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Academic literature on the topic 'Meida and public affairs – China'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 19 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Meida and public affairs – China"

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Di, Cui, and Wu Fang. "New channels, new ways of becoming informed? Examining the acquisition of public affairs knowledge by young people in China." Information Development 35, no. 5 (June 15, 2018): 688–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666918782361.

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People always rely on a specific media environment to acquire knowledge about public affairs. This pilot study investigates gain of public affairs knowledge as an effect of media use and interpersonal discussion in China. Based on a contextual understanding of China’s press system, this study explores the mainstream and alternative forms of public affairs knowledge and the ways they are linked with use of new media (i.e., web news and social media) and traditional media (i.e., newspaper and television). An analysis of survey data first shows that television news and web news have direct positive effects on mainstream knowledge, and only web news directly contributes to alternative knowledge. Second, news from newspapers, television, the web and social media have indirect effects on both mainstream and alternative forms of public affairs knowledge through elaboration and interpersonal discussion. Third, elaboration is only associated with alternative knowledge, whereas interpersonal discussion is associated with both mainstream and alternative knowledge. Theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.
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Dorokhov, Vyacheslav Z., and Vladimir V. Sinichenko. "Preparation of Far Eastern Internal Affairs Agencies for Action under the Conditions of the Special Period in 1970-1972." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2018): 463–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-463-474.

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Drawing on unique documents that have not yet been introduced into scientific use, the article reviews the activities of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs in training its agencies for probable border war with China. A series of events was conducted by Shchelokov, Minister of the Internal Affairs of the USSR, in order to strengthen the regional internal affairs agencies. It included introduction of a list of ‘advanced alert,’ ‘special period,’ and ‘covert mobilization’ signals, accompanied by a list of mandatory positions. The article focuses on the work of internal affairs agencies in the Far East border areas and the Khabarovsk special secondary school of militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR in particular, all of which hurried to fine-tune public order and state security maintenance, evacuation of the population and the internal affairs bodies in case of onset of the Special Period. Significantly, the Khabarovsk special secondary school of militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR was to become not just a base for accelerated training of officers, but also a military reserve in case of enemy assault. It also was to enforce public order in case of mass riots. The manpower strength of the school allowed to form a battalion of 3 rifle companies. The author underscores that all measures implemented by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR were carried out in close cooperation with the KGB under the Council of Ministers of the USSR and its regional agencies. Training for Special Period was multifaceted, it included propaganda support via mass media, control over radio-broadcasting in the territories bordering China, camouflage of installations at the expense of the forest fund, mobilization by rail and road transport, etc.
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Dorokhov, Vyacheslav Z., and Vladimir V. Sinichenko. "Training of Far Eastern Internal Affairs Agencies for Action under the Conditions of the Special Period in 1970-1972." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2018): 475–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-475-482.

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Drawing on unique documents that have not yet been introduced into scientific use, the article reviews the activities of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs in training its agencies for probable border war with China. A series of events was conducted by Shchelokov, Minister of the Internal Affairs of the USSR, in order to strengthen the regional internal affairs agencies. It included introduction of a list of ‘advanced alert,’ ‘special period,’ and ‘covert mobilization’ signals, accompanied by a list of mandatory positions. The article focuses on the work of internal affairs agencies in the Far East border areas and the Khabarovsk special secondary school of militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR in particular, all of which hurried to fine-tune public order and state security maintenance, evacuation of the population and the internal affairs bodies in case of onset of the Special Period. Significantly, the Khabarovsk special secondary school of militia of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR was to become not just a base for accelerated training of officers, but also a military reserve in case of enemy assault. It also was to enforce public order in case of mass riots. The manpower strength of the school allowed to form a battalion of 3 rifle companies. The author underscores that all measures implemented by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR were carried out in close cooperation with the KGB under the Council of Ministers of the USSR and its regional agencies. Training for Special Period was multifaceted, it included propaganda support via mass media, control over radio-broadcasting in the territories bordering China, camouflage of installations at the expense of the forest fund, mobilization by rail and road transport, etc.
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Yan, Zhihua, and Xijin Tang. "Exploring Evolution of Public Opinions on Tianya Club Using Dynamic Topic Models." Journal of Systems Science and Information 8, no. 4 (August 26, 2020): 309–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.21078/jssi-2020-309-16.

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AbstractOnline media have brought tremendous changes to civic life, public opinions, and government administration. Compared with traditional media, online media not only allow individuals to browse news and express their views more freely, but also accelerate the transmission of opinions and expand influence. As public opinions may arouse societal unrest, it is worth detecting the primary topics and uncovering the evolution trends of public opinions for societal administration. Various algorithms are developed to deal with the huge volume of unstructured online media data. In this study, dynamic topic model is employed to explore topic content evolution and prevalence evolution using the original posts published from 2013 to 2017 on the Tianya Zatan Board of Tianya Club, which is one of the most popular BBS in China. Based on semantic similarities, topics are grouped into three themes: Family life, societal affairs, and government administration. The evolution of topic prevalence and content are affected by emergent incidents. Topics on family life become popular, while themes “societal affairs” and “government administration” with bigger standard deviations are more likely to be influenced by emergent hot events. Content evolution represented by monthly pairwise distance matrix is very easy to find change points of topic content.
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Huang, Peiying, Francis LF Lee, and Gongcheng Lin. "An exploratory analysis of social media use and the structure of young people’s public affairs participation in China." Communication and the Public 1, no. 3 (September 2016): 290–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047316668660.

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Xiguang, Li. "How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?" MedienJournal 30, no. 2-3 (April 3, 2017): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/medienjournal.v30i2-3.290.

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The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions.
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Xiguang, Li. "How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?" MedienJournal 30, no. 2-3 (April 3, 2017): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/mj.v30i2-3.290.

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The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions.
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Jia, Wenshan, and Fangzhu Lu. "US media’s coverage of China’s handling of COVID-19: Playing the role of the fourth branch of government or the fourth estate?" Global Media and China 6, no. 1 (March 2021): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436421994003.

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The present study is an analysis of a sample of reports on China’s handling of COVID-19 by several major US media with a focus on a controversial op-ed by the Wall Street Journal. It is found that instead of covering it objectively as a public health crisis, these media reports tend to adopt the strategy of naming, shaming, blaming, and taming against China. In other words, they seize the outbreak of COVID-19 in Wuhan as an opportunity to serve Trump’s “America First” doctrine by a coordinated attempt to destroy the Chinese dream and arresting China’s ascendency. First, the naming/shaming technique is used to tarnish China’s image as a virus. The op-ed on the Wall Street Journal describes China as “the real sick man of Asia.” In addition, a cluster of ferociously negative names are slung onto China to describe the coronavirus as “the Wuhan virus,” “the Belt & Road Initiative pandemic,” “the China virus,” and so on. Second, the blaming technique is applied. On top of such negative name-calling, these media tend to blame the Chinese leadership, the political system, and finally Chinese food culture for eating pangolins. Finally, the taming technique is used to constrain, isolate, or quarantine China. One goal behind such a China threat strategy is to fan American or foreign businesses to move (back) to the United States out of China. Another goal is to create the public opinion environment that would be conducive to some American groups’ litigations against China. It is concluded that American mainstream media while quarreling with the Trump administration for domestic affairs seem to be colluding with the conservative intellectual base in the United States in supporting Trump’s strategy to knock down and divide China.
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Wang, Huarong, Yuheng He, Licheng Shi, Jiali Wang, Lvqing Miao, and Jiajun Dai. "Willingness to engage in and current status of social participation among Chinese merchant sailors." PLOS ONE 15, no. 11 (November 25, 2020): e0242888. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0242888.

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China has the largest population of sailors in the world, but little is known of their social participation. This study examined Chinese merchant sailors’ social participation using a nationwide survey. Across 12 Chinese provinces, 7,296 merchant sailors completed the questionnaire on sailor' willingness to engage in and status of social participation. The results showed that most Chinese merchant sailors were willing to participate in social affairs, but few of them reported having joined relevant social organizations, over half of sailors reported never having participated in public affairs, and half of them chose to ignore when they faced with an obvious mistake in shipping-related information in the media. Most of sailors reported unknowing the role of the labor union related to Chinese seafarers and NGO related to navigation well, and their evaluation of these organizations were mostly negative. Chinese merchant sailors reported higher expectations of services in terms of protection of rights, providing information and technology, and providing employment opportunity. We conclude that Chinese merchant sailors have willingness to social participation although the reality is not positive and discuss implications for improving the social participation of Chinese merchant sailors.
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CHAN, FUNG, and BIYANG SUN. "Digital Representation in an Electoral Campaign Influenced by Mainland China: The 2017 Hong Kong Chief Executive Election." Issues & Studies 55, no. 02 (June 2019): 1950005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s101325111950005x.

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Widely known by the public, the Chief Executive of Hong Kong is selected not by universal suffrage but by a 1,200-member Election Committee (EC). While candidates Carrie Lam, John Tsang, and Kwok-hing Woo all ran in the Chief Executive Election of 2017, only Lam received the blessing of authorities in the Mainland. Though Tsang had led the polls throughout the entire campaign and was popular on several social media platforms, a majority of EC members still cast their vote for Lam as Chief Executive. This was the first time that EC members voted against popular opinion in the Chief Executive Election. This paper analyzes the limited power of social media under elections that are under the influence of Mainland China. It also examines the problem of legitimacy in such electoral settings and the way in which authorities in the Mainland have influenced electoral outcomes through defects in the institutional systems of Hong Kong. The 2017 Chief Executive Election affirmed the tightened control of Mainland authorities over the affairs of Hong Kong.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Meida and public affairs – China"

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Chen, Shu Ying. "Chinese multinational corporations' impact on Chinese foreign affairs." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554616.

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Lee, Boris. "Assessing Made in China 2025, the US - ­China Trade War and Ways Going Forward." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1996.

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The thesis assesses Made in China 2025, China's plan to improve its manufacturing base in high tech industries, and the reactions it has prompted from the international community. The roots of the current China-US trade war can also trace its roots back to MIC 2025 as the US and other Western powers have complained of unfair practices such as forced technology transfers and myriad state-backed acquisitions of foreign technology companies. China justifies its behaviour with its "developing" status, but as it assumes dominant position in multiple high tech industries, that excuse seems to ring hollow. There are signs that China will start to open its markets more and adopt fairer practices.
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Tian, Xiao. "Content analysis of the Beijing Summer Olympic Games' effects in the New York Times." Scholarly Commons, 2012. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/838.

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Relying on framing theory, this study used The New York Times to explore how Chinese news was depicted before, during and after the Beijing Summer Olympics. The research regarding how the Chinese government tried to leverage the Olympics to enhance its image is often deliberated. However, there have only been a 3 few studies on the evaluation of the effects the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympic Games had on the image of China, as depicted by The New York Times. This study generated an understanding of the impact the presentations of The New York Times had on the soft power used by China through the Beijing Summer Olympic Games. The study examined how the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics were associated with the depiction of Chinese news in The New York Times during the pre-, mid-, and post-Olympics years. Specifically, world and business sections within The New York Times were mainly influenced by the effects of the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics. In addition, there were no direct associations found between the 2008 Beijing Summer Olympics and how China was depicted photographically in The New York Times. In terms of the above factors; this study showed that China's national image did not improve in the New York Times after the 2008 Bejing Summer Olympic Games.
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Wong, Pui-ching Caroline. "Change of value orientations in the junior secondary economic and public affairs (EPA) curriculum in Hong Kong." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1999. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B2118379X.

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Wong, Pui-ching Caroline, and 黃佩貞. "Change of value orientations in the junior secondary economic and public affairs (EPA) curriculum in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1999. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31961150.

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Leung, Kim-ching Gary, and 梁劍靑. "The immersion and acquisition of higher-order thinking skills: a case study in the teaching context ofeconomic and public affairs." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31963079.

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Zwisler, Evan. "Tibetan Buddhism and the Chinese Communist Party: Moving Forward in the 21st Century." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/454.

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I examine the state of Tibetan Buddhism that exists in China in the 21st century and what are the best methods to increase religious freedom and political autonomy. I look at what cause China and Tibet to reach this point, and why do the respective nations do what they do. Man people fundamentally misunderstand the reasons why the Chinese Communist Party oppresses Tibetan Buddhism; they aren't concerned with eradicating religion, they want to simply maintain longterm political legitimacy in Tibet.
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Qian, Wendy. "Comparative Case Studies of Rent-Seeking in China’s State-Owned Enterprises: the Ministry of Railway and China Mobile." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/498.

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The problem of rent-seeking in China’s state-owned enterprises has worsened since the rapid increase in infrastructure investment, such as telecom and railway. State-owned enterprise reform in China has given licensing power to officials and executives without sufficient checks and balances. The Chinese government plans to introduce corporate governance structures and encourage private investment for the previously state-dominated industries, such as the railway industry, in the next decade. Yet these formalities cannot eradicate the political problem of corruption. This thesis will examine rent-seeking through the case studies of China Mobile’s former deputy general manager and Communist Party secretary Zhang Chunjiang’s patronage network in the value-added service industry and the Ministry of Railway’s ex-Minister Liu Zhijun’s patronage networks in the high speed railway project. Both central agents committed collective rent-seeking against the will of the principal through their subsidiaries.
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Kou, Yongxia. "The Impacts of Urban Renewal: The Residents' Experiences in Qianmen, Beijing, China." PDXScholar, 2013. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1497.

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The study examines the influences of the Qianmen urban renewal project on its original residents, which is one of a few demonstration projects under the new policy orientation of urban renewal practices in Beijing, China, entering the new century. It employs "residential satisfaction" as an evaluative indicator to understand the residents' experiences before and after urban renewal. Seventy-two residents were interviewed. Among them, 25 remained in Qianmen; 20 relocated to Hongshan, a neighborhood in the central city area; 21 moved to Longyue, a neighborhood in one of the suburban areas; and 6 residents relocated to other locations. The study found that the participants' level of residential satisfaction was skewed toward dissatisfaction before the urban renewal, whereas participants showed a much higher satisfaction level after the urban renewal, which means that overall the Qianmen urban renewal project had positive impacts on the residents' residential environment. However, among the three neighborhoods, there are no statistically significant differences. The policy arrangements of the Qianmen urban renewal project contribute to the results. Under the new policy orientation, the policy arrangements of the Qianmen urban renewal project featured a government-led approach with a large amount of public investment, which formed a good basis to provide better compensation to the residents, in particular to provide extra aid to low income residents. Therefore, the residents got their housing conditions improved to a large extent contributing to their higher level of residential satisfaction after the project was implemented. Because of the extra aid, the low income residents were even more satisfied than the middle-high income residents. On the other hand, the policy arrangements took into account the opinions of the original residents, in other words, most residents made their own decision about where to live after the urban renewal. In this circumstance, they actually saw the urban renewal as an opportunity to improve their residential environment, in spite of the fact that the urban renewal project was initiated by the municipal government. Therefore residents stayed or relocated voluntarily, which significantly predicts the resulting higher level of residential satisfaction. The findings in the Qianmen case remind us that we do need a more open, balanced perspective for analysis of urban renewal processes and outcomes, rather than a predominantly negative displacement view embedded in a gentrification discourse; and that policy arrangements toward more redistribution and social equity are more likely to achieve positive outcomes for disadvantaged people. However, the improvements in unit size and housing quality are the main achievements of the urban renewal. Many residents still face the shortage of community facilities in the short run, and in the long run they might continue to suffer from poorer accessibility to public facilities and other resources. Furthermore, the urban renewal inevitably caused social disturbances for many residents, in particular for disadvantaged people (low income residents, and the elderly, etc), although the negative impacts of relocation on social networks were mitigated by the benefits of escaping the social conflicts and annoyance in the original neighborhood, and were compensated by the improved housing conditions. Generally, the key argument of this study is that policy makers need to pay more attention to the disadvantaged class; in other words, the government needs to assume its role more actively in redistribution and social equity.
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Shi, Silu. "Les structures administratives territoriales de l'Etat en Chine." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01D053.

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Dans l’image traditionnelle, la Chine est un État unitaire typiquement centralisé. Un tel concept, même à l’ère de Mao Zedong, n’est pas très précis, car à l’époque, la Chine a quand-même connu au moins trois cycles de déconcentration/centralisation. Alors, après la réforme d’«ouverture vers l’extérieur» par Deng Xiaoping, la Chine a établi des relations contrastées entre le central et le local. Deng Xiaoping a adopté une décentralisation des compétences par les mesures administratives et transfère les « intérêts » à l’échelon local, ce qui induit une grande latitude pour ce dernier, en particulier, en matière de développement de l’économie. Ainsi, une décentralisation non institutionnalisée a conduit l’échelon local à devenir de facto une entité administrative qui maîtrise les ressources et les compétences au nom de l’État, plutôt qu’obéissant aveuglément au central. Derrière ce changement, on voit l’émergence et la force motrice des intérêts locaux, avec une décentralisation approfondie, les gouvernements locaux ont reçu beaucoup plus de pouvoirs discrétionnaires, surtout pour ce qui concerne les affaires locales, et en même temps, à travers la maîtrise des ressources et des pouvoirs, les gouvernements locaux possèdent les «jetons» dans la négociation avec le gouvernement central, ayant pour objet et effet d’exprimer les intérêts locaux et d’influencer les décisions du central. Pour maintenir sa primauté, le gouvernement central a adopté une centralisation sélective pour faire face à cette décentralisation de facto afin d’arriver à un équilibre entre le central et le local. Cependant, une décentralisation non institutionnalisée, principalement à travers les négociations pour atteindre un équilibre entre les deux précédents, semble une approche qui n’est toujours pas stable, de telle sorte que la recherche d’une normativité des relations entre le central et le local est devenue un objectif à long terme
In the traditional image, China is a typically centralized unitary country, such a concept, even in the era of Mao Zedong, is not very precise, because at that time, China has even experienced at least three cycles of decentralisation/centralisation. So, through the reform and open by Deng Xiaoping, China has formed contrasting relations between central and local. Deng Xiaoping has adopted decentralization through administrative measures to decentralize the power and transfer “interests” to the local government, so that, the local government has a major initiative, in particular, in the development of the economy. Thus, the non-institutional decentralization leads the local government to become de facto an administrative entity which controls resources and power in the name of the central government. So the local government is not just obeying the central government like before. Behind this change is the emergence and the driving force of local interests. With a deep decentralization, the local governments have received much more discretionary power, especially in the local affairs and at the same time, through the control of resources and powers, the local governments have the “bargain chip” to negotiate with the central government, so that they could express local interests and influence the decisions of the central government. In order to maintain central authority, the central government has adopted a selective centralization for this de facto centralization, so as to achieve a balance between the central government and the local government. However, the non-institutional decentralization mainly through negotiation to achieve a balance between the two preceding ones, seems to be an approach that is still not stable, so that the search for a normativity of relations between central and local has become a long-term goal
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Books on the topic "Meida and public affairs – China"

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Zai lai, zai shi: Wo zai Ya shi xin wen bu = Come back again, try again. Xianggang: Ming chuang chu ban she, 2011.

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David, Hugus, ed. Ladder to the clouds: Intrigue and tradition in Chinese rank. Berkeley, Calif: Ten Speed Press, 1999.

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The price of public diplomacy with China: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Twelfth Congress, second session, March 28, 2012. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2012.

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Shambaugh, David, ed. China and the World. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190062316.001.0001.

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China and the World is the most comprehensive, up-to-date scholarly assessment of China’s foreign relations and roles in international affairs. Students, scholars, practitioners, and publics worldwide will benefit from the information and insights contained herein. Written by sixteen leading international specialists, it covers China’s contemporary position in all regions of the world, with all major powers, and across multiple arenas of China’s international interactions. It also explores the sources of China’s grand strategy, how the past shapes the present, and the impact of domestic factors that shape China’s external behavior. As the world evolves in increasingly unpredictable directions, the impact of China will be one of the key determinants of the future global order. No country or society can escape China’s reach—indeed, many seek its embrace. China brings benefits to many but is also a problematic interlocutor for others. Overall, public opinion surveys indicate that China’s reputation around the world is mixed, with as many societies viewing China favorably as unfavorably. This volume explores the sources of this ambivalence. As China becomes a leading global power, and its footprint continually expands on different continents, understanding the parameters of its international presence, and what motivates China, is imperative for others. This volume digs deep inside China’s multidimensional “toolbox” to explore the instruments that Beijing uses around the world: economic, diplomatic, cultural, military, media, and other elements. China and the World provides many insights into China’s calculations and behavior and identifies a number of challenges China will face in the future.
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Jing, Yijia. The Road to Collaborative Governance in China. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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The Road to Collaborative Governance in China. Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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Claudia, Phillips, Green Andrew 1958-, Keehn E. Barry, Berkeley-Hong Kong Project, Hong Kong Civil Service Commission., and University of California, Berkeley. Graduate School of Public Policy., eds. Studies in public administration: The Berkeley-Hong Kong Project, 1988-1989. [Berkeley]: Graduate School of Public Policy, University of California at Berkeley, 1992.

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Phillips, Claudia, and Andrew Green. Studies in Public Administration: The Berkeley-Hong Kong Project, 1988-1989. Graduate School of Public Policy University o, 1992.

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Vyas, Lina, and Ahmed Shafiqul Huque. Public Service In A Globalized World: Central Training Institutes In India And Hong Kong. Ashgate Publishing, 2004.

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Hugus, David, and Beverley Jackson. Ladder to the Clouds: Intrigue and Tradition in Chinese Rank. Ten Speed Press, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Meida and public affairs – China"

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Logan, Kate. "Extending Enforcement: How the Institute of Public and Environmental Affairs Leverages Public Information to Strengthen Environmental Governance." In Governing China in the 21st Century, 151–90. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-6594-0_6.

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Xia, Zhengyu, Qian Yu, Li Wang, and Zhan Xu. "The Public Crisis Management in Micro-bloging Environment: Take the Case of Dealing with Governmental Affairs via Micro-blogs in China." In Advances in Intelligent and Soft Computing, 627–33. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-27948-5_83.

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Yang, Kenneth C. C., and Yowei Kang. "Microblogs, Jasmine Revolution, and Civil Unrest." In Censorship, Surveillance, and Privacy, 1153–78. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7113-1.ch055.

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Weibo provides an alternative channel for many Chinese citizens to obtain non-censored news contents and share their opinions on public affairs. In this book chapter, the authors employed Jürgen Habermas's concept of public sphere to examine how Chinese Weibo users (i.e., microbloggers) make the most use of this social medium to form a public sphere to contest omnipresent state power. Habermas's analytical framework helps to better comprehend the role of social media and its interactions with other stakeholders in Chinese politics. The role of social media in shaping this less controlled sphere of political deliberation and participation was examined using a case study approach. The authors analyzed the Chinese Jasmine Revolution to discuss the interrelations among social media, civil society, state power, economic development, political process, and democratization in China. The case study identified Weibo's essential role as a device to bypass existing government censorship, to mobilize users, and to empower Chinese Internet users to engage in political activities to foster its nascent civil society.
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Yang, Kenneth C. C., and Yowei Kang. "Microblogs, Jasmine Revolution, and Civil Unrest." In Promoting Social Change and Democracy through Information Technology, 140–64. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8502-4.ch007.

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Weibo provides an alternative channel for many Chinese citizens to obtain non-censored news contents and share their opinions on public affairs. In this book chapter, the authors employed Jürgen Habermas's concept of public sphere to examine how Chinese Weibo users (i.e., microbloggers) make the most use of this social medium to form a public sphere to contest omnipresent state power. Habermas's analytical framework helps to better comprehend the role of social media and its interactions with other stakeholders in Chinese politics. The role of social media in shaping this less controlled sphere of political deliberation and participation was examined using a case study approach. The authors analyzed the Chinese Jasmine Revolution to discuss the interrelations among social media, civil society, state power, economic development, political process, and democratization in China. The case study identified Weibo's essential role as a device to bypass existing government censorship, to mobilize users, and to empower Chinese Internet users to engage in political activities to foster its nascent civil society.
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"Effective Government Affairs in China: Antecedents, Strategies, and Outcomes of Government Affairs." In The Future of Excellence in Public Relations and Communication Management, 503–32. Routledge, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781410613967-34.

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Zhao, Kevin Wenyuan, and Louis Leung. "Factors Influencing Online Poll Participation." In Public Affairs and Administration, 1462–73. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8358-7.ch072.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the degree of participation in online polls and its relationship to the perception of online polls, information literacy, and the political efficacy of Internet users in mainland China. Data was gathered online from a sample of 419 Internet users. Results show that perceptions of both the usefulness and trustworthiness of online polls positively correlated to participation in online polls but not to information literacy or to political efficacy. Contrary to expected results, political efficacy did not relate to online poll participation. However, regression results suggested that Internet users who often participated in online polls were usually males who were literate in publishing and believed that online polls were an effective and trustworthy means to express opinions on public issues. Limitations and implications for future studies are discussed.
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"Pragmatism over Idealism: Public Interest Advocacy in the People’s Republic of China and the Importance of Collaboration." In Chinese (Taiwan) Yearbook of International Law and Affairs, Volume 27 (2009), 97–107. Brill | Nijhoff, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004425002_006.

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Bianchi, Robert R. "Learning Abroad, Evading at Home." In China and the Islamic World, 139–49. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190915285.003.0011.

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As the New Silk Road exposes China to disruptive influences from many directions, China’s leaders will have to confront the unfinished business of integrating their own society. Divisions inside China are severe and deepening rapidly. They intersect and aggravate one another, producing more and more groups with grievances that cannot be adequately addressed by a single-party state that chokes public debate and outlaws collective action. China has many options for experimenting with inclusive formulas that allow power-sharing without embracing free elections and multiparty pluralism. Since Mao’s death, debates over political reform have started and stalled several times. As those debates resume, China will increasingly see itself as a changed society requiring a more representative government that matches its more prominent position in world affairs. Hong Kong’s semi-democracy is an instructive example of the manipulative strategies that authoritarian rulers might try to emulate on the mainland.
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Zhang, Jian-Chuan, and Ying Qin. "Impact of Internet Use on Civic Engagement in Chinese Rural Areas." In Active Citizen Participation in E-Government, 296–313. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-0116-1.ch015.

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Few prior studies have addressed the political impact of the Internet on civic engagement in rural areas. This preliminary study aims to explore the connection between Internet use and civic engagement of rural Internet users. Based on the surveys implemented by the China Internet Network Information Center (CNNIC), the authors find that using the Internet does enhance the level of civic engagement among rural Internet users in China. However, better use of the Internet faces some obstacles, too. They are the young age of rural users and the limited Net bandwidth. Implications of these obstacles are discussed. The chapter concludes that, under certain circumstances, there is great potential for Chinese rural Internet users to become more actively engaged in public affairs in the future.
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Jurdem, Laurence R. "The De-moralization of the Cold War." In Paving the Way for Reagan, 45–64. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813175843.003.0003.

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As the American public became increasingly disenchanted over the nation’s ongoing presence in Southeast Asia, the Nixon administration initiated a diplomatic strategy toward the Soviet Union and the People’s Republic of China. Nixon, who early in his political career had been a passionate anticommunist, began to consider ways in which he might bring China into the international community. The president believed that this strategy had the potential to decrease the Cold War tensions that existed between the United States and the Soviet Union. The foreign policy strategy that Nixon and his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger, developed came to be known as détente. The initiatives that composed Nixon’s policy were based on Kissinger’s realist view of international affairs. That perspective embraced the idea of accepting the world as it was rather than trying to change it. By deemphasizing the importance of the conflict between international communism and democracy, pundits on the Right believed Nixon was not only withdrawing America from its global responsibilities, but in doing so was giving the communist world free reign to pursue a more aggressive foreign policy.
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Conference papers on the topic "Meida and public affairs – China"

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Xie, Zehang. "Research on the Generation Mechanism of Audiences’ Oppositional Interpretation of Short Video of Government Affairs in Emergent Public Health Events." In The International Conference on China and the World in the Context of the Globalization of COVID-19. MASON PBLISH GROUP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37420/cwcgc.2020.06.

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