all measures implemented by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR were carried out in close cooperation with the KGB under the Council of Ministers of the USSR and its regional agencies. Training for Special Period was multifaceted, it included propaganda support via mass media, control over radio-broadcasting in the territories bordering China, camouflage of installations at the expense of the forest fund, mobilization by rail and road transport, etc.
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Dorokhov, Vyacheslav Z., and Vladimir V. Sinichenko. "Training of Far Eastern Internal Affairs Agencies for Action under the Conditions of the Special Period in 1970-1972." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2018): 475–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-475-482.
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Drawing on unique documents that have not yet been introduced into scientific use, the article reviews the activities of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs in training its agencies for probable border war with China. A series of events was conducted by Shchelokov, Minister of the Internal Affairs of the USSR, in order to strengthen the regional internal affairs agencies. It included introduction of a list of ‘advanced alert,’ ‘special period,’ and ‘covert mobilization’ signals, accompanied by a list of mandatory positions. The article focuses on the work of internal affairs agencies in the Far East border areas and the Khabarovsk special secondary school of militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR in particular, all of which hurried to fine-tune public order and state security maintenance, evacuation of the population and the internal affairs bodies in case of onset of the Special Period. Significantly, the Khabarovsk special secondary school of militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR was to become not just a base for accelerated training of officers, but also a military reserve in case of enemy assault. It also was to enforce public order in case of mass riots. The manpower strength of the school allowed to form a battalion of 3 rifle companies. The author underscores that all measures implemented by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR were carried out in close cooperation with the KGB under the Council of Ministers of the USSR and its regional agencies. Training for Special Period was multifaceted, it included propaganda support via mass media, control over radio-broadcasting in the territories bordering China, camouflage of installations at the expense of the forest fund, mobilization by rail and road transport, etc.
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Yan, Zhihua, and Xijin Tang. "Exploring Evolution of Public Opinions on Tianya Club Using Dynamic Topic Models." Journal of Systems Science and Information 8, no. 4 (August 26, 2020): 309–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21078/jssi-2020-309-16.
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AbstractOnline media have brought tremendous changes to civic life, public opinions, and government administration. Compared with traditional media, online media not only allow individuals to browse news and express their views more freely, but also accelerate the transmission of opinions and expand influence. As public opinions may arouse societal unrest, it is worth detecting the primary topics and uncovering the evolution trends of public opinions for societal administration. Various algorithms are developed to deal with the huge volume of unstructured online media data. In this study, dynamic topic model is employed to explore topic content evolution and prevalence evolution using the original posts published from 2013 to 2017 on the Tianya Zatan Board of Tianya Club, which is one of the most popular BBS in China. Based on semantic similarities, topics are grouped into three themes: Family life, societal affairs, and government administration. The evolution of topic prevalence and content are affected by emergent incidents. Topics on family life become popular, while themes “societal affairs” and “government administration” with bigger standard deviations are more likely to be influenced by emergent hot events. Content evolution represented by monthly pairwise distance matrix is very easy to find change points of topic content.
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Huang, Peiying, Francis LF Lee, and Gongcheng Lin. "An exploratory analysis of social media use and the structure of young people’s public affairs participation in China." Communication and the Public 1, no. 3 (September 2016): 290–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047316668660.
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Xiguang, Li. "How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?" MedienJournal 30, no. 2-3 (April 3, 2017): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/medienjournal.v30i2-3.290.
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The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions.
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Xiguang, Li. "How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?" MedienJournal 30, no. 2-3 (April 3, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/mj.v30i2-3.290.
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The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions.
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Jia, Wenshan, and Fangzhu Lu. "US media’s coverage of China’s handling of COVID-19: Playing the role of the fourth branch of government or the fourth estate?" Global Media and China 6, no. 1 (March 2021): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436421994003.
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The present study is an analysis of a sample of reports on China’s handling of COVID-19 by several major US media with a focus on a controversial op-ed by the Wall Street Journal. It is found that instead of covering it objectively as a public health crisis, these media reports tend to adopt the strategy of naming, shaming, blaming, and taming against China. In other words, they seize the outbreak of COVID-19 in Wuhan as an opportunity to serve Trump’s “America First” doctrine by a coordinated attempt to destroy the Chinese dream and arresting China’s ascendency. First, the naming/shaming technique is used to tarnish China’s image as a virus. The op-ed on the Wall Street Journal describes China as “the real sick man of Asia.” In addition, a cluster of ferociously negative names are slung onto China to describe the coronavirus as “the Wuhan virus,” “the Belt & Road Initiative pandemic,” “the China virus,” and so on. Second, the blaming technique is applied. On top of such negative name-calling, these media tend to blame the Chinese leadership, the political system, and finally Chinese food culture for eating pangolins. Finally, the taming technique is used to constrain, isolate, or quarantine China. One goal behind such a China threat strategy is to fan American or foreign businesses to move (back) to the United States out of China. Another goal is to create the public opinion environment that would be conducive to some American groups’ litigations against China. It is concluded that American mainstream media while quarreling with the Trump administration for domestic affairs seem to be colluding with the conservative intellectual base in the United States in supporting Trump’s strategy to knock down and divide China.
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Wang, Huarong, Yuheng He, Licheng Shi, Jiali Wang, Lvqing Miao, and Jiajun Dai. "Willingness to engage in and current status of social participation among Chinese merchant sailors." PLOS ONE 15, no. 11 (November 25, 2020): e0242888. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0242888.
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China has the largest population of sailors in the world, but little is known of their social participation. This study examined Chinese merchant sailors’ social participation using a nationwide survey. Across 12 Chinese provinces, 7,296 merchant sailors completed the questionnaire on sailor' willingness to engage in and status of social participation. The results showed that most Chinese merchant sailors were willing to participate in social affairs, but few of them reported having joined relevant social organizations, over half of sailors reported never having participated in public affairs, and half of them chose to ignore when they faced with an obvious mistake in shipping-related information in the media. Most of sailors reported unknowing the role of the labor union related to Chinese seafarers and NGO related to navigation well, and their evaluation of these organizations were mostly negative. Chinese merchant sailors reported higher expectations of services in terms of protection of rights, providing information and technology, and providing employment opportunity. We conclude that Chinese merchant sailors have willingness to social participation although the reality is not positive and discuss implications for improving the social participation of Chinese merchant sailors.
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CHAN, FUNG, and BIYANG SUN. "Digital Representation in an Electoral Campaign Influenced by Mainland China: The 2017 Hong Kong Chief Executive Election." Issues & Studies 55, no. 02 (June 2019): 1950005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s101325111950005x.
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Widely known by the public, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong is selected not by universal suffrage but by a 1,200-member Election Committee (EC). While candidates Carrie Lam, John Tsang, and Kwok-hing Woo all ran in the Chief Executive Election of 2017, only Lam received the blessing of authorities in the Mainland. Though Tsang had led the polls throughout the entire campaign and was popular on several social media platforms, a majority of EC members still cast their vote for Lam as Chief Executive. This was the first time that EC members voted against popular opinion in the Chief Executive Election. This paper analyzes the limited power of social media under elections that are under the influence of Mainland China. It also examines the problem of legitimacy in such electoral settings and the way in which authorities in the Mainland have influenced electoral outcomes through defects in the institutional systems of Hong Kong. The 2017 Chief Executive Election affirmed the tightened control of Mainland authorities over the affairs of Hong Kong.
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Bi, Nicky Chang, Yanqin Lu, Louisa Ha, and Peiqin Chen. "Attitude change toward the Chinese during the US-China trade conflict: examining the roles of social media news sharing and perceived news feed performance." Online Information Review 45, no. 3 (January 11, 2021): 599–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oir-05-2020-0178.
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PurposeSocial media have become an increasingly important source for people to learn about politics and public affairs. The purpose of this study is to investigate the role of social media news sharing as a reasoning process of the O-S-R-O-R model and the moderation role of social media news performance on the association between news consumption and attitudinal changes.Design/methodology/approachA national survey was conducted in the US. The researcher recruited participants in the Qualtrics national panel by following the census adult demographic breakdown.FindingsThis study finds that social media news consumption on the US-China trade conflict is likely to lead Americans to change attitudes toward Chinese, and this relationship is mediated by social media news sharing. In addition, the indirect relationship via news sharing is found particularly strong among individuals who perceive social media news fair and balanced.Originality/valueThis study extends the literature by examining social media news engagement on the ongoing trade conflict between the US and China. It reveals that the impact of social media news consumption on people's attitudinal and behavioral changes depends on people's perceived news quality on these platforms. Theoretical contribution to the O-S-R-O-R model and practical implications to social media news are discussed in terms of the role that social media platforms play in attitude change.Peer reviewThe peer review history for this article is available at: https://publons.com/publon/10.1108/OIR-05-2020-0178
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Yang, Kaifeng. "Globalization and Public Affairs Education: The Case of China." Journal of Public Affairs Education 11, no. 2 (April 2005): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15236803.2005.12001384.
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WU, Xiaoping, and LYE Liang Fook. "China Provides More International Public Goods." East Asian Policy 09, no. 02 (April 2017): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000150.
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With increasing clout in world affairs, China has begun to enhance its International Public Goods (IPG) provision in the footsteps of the Great Britain and the United States. Its IPG provision could be enhanced through existing IPGs, such as increasing its budget share in the United Nations, and producing IPGs out of its own initiation and design, such as the establishment of the Shanghai Corporation Organisation and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.
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Harris, Phil. "Some reflections on China, public affairs and the Sichuan earthquake." Journal of Public Affairs 8, no. 3 (August 2008): 129–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.297.
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Zheng, Xu. "The Ideal of the Public Management Majors Setting up the National Affairs Management Course in Colleges and Universities." Applied Mechanics and Materials 268-270 (December 2012): 2017–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.268-270.2017.
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The public management majors setting up the national affairs management course in colleges and universities is realistic, forward-looking measures. The article bases on the analysis of the national affairs management in China and discusses the necessity of the public management majors setting up the national affairs management course in colleges and universities from the aspects of society, discipline and students. And corresponding attention problems were discussed
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Ongaro, Edoardo, Ting Gong, and Yijia Jing. "Toward Multi-Level Governance in China? Coping with complex public affairs across jurisdictions and organizations." Public Policy and Administration 34, no. 2 (September 27, 2018): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076718799397.
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This special issue argues for the applicability of the conceptual framework of Multi-Level Governance to the political–administrative regime of China, provided significant adaptations and qualifications are developed. The application of Multi-Level Governance to China enables to account for global influences as well as for the involvement of non-governmental actors in public policy making. More radically, we suggest in this introductory article that the development of Multi-Level Governance may be interpreted as a way of enhancing the societal legitimacy of the political regime under the conditions of new authoritarianism. We conclude this article by drawing a fascinating yet possibly hazardous and overstretched parallel; that is, the development of Multi-Level Governance may be part and parcel of a process of building political legitimacy in China, just as it may be a way of exploring paths for the renewal of beleaguered traditional liberal democracy in Europe. Albeit along profoundly different trajectories, China and Europe might adopt Multi-Level Governance arrangements for a very purposive course of action: enhancing the legitimacy of the respective and very diverse political systems and buttressing their very foundations. This suggests a strongly normative and purposive application of Multi-Level Governance.
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Chen, Yi-Ru Regina. "The Strategic Management of Government Affairs in China: How Multinational Corporations in China Interact With the Chinese Government." Journal of Public Relations Research 19, no. 3 (May 23, 2007): 283–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10627260701331770.
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Zhang, J. H., J. Yang, and Y. S. Sun. "The Research of Spatial-Temporal Analysis and Decision-Making Assistant System for Disabled Person Affairs Based on Mapworld." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XL-7/W4 (June 26, 2015): 215–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsarchives-xl-7-w4-215-2015.
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This system combines the Mapworld platform and informationization of disabled person affairs, uses the basic information of disabled person as center frame. Based on the disabled person population database, the affairs management system and the statistical account system, the data were effectively integrated and the united information resource database was built. Though the data analysis and mining, the system provides powerful data support to the decision making, the affairs managing and the public serving. It finally realizes the rationalization, normalization and scientization of disabled person affairs management. It also makes significant contributions to the great-leap-forward development of the informationization of China Disabled Person's Federation.
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Ding, Huang. "An informal institutional analysis of policy implementation hindrances in China." Chinese Public Administration Review 2, no. 1/2 (November 1, 2016): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v2i1/2.39.
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As the lever by which public authorities regulate social affairs, public policy must function through its implementation. The effectiveness of policy-implementation is affected by many factors, but it fundamentally depends on the institution. For people's behaviors are governed by institutions, and public policy is implemente by people. According to the theory of New Institutionalsim, institutions consist of both formal and informal institutions. Based on the theory's explanation of the constratins placed on people's behavior by informal institutions, this paper will explore how informal institutional factos prevent public policies from effective implemetnation in China, specifically interpersonal relations and the consideration of faces. We must eliminate the negative impacts of informal institutional factors on policy implementation through enforcing hearings, coordinating policies, publicizing policies, strengthening supervision and betterign ideologies.
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Tarantino, Matteo, and Basile Zimmermann. "Database Green: Software, Environmentalism and Data Flows in China." China Quarterly 229 (January 31, 2017): 205–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741016001600.
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AbstractSignificant efforts towards environmental transparency have been made by the Chinese government since 2008. This paper focuses on the technical decisions shaping a database of official pollution information built and operated by a Chinese NGO known as the Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs (IPE). Issues of standardization, power distribution and institutional fragmentation are discussed. The paper illustrates a case of NGOs integrating enforcement capabilities as data centres amidst the growing reliance on processes of informational governance of environmental issues.
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SHAN, Wei. "Post-materialism: What Divides Youth in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Mainland China." East Asian Policy 10, no. 03 (July 2018): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000302.
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Post-materialism is a value orientation that gives priority to freedom of expression and participation in public affairs over fulfilment of material needs such as economic and physical security. Youth in Hong Kong, Taiwan and mainland China have significantly different levels of post-materialist values, with Hong Kongers scoring the highest and Mainlanders the lowest. These differences have led to their different political orientations.
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Li, Gui Lian, Zhen Zeng, and Hai He Jin. "Study on the Development and Sustainable Utilization of Water Resources in the Western Regions of China." Advanced Materials Research 864-867 (December 2013): 2306–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.864-867.2306.
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Due to historical reasons,geographic and climate conditions, water ecological environment is fragile and water resources development has badly lagged behind the requirements of social and economic development in western regions of China.The study analyzes natural geographic conditions, climate conditions, water resources distribution, and points out the development endowment of water resources is poor. Then the study deep dives into the problems existing in water resources development from the view of the sustainable utilization of water resources, and indicates that the government should play the leading role and strengthen cooperation with market and public affairs organizations. At last, the study offers some suggestions to realize the sustainable utilization of water resources. It is essential to improve water conservation legal system, and perfect management system which is the combination of valley management with district management, clear water rights, and establish water right transfer system. Public affairs organizations should strengthen the supervision of governments and enterprises, actively influence government decision-making process, and mobilize all social forces to participate in the development and sustainable utilization of water resources.
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Esherick, Joseph W., and Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom. "Acting Out Democracy: Political Theater in Modern China." Journal of Asian Studies 49, no. 4 (November 1990): 835–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058238.
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For two and a half months in the spring of 1989, China's student actors dominated the world stage of modern telecommunications. Their massive demonstrations, the hunger strike during Gorbachev's visit, and the dramatic appearance of the Goddess of Democracy captured the attention of an audience that spanned the globe. As we write in mid-1990, the movement and its bloody suppression have already produced an enormous body of literature—from eyewitness accounts by journalists (Morrison 1989; Zhaoqiang, Gejing and Siyuan 1989) and special issues of scholarly journals (Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs Nos. 23, 24; The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs 14.4), to pictorial histories (Turnley and Turnley 1989) and documentary collections (Han 1990; Wu 1989), and, most recently, textbook chapters (Spence 1990) and analytical works (Feigon 1990; Nathan 1990)—tracing the development of China's crisis. Despite a flood of material too massive to review in the present context, we still lack a convincing interpretive framework that places the events within the context of China's modern political evolution, and also provides a way to compare China's experience to that of Eastern Europe. Such an interpretation should help us to understand why massive public demonstrations spurred an evolution toward democratic governance in Eastern Europe, but in China led only to the massacre of June 3–4 and the present era of political repression.
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Lin, Zoe Shan. "NAVIGATING NETWORKS: PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE AND LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN SOUTHERN SONG CHINA, 1127–1279." Journal of Chinese History 3, no. 1 (August 13, 2018): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jch.2018.11.
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AbstractForging and using personal networks were and still are common in the Chinese government. Scholars often connect officials’ networking to corruption and factionalism. This article, however, offers a different perspective, through an examination of how Southern Song local officials used personal connections to facilitate their official businesses. I argue that local officials operated networks as an informal means of dealing with governmental affairs outside the normative administrative system. This informal means enabled more efficient political communication that bypassed regular procedures. It also provided local officials with more effective negotiations, especially when defending the interest of their jurisdictions against other agents of the state. Furthermore, the article demonstrates that using connections for governmental affairs, in turn, consolidated and expanded officials’ networks. Altogether, the article depicts a political world in which the interest of “the public” intertwined with that of the “the private,” and the official and non-official means of governing were fused.
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Chen, Junsong, Bang Nguyen, and Phil Klaus. "Public affairs in China: exploring the role of brand fairness perceptions in the case of Mercedes-Benz." Journal of Public Affairs 13, no. 4 (October 4, 2013): 403–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.1493.
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Qu, Zhongqiong, Yiming Lu, Zhiqiu Jiang, Ellen Bassett, and Tao Tan. "A Psychological Approach to ‘Public Perception’ of Land-Use Planning: A Case Study of Jiangsu Province, China." Sustainability 10, no. 9 (August 28, 2018): 3056. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10093056.
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Public perception and attitudes towards public affairs in the USA since the 1960s become a societal issue of growing importance in the field of planning. Good land-use planning should deliver a bright future vision in a way that unites and inspires groups to implement it. The introduction of public perception into planning helps to understand the process of how the public develop their awareness, value judgments, behavior and attitudes. In this research, we built the framework of public perception in land-use planning based on the affect, behavior, cognition (ABC) theory of consumer behavior. We gathered empirical data for Jiangsu province in China. We used structural equation modeling, a commonly used statistical analysis method for examining the structural relationship between multiple variables. We found that the public perception towards public affairs contributed to forming a multiple iterative interaction effect, which evolves a process from primary cognition to knowledge extraction, internalized absorption, emotional judgement and finally externalization into a certain attitudes and behaviors. On the cognitive level, our research result showed that public expectation and perceived quality have opposite effects on perceived difference and the public expectation is more influential. If the planning vision provides a clear and convincing picture of the future, and the information of planning is easy to understand, the public’s cognition and emotion can be well integrated. The core element of the emotional level is perceived value. The public is more concerned about a new planning project if it can add the value to the land, protect community environment, and improve the condition of low-income and minority populations. On the behavior level, public continuous behavior intentions could enhance perceived value, subjective norms and perceived availability. The research could further account for the root of public attitudes and behavior. This is crucial to China's land-use policy, and may well provide important lessons for other developing countries.
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Wu, Guochun, Ziqiang Han, Weijin Xu, and Yue Gong. "Mapping individuals' earthquake preparedness in China." Natural Hazards and Earth System Sciences 18, no. 5 (May 14, 2018): 1315–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/nhess-18-1315-2018.
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Abstract. Disaster preparedness is critical for reducing potential impact. This paper contributes to current knowledge of disaster preparedness using representative national sample data from China, which faces high earthquake risks in many areas of the country. The adoption of earthquake preparedness activities by the general public, including five indicators of material preparedness and five indicators of awareness preparedness, were surveyed and 3245 respondents from all 31 provinces of Mainland China participated in the survey. Linear regression models and logit regression models were used to analyze the effects of potential influencing factors. Overall, the preparedness levels are not satisfied, with a material preparation score of 3.02 (1–5), and awareness preparation score of 2.79 (1–5), nationally. Meanwhile, residents from western China, which has higher earthquake risk, have higher degrees of preparedness. The concern for disaster risk reduction (DRR) and the concern for building safety and participation in public affairs are consistent positive predictors of both material and awareness preparedness. The demographic and socioeconomic variables' effects, such as gender, age, education, income, urban/rural division, and building size, vary according to different preparedness activities. Finally, the paper concludes with a discussion of the theoretical contribution and potential implementation.
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Brady, Anne-Marie. "“We Are All Part of the Same Family”: China's Ethnic Propaganda." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 41, no. 4 (December 2012): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261204100406.
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The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) government works hard to promote an image of ethnic harmony in China and downplays ethnic conflict by carefully controlling public information and debate about ethnic affairs. Despite such efforts, the recent clashes in Tibetan areas in 2008 and violent riots in Urumqi in 2009 reveal the weaknesses of this approach. This paper surveys the broad themes of ethnic propaganda ([Formula: see text], minzu xuanchuan) in present-day China, looking at the organisations involved, the systems of information management they utilise, and the current “go” and “no-go” zones for debate. The paper forms part of a larger study of the politics of ethnicity in China. It is based on primary-and secondary-source research in Chinese, secondary sources in English, and extensive interviews with Chinese bureaucrats and scholars regarding China's ethnic affairs conducted during fieldwork in China in 2002, 2004, 2005–2006, 2007, 2009, 2010 and 2012. Ethnic issues in China concern not only the minority peoples there, but also the majority Han – hence, my definition of ethnic propaganda incorporates materials relating to all of China's ethnic groups. The paper uses the events in Tibetan areas in 2008 and in Urumqi as case studies to demonstrate how these policies play out in periods of crisis. It concludes with a discussion of the role that ethnic propaganda plays in maintaining China's long-term political stability and its international affairs.
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Wang, Weijie, Hui Li, and Terry L. Cooper. "Civic Engagement and Citizenship Development: The Case of Homeowners’ Participation in Neighborhood Affairs in Beijing." Administration & Society 49, no. 6 (April 16, 2015): 827–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399715581041.
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This article investigates the behavioral consequences of homeowners’ participation in neighborhood affairs in Beijing, China. The research is based on semistructured interviews with homeowner leaders, property managers, and government officials. Participation fosters ethical citizenship by helping homeowners to acquire democratic skills, increase their awareness of property and political rights, and cultivate a sense of community. The development of ethical citizenship motivates homeowners to redefine legal citizenship. Homeowners have begun to take their rights seriously and actively participate in grassroots elections. The interaction between ethical and legal citizenship may carry important implications for future political development in China.
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Cheng-tian, Kuo. "Chinese Religious Reform." Asian Survey 51, no. 6 (November 1, 2011): 1042–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2011.51.6.1042.
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Abstract The Chinese Christian Patriotic Education campaign demonstrates that the party-state has adapted itself to the religious politics among various public and private institutional actors, pivotally coordinated by the relatively liberal State Administration for Religious Affairs. Consequentially, religious freedom in China has made slow but significant progress in the past decade.
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Lu, De Hong, Hong Wan, Jing Zhou, and Jing Di Lu. "Influencing Factors of the Villager Satisfaction with Village Committee Based on Factor Analysis: Evidence from Shaanxi, China." Applied Mechanics and Materials 411-414 (September 2013): 331–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.411-414.331.
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This research randomly selected 362 households from 20 villages in Shaanxi Province to study the villager satisfaction with village committee. It divided the factors hypothesized to influence the satisfaction degree with village committee into three categories based on the method of factor analysis and applied logistic regression model to conduct empirical analysis. The result shows that influences including disclosure of village affairs and finance, fairness of village affairs, democratically-managed major events, democratic election, satisfaction with village cadres, satisfaction with the public services of education, roads, electric power, science and technology, hygiene and medical care provided by village committee have significant impacts on the satisfaction evaluation of the village committee. In addition, villagers gender and the status of village cadres also affect the satisfaction evaluation of the village committee. Further, the effect of the factors above has an important characteristic in order and phase.
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Regina Chen, Yi‐Ru. "Effective public affairs in China: MNC‐government bargaining power and corporate strategies for influencing foreign business policy formulation." Journal of Communication Management 8, no. 4 (October 2004): 395–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/13632540410807781.
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Chen, Guanghua. "Sino-America Trade Agreement: Legal Affairs and Translation." Journal of Critical Studies in Language and Literature 2, no. 3 (April 13, 2021): 27–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.46809/jcsll.v2i3.67.
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The Trade Agreement between China and the U.S., as any agreement does, imposes obligations or grant rights to the parties. As it is known by the public, the Chinese agreement versions are generated from translation of the English version instead of being independently negotiated, yet both versions are equally effective. The differences between the two legal systems, between the two languages, and even between the mentalities of the two peoples all play an important part in the execution of the agreement. Every word, complex or simple, is closely associated with obligations and rights, and negligence in translation is not acceptable. The present study aims to make some suggestions for the improvement of the Chinese version and call attention to the issues likely to be hidden at the back. Research in related areas is relatively scarce. This study, expounding from translation and legal perspectives, might contribute to clarifying the obligations and rights of the two contractual parties and the academic circle. And it tentatively proposes the new term of paradigm equivalence.
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Liu, Yin. "China’s Non-Recognition of Foreign Same-Sex Unions." International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family 34, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 204–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lawfam/ebaa006.
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Abstract Chinese law neither expressly recognises nor prohibits same-sex unions (‘same-sex unions’ in this article refers to homosexual relationships that are legally recognised and protected by law, including marriage, civil union, (un)registered partnership, and so on). Until now, no dispute over foreign same-sex union has been brought in a Chinese court. However, the Department of Consular Affairs of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has adopted a blanket non-recognition rule, alleging that same-sex unions would violate China’s (‘China’ hereinafter refers to the jurisdiction of Mainland China, excluding those of the Hong Kong SAR, the Macao SAR, and Taiwan) family law and the public interest. However, it is argued that foreign same-sex unions should be recognised unless such recognition would violate the public policy of the forum state. First, foreign same-sex unions should be regulated by the Chinese conflict rules, not by Chinese domestic law. Additionally, China is internationally obliged to recognise and protect fundamental human rights (right to marry). Secondly, under China’s conflict rules, a foreign same-sex union should be governed by the lex personalis or the law that has the closest connection with that union. Thirdly, as more than 40 jurisdictions throughout the world have legally recognised same-sex unions, and China itself has decriminalised homosexuality, same-sex unions would not necessarily be incompatible with China’s public policy. Fourthly, non-recognition of same-sex unions would instead cause public policy problems because it practically always favours one party over another, helping foreign same-sex couples to evade their responsibilities imposed by the relevant foreign law.
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King, Geoffrey. "Limits and Hopes: Catholics and Religious Freedom in the People's Republic of China." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 2, no. 2 (June 1989): 175–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x8900200204.
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Despite the more liberal policies of the present Chinese government, the Catholic Church in China remains very limited in its activities. It can have no voice on matters of public policy; Catholics can give no external expression to their belief in the primacy of the Pope. This state of affairs is determined as much by Chinese tradition and the economy as by Marxist ideology. But a mission of “presence” remains possible, and there seem to be no insuperable obstacles to a model of church communion which respects both papal primacy and the Chinese desire for “autonomy”.
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Kavalski, Emilian. "The Peacock and the Dragon: How to Grapple with the Rising Global Ambitions of India and China." China Quarterly 203 (September 2010): 719–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010000962.
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Coming to terms with the nascent international agency of regional powers with global intentions has become a dominant topic in the study of world affairs. This rash of attention to the emergent dynamics of international interactions has been facilitated by the break-up of the Cold War order which has allowed a number of actors to extend their international roles and outreach. India and China feature prominently among those actors and their agency in global life is subject to a growing public, policy, and scholarly scrutiny.
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Cai, Congyan. "International Law in Chinese Courts During the Rise of China." American Journal of International Law 110, no. 2 (April 2016): 269–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.110.2.0269.
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The number of countries in which domestic courts are actively engaged with major public affairs has increased markedly since the early 1990s. In many transitional states, in particular, domestic courts have ruled on great constitutional controversies, which influence the national political process. They have also taken an active role in the application of international law— especially human rights treaties—and at times treat such treaties as a “New Standard of Civilization.” In particular, domestic courts have at times invoked international law in becoming more aggressive toward the executive branch. This trend has been one normative element inspiring some theorists to propose a new field known as comparative international law. This article highlights a different set of elements that become manifest in assessing the rapid overall rise in references to, and application of, international law by courts in China in recent years.
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Franceschini, Ivan. "Labour NGOs in China: A Real Force for Political Change?" China Quarterly 218 (May 12, 2014): 474–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101400037x.
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AbstractThe narrative about Chinese NGOs active in defending migrant workers' rights describes these organizations as increasingly powerful instruments through which Chinese people take part in public affairs, develop and articulate personal interests, and collectively form a more active and participatory citizenry. This article challenges not only the idea of labour NGOs as a progressive force for political change, but also the belief – widely shared among the international labour movement – that these organizations are sprouts of independent unionism in China. After a short overview of the historical process which led to the birth of labour NGOs in China, this article analyses the relations between these NGOs and four fundamental actors – the state, the workers, international donors and other NGOs – and argues that many of these organizations are struggling as a consequence of a substantial lack of “social capital.”
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LIPUŠČEK, Uroš. "Interpretations of the Chinese Boxer Rebellion in the Slovenian Press at the Beginning of the 20th Century." Asian Studies 1, no. 2 (November 29, 2013): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/as.2013.1.2.35-49.
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This essay deals with the Slovene reaction to the military intervention of eight coalition forces in China during the Boxer Rebellion in China in 1900. To Slovenes, China was then seen as a faraway land that had been visited by some Slovene missionaries, noblemen and travellers throughout the past centuries. Nevertheless, much interest was expressed by the Slovene public and press in the events surrounding the Boxer Rebellion. Despite the fact that the Austro-Hungarian military was part of the international coalition that intervened in Chinese internal affairs, the leading Slovene newspapers of the period supported the right of the Chinese people to defend their country against the big powers of the time, who tried to dismember China and enforce the regime of capitulation.
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Xu, Jing, and Huijun Zhang. "Environmental Activism and Big Data: Building Green Social Capital in China." Sustainability 12, no. 8 (April 21, 2020): 3386. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12083386.
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The rapid development of information and communication technologies, coupled with the significant progress in the areas of environmental policy and public participation, has led to the advent of environmental big data in China recently. This article applies social capital theory as an analytical lens to shed light on how Chinese environmental non-government organizations (ENGOs) adopt big data to promote environmental governance. This study conducts case studies focusing on two ENGOs: The Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs (IPE) and Green Hunan. Combining a qualitative approach with quantitative analysis, this research examines two big data-induced initiatives: The first involves green supply chain management in the IPE, brand-sensitive multinational corporations (MNCs), and Chinese suppliers of the MNCs, while the second involves the mobile data-based Riverwatcher Action Network of Green Hunan and numerous volunteers nationwide. This study found that big data adoption by ENGOs contributes effectively to building green social capital, including social networks and pro-environmental social norms. Green social capital has important implications for governance in terms of fostering coordination and cooperation across the boundaries of the public, private, and voluntary sectors. This study highlighted the finding that empowerment by big data helps Chinese ENGOs play the role of a change agent in sustainability transitions.
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Gries, Peter Hays. "China's “New Thinking” on Japan." China Quarterly 184 (December 2005): 831–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005000524.
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Following the publication of Ma Licheng's provocative article “New thinking on relations with Japan,” 2003 China witnessed a remarkable public debate on Japan policy. Academics tangled with internet nationalists, and heavy pressure was put on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to take a tough line on Japan. The crushing defeat of the “new thinking” and a spate of anti-Japanese protests on the Chinese street and in Chinese cyberspace portends trouble in East Asia.
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Postema, Saskia, and Jan Melissen. "UN celebrity diplomacy in China: activism, symbolism and national ambition online." International Affairs 97, no. 3 (May 2021): 667–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab042.
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Abstract This article examines Chinese celebrities' UN-affiliated Weibo activism in the context of China's increasing engagement in the United Nations, which coincides with a shrinking domestic public sphere under Xi Jinping's leadership. Our article sheds light on how Chinese celebrity diplomacy is balancing contradictory expectations by the UN, the Chinese party-state and the domestic public in China. In doing so, we offer an important conceptual update of the western-centric literature on ‘celebrity diplomacy’, which focuses mostly on celebrity politics instead of diplomacy and tends to neglect the digital sphere. Based on a combined qualitative and quantitative approach, we draw fresh conclusions from nine Chinese celebrities' communication on Weibo since 2013. Our research covers the years marking China's growing self-confidence and a more assertive Chinese diplomatic style in global affairs. Although accredited by the UN, on balance Chinese celebrities' activism has become more symbolic than real, and as a rule aligned with the Chinese leadership's domestic and international ambitions. At a time of greater Chinese global activism, we are sensitive to the policy implications of Chinese celebrities' engagement on the cusp of the political and diplomatic spheres.
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Wu, Huanyu. "The formation of ‘gong-yi’ in modern China: A philological perspective." Chinese Journal of Sociology 6, no. 4 (September 20, 2020): 571–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057150x20956835.
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The Chinese term ‘ gong-yi’ (公益), which is usually translated as ‘philanthropy’ or ‘public interest’ in English, has long been regarded as a new modern concept which originated from Japan in the early 20th century. This study, however, finds that it appeared in China no later than the middle of the Qing Dynasty. At that time, its usage had three major meanings: economic benefits; national interests; and local public affairs. The ‘national interest’ meaning of the term was most likely introduced into Japan and was brought back into China in the late 19th century along with the new thinking of the Meiji Restoration. ‘ Gong-yi’, with its newly coined meaning, was used as an ideological term to express ideas about reformation in early 20th century China. It was in this capacity that the Chinese ‘ gong-yi’ was swiftly popularized and often referred to the reformation as national interest. At the same time, the denotation of ‘ gong-yi’ was sometimes ambiguous, wavering between ‘the nation’ and ‘the local’. It reflected the volatile conflict between the state and the local over legitimate control of ‘public’ resources in a transitional period. In my view, the question of to what extent this interlock between the emergence of modern ‘ gong-yi’ and the nation’s modern transition might have shaped the historical formation of Chinese citizenship yields insights for the investigation of the nature of Chinese philanthropy and its essence in the public spirit.
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Mok, Florence. "Public opinion polls and covert colonialism in British Hong Kong." China Information 33, no. 1 (July 9, 2018): 66–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0920203x18787431.
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This article examines colonial statecraft and state–society relations in a pivotal period for Hong Kong. Using historical methods and archival evidence, it overcomes the limitations in existing research, which is often theoretically driven and reliant on published sources. The article reveals that the Hong Kong masses were made structurally invisible by the Movement of Opinion Direction (MOOD), a polling exercise introduced by the reformist colonial state. The public were unaware that their views were disseminated to policymakers and that they affected policy formulation: this was covert colonialism. The article investigates confidential MOOD reports generated by the Home Affairs Department from 1975 to 1980, demonstrating why and how the colonial administration constructed public opinion. By disclosing what these secret files reveal about changing public attitudes towards the colonial government, the United Kingdom and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the article also provides new insights into public receptions of the state’s reforms and potential threats to the colonial regime in the 1970s.
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Wang, Yiwei. "Domestic Constraints on the Rise of Chinese Public Diplomacy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 7, no. 4 (2012): 459–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341237.
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Summary Chinese public diplomacy — considered to be the continuation of its internal affairs — is booming unlike anywhere else in the world. Yet its rise is being hampered by several domestic constraints that are identity-related, institutional, societal and cultural in nature. This contribution aims to shed light on the domestic dilemmas that could hamper the rise of Chinese public diplomacy. It first explains what Chinese public diplomacy entails and the initiatives that have been undertaken by the Chinese government in this field. It then focuses on the different kinds of domestic pressures that are challenging the rise of Chinese public diplomacy, and briefly touches upon the case study of Chinese public diplomacy towards Europe, while suggesting paths to overcome these challenges. The author suggests that in order for Chinese public diplomacy to reach its full potential, China needs to overcome its domestic constraints, and to this end, the Chinese government needs to stimulate the collaboration of Chinese domestic non-state actors with international civil society around shared values.
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Shi, Fei. "Improving urban non-motorized mobility for public affairs trips: A survey and analysis of innovative official bicycles in Nanjing city, China." Journal of Urban Management 8, no. 3 (December 2019): 396–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jum.2019.03.005.
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Liff, Adam P. "Unambivalent alignment: Japan’s China strategy, the US alliance, and the ‘hedging’ fallacy." International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 19, no. 3 (July 13, 2019): 453–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/irap/lcz015.
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AbstractThis article examines whether the Asia-Pacific region’s geopolitical vicissitudes are causing Japan to ‘hedge’ against deepening uncertainty and risk through major strategic realignments or diversification of security and economic ties, as the original hedging literature would expect. It examines trends since 2009 in three domains fundamental to identifying whether shifts are underway in Japan’s strategic orientation vis-à-vis China: security policy (primary), trade/investment, and public opinion. Despite deepening uncertainty (and volatility), especially in ‘the Trump era’, this study finds negligible evidence of hedging behavior: e.g., realigning toward Beijing or adopting a ‘middle position’, much less developing any meaningful security ties with China. Rather, contemporary trends point in the opposite direction: Japan’s China strategy primarily centers on strengthening indigenous deterrence capabilities, bolstering the US–Japan alliance, and diversifying regional security ties beyond Beijing. Even the latter, somewhat paradoxically, aims to deepen ties with Washington and to keep it actively engaged in regional affairs.
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Peng, Minggang, Hui Zhang, Richard D. Evans, Xiaohui Zhong, and Kun Yang. "Actual Air Pollution, Environmental Transparency, and the Perception of Air Pollution in China." Journal of Environment & Development 28, no. 1 (January 10, 2019): 78–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496518821713.
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Using data from the China Social Survey 2013 and statistics from the Ministry of Environment Protection of China and the Institute of Public & Environment Affairs, this study empirically examines the relationship between actual and perceived air pollution and the moderating effect of environmental transparency on that relationship with a multilevel ordered logistic strategy. Estimations indicate a significant congruence of actual (both particulate matter less than 10 µm in diameter and sulfur dioxide) and perceived air pollution. More importantly, environmental transparency of local government is found to moderate the relationship between actual and perceived air pollution by neutralizing the halo effects and building more alert perceptions when local air quality deteriorates. Our findings not only challenge the work of identifying a mismatch of actual–perceived air pollution in some developed countries but also suggest that, apart from abating actual air pollution, environmental transparency should be emphasized and strengthened in institutional buildings to help address pollution challenges in developing countries.
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Xiang, Liwen. "Study on the application of government affairs micro-blog in the disclosure of government emergency information in China." Disaster Prevention and Management: An International Journal 28, no. 5 (October 7, 2019): 661–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/dpm-09-2018-0319.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate how government affairs micro-blog (also referred to as GAM) are applied to the disclosure of government emergency information in China, to identify its existing problems and to provide solutions. Design/methodology/approach In this paper, online research, case analysis and other methods were used to analyze the application status of China’s Government micro-blog in emergency information disclosure in recent years. Based on the relevant data and cases, a systematic theoretical research is conducted according to the established research framework. Findings There are some problems in the application of GAM to crisis management, such as insufficient information dissemination, incomplete information disclosure, fragmentation of information and lack of dynamic updating and communication. So, it is necessary to strengthen the organization and management of GAM, establish a perfect emergency management mechanism of GAM, increase the positive influence of GAM on public opinions and establish an evaluation accountability system of administrative micro-blog management. Originality/value The analysis of the application of GAM to the disclosure of government emergency information and the proposed strategies for improving its performance are all original, and they are both meaningful to more effective usage of GAM and facilitation of government emergency information disclosure.
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Huang, Haifeng. "From “the Moon Is Rounder Abroad” to “Bravo, My Country”: How China Misperceives the World." Studies in Comparative International Development 56, no. 1 (February 15, 2021): 112–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12116-021-09322-z.
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AbstractFor a long time, since China’s opening to the outside world in the late 1970s, admiration for foreign socioeconomic prosperity and quality of life characterized much of the Chinese society, which contributed to dissatisfaction with the country’s development and government and a large-scale exodus of students and emigrants to foreign countries. More recently, however, overestimating China’s standing and popularity in the world has become a more conspicuous feature of Chinese public opinion and the social backdrop of the country’s overreach in global affairs in the last few years. This essay discusses the effects of these misperceptions about the world, their potential sources, and the outcomes of correcting misperceptions. It concludes that while the world should get China right and not misinterpret China’s intentions and actions, China should also get the world right and have a more balanced understanding of its relationship with the world.