Relevant bibliographies by topics / Medieval Welsh law

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Medieval Welsh law'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Medieval Welsh law"

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Loshkareva, Maria E. "Excommunicated Princes in Medieval Wales." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 464 (2021): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/464/15.

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Excommunication as a punishment for violating church rules on marriage and family relations was repeatedly imposed on members of Welsh dynasties during the 12th century. The aim of the research is to define the true reasons of such strict measures by means of analyzing historical sources: Welsh and English chronicles, including the Chronicle of the Princes, Annales Monastici, the corpus of Welsh native law texts known as the Law of Hywel Dda, the Historical Works of Gerald of Wales, some legal acts and official correspondence concerning Wales, including Thomas Becket’s letters. The Welsh native law was considered as a “barbarian” one by the Church. Undoubtedly, Welsh native customs contradicted canon law to some extent, allowing marriages between relatives, permitting divorces without reference to ecclesiastical procedures, and tolerating extramarital relationship. Incest marriages between members of major Welsh dynasties were a widespread phenomenon in Wales till the 13th century. Such marriages seemed to be an inevitable part of creating native political alliances in the face of danger from the Norman invaders. Welsh dynasties were often closely interrelated through marriages, but far not always this fact drew attention of the church. Owain Gwynedd and the Lord Rhys, who are believed to be the most powerful Welsh leaders of the 12th century, were both married to their first cousins. Owain Gwynedd was excommunicated for refusal to have his marriage annulled on the grounds of consanguinity. Meanwhile, the same circumstances of the Lord Rhys’ marriage went unnoticed. It must be taken into account that Owain Gwynedd’s canonically unacceptable marriage became a subject of the Pope’s attention only when the question of the Bishop of Bangor’s election and subsequent conflict with the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Becket, erupted. The Lord Rhys suffered the penalty of anathema just before his death not because of his scandalous marriage or immoral relationship but on account of disrespectful treatment of the Bishop of St. David’s, Peter de Leia. Obviously, conflicts between the Welsh rulers and the Anglo-Norman senior clergy as an essential part of Anglo-Welsh confrontation were the underlying reasons for such measures as excommunication. It is noteworthy that both of the aforementioned great Welsh princes were buried with due honor in the consecrated land despite the fact of excommunication, which demonstrated that the Welsh native clergy were loyal to their Welsh patrons rather than to the supreme ecclesiastical authorities.
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Price, Huw. "Early Irish canons and medieval Welsh law." Peritia 5 (January 1986): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.peri.3.130.

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Pryce, Huw, and Gwilym Owen. "Medieval Welsh Law and the Mid-Victorian Foreshore." Journal of Legal History 35, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 172–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440365.2014.925179.

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Chapman Stacey, Robin. "Gender and the social imaginary in medieval Welsh law." Journal of the British Academy 8 (2020): 267–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/008.267.

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This talk explores the role played by gender in the social imaginaries implicit in medieval Welsh law. It takes as its starting point the lawbooks of medieval Wales, which have narrative qualities rendering them susceptible to analyses of several different kinds, from standard historical readings, to scrutiny as law, to more literary critical methods. Of particular interest in this lecture are the ways in which ideas about male and female inform lawbook depictions of space and time, sexuality in both animal and human bodies, and everyday practices such as farming.
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Breeze, Andrew. "Robin Chapman Stacey, Law and the Imagination in Medieval Wales. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018, pp. 335." Mediaevistik 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 330–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2019.01.50.

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For nearly thirty years, Professor Stacey of the University of Washington has published on early Welsh and Irish narrative. Now she sums up her work in a volume which promises exciting conclusions, juxtaposing Mabinogion texts (crown jewels of Welsh prose) with those of Welsh law (a window on Celtic society).
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López Sabatel, José Antonio. "Perception of Female Virginity in the Medieval West and its Conceptualisation in the Medieval Welsh Law Codes." MUSAS 5, no. 2 (July 28, 2020): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1344/musas2020.vol5.num2.6.

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Este artículo pretende arrojar alguna luz sobre la percepción que se tenía de la virginidad femenina en el Occidente medieval. Una visión moral, social y legal, heredera de la conceptualización religiosa y misógina que condicionaría la actuación de las comunidades medievales, las familias y los legisladores en aras de salvaguardar, al menos hasta el matrimonio este preciado bien, como un símbolo edénico perdido de la creación aún no mancillada por el pecado original. De este modo, se castiga de manera severa tanto el sexo premarital como la violación de vírgenes y se premia monetariamente la preservación de la virginidad de las futuras novias. Todo ello respondiendo al interés de una sociedad patrilineal que dotaba a la mujer y su virginidad de un valor único e indisoluble como activo económico en las diferentes estrategias encaminadas a establecer férreas alianzas matrimoniales entre los diferentes linajes. En consecuencia, la estimación de la mujer como hija y novia siempre quedaría, en cierta medida, ligada a la conservación de su virginidad. Circunstancia esta que queda de manifiesto, bajo su forma más restrictiva, en las diferentes normas reguladoras del matrimonio, así como en las diversas exacciones de corte jurisdiccional que no dejan de incrementar el patrimonio del señorío a costa de restringir la libertad sexual de la mujer. Como el título de este artículo indica, partiendo de una perspectiva más generalizada de la virginidad se ha procedido a examinar su conceptualización en la ley galesa y más específicamente en aquella normativa concerniente a las mujeres y desarrollada a partir de figuras jurídicas tales como el amobr, cowyll, y agweddi.
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Cichon, Michael. "Mishandled Vessels: Heaving Drinks and Hurling Insults in Medieval Welsh Literature and Law." Canadian Journal of History 43, no. 2 (September 2008): 227–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.43.2.227.

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Paul Russell. "From plates and rods to royal drink-stands in Branwen and medieval Welsh law." North American journal of Celtic studies 1, no. 1 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/nortamerceltstud.1.1.0001.

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Dodd, Gwilym. "Law, Legislation, and Consent in the Plantagenet Empire: Wales and Ireland, 1272–1461." Journal of British Studies 56, no. 2 (March 31, 2017): 225–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2017.4.

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AbstractIn recent years, scholars have begun to look afresh at the dynamics of English “imperial” power in the late medieval period, but the extent to which the English dominions were subject to English law and legislation––and the questions of why and how these influences varied between the regions and over an extended period of time––have been considered less systematically and rarely comparatively. With its focus on Wales and Ireland, this article explores the synergies and the strains that shaped attitudes towards the authority of the late medieval English crown and that ultimately determined the extent of England's influence beyond its borders. The article shows that these attitudes were often fundamentally conflicted and contradictory. It highlights the difficulties of the English crown in seeking to balance the elitist agenda of its English subjects, on the one hand, with its desire to bring the Welsh and Irish more squarely within the orbit of the English state system, on the other hand. And it shows how the dominions veered between welcoming and resisting the interference of the English crown. The discussion emphasizes how interaction between the English crown and the people of its dominions was shaped above all by dialogue and negotiation.
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Davies, R. R. "Presidential Address: The Peoples of Britain and Ireland, 1100–1400: III Laws and customs." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 6 (December 1996): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679227.

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Edward I and his judges delivered some of the most resounding obiter dicta on the nature of law and justice in the medieval period; but on occasion they found themselves at the receiving end of such pontificating practices. One such occasion took place at Oswestry in January 1279. Walter de Hopton and his fellow justices were ambling their way through the interminable dispute between Llywelyn ap Gruffudd, prince of Wales, and Gruffudd ap Gwenwynwyn, lord of Powys and client of die English king. In rotund phrases, at once deeply flattering and profoundlychallenging to Edward I, Llywelyn delivered himself of a grand declaration about the relationship of law, people and political power:Each province under die empire of the lord King has its own laws and customs according to the habit and usage of the parts in which it is situated—for example, die Gascons in Gascony, the Scots in Scodand, the Irish in Ireland and the English in England. This indeed exalts rather than diminishes the crown of the lord King. The Prince accordingly requests diat he likewise should have his Welsh law and should proceed according to it. He has all the more reason for making diis request since the King, of his own free will, in die recent peace treaty concluded between diem, granted to Llywelyn and all Welshmen die right to have their own law. By natural justice (de jure communi) he ought to have Welsh law and custom, just as other peoples(naciones) under the empire of the lord King have their laws and customs according to their language, or ethnic affiliation (secundum linguam suam).
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Medieval Welsh law"

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Roberts, Sara Elin. "Welsh medieval legal triads." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396126.

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Helbert, Daniel Glynn. "Layamon's Brut and the March of Wales: Merlin, his Prophecies, and the Lex Marchia." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/76961.

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This study explores Layamon's engenderment of cultural unification for the explicit purposes of an Anglo-Welsh cultural resistance to the Norman overlords in the March of Wales. In essence, I examine some of the most important cultural signifiers in medieval English and Welsh culture and the methods by which the poet adapts and grafts them together to form a culturally amalgamated text—neither explicitly English nor Welsh but yet simultaneously both - and the political implications of this amalgamation. Though Laymon's methodology emanates from multiple aspects of the text, I have concentrated here on what I feel are the most explicit manifestations of this theme: Merlin, his prophecies, and the Law of the March.
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Stoeber, Karen. "Late medieval English and Welsh monasteries and their patrons, c.1300-1540." Thesis, University of Winchester, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.274443.

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Books on the topic "Medieval Welsh law"

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University of Wales. Board of Celtic Studies. History and Law Committee., ed. Handlist of the acts of native Welsh rulers, 1132-1283. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 1996.

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2

Roberts, Sarah Elin. The legal triads of medieval Wales. Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2007.

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Welsh noblewomen in the thirteenth century: An historical study of medieval Welsh law and gender roles. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2009.

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Richards, Gwenyth. Welsh noblewomen in the thirteenth century: An historical study of medieval Welsh law and gender roles. Lewiston: Edwin Mellen Press, 2009.

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Richards, Gwenyth. Welsh noblewomen in the thirteenth century: An historical study of medieval Welsh law and gender roles. Lewiston, N.Y: Edwin Mellen Press, 2009.

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Rhys, Wiliam Aled, and Canolfan Uwchefrydiau Cymreig a Cheltaidd., eds. Llyfr Cynog: A medieval Welsh law digest. Aberystwyth: Canolfan Uwchefrydiau Cymreig a Cheltaidd, 1990.

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7

Charles-Edwards, T. M. Property and Possession in Medieval Celtic Societies. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813415.003.0004.

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The sources drawn upon for this paper are legal manuals. These come from the seventh and eighth centuries in the case of Ireland and, for Wales, from the thirteenth. Alongside some similarities in the way the two legal traditions handled concepts of property, there were also huge differences. The Irish texts are, on the whole, richer and more detailed. Where they are most rewarding is in the accounts they give of relationships and procedures presupposing distinctions between forms of property and possession: clientship, claims to land, pledging, and distraint. In Welsh law there are some clear parallels, most evidently in the case of claims to land, but the main interest lies in a more elaborate and explicit set of concepts. In Irish law, on the other hand, the main interest lies not in explicit conceptual distinctions but rather in distinctions implied by different areas of law, particularly by legal rituals.
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Allerlei Keltisches: Studien zu Ehren von Erich Poppe -- Studies in Honour of Erich Poppe. Berlin, Germany: curach bhán publications -- daniel büchner, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Medieval Welsh law"

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Roberts, Sara Elin. "“By The Authority Of The Devil”: The Operation of Welsh and English Law in Medieval Wales." In Authority and Subjugation in Writing of Medieval Wales, 85–97. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230614932_6.

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Pryce, Huw. "Ecclesiastical Criticism of Welsh Law." In Native Law and the Church in Medieval Wales, 71–81. Oxford University Press, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198203629.003.0004.

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Russell, Paul. "‘Go and Look in the Latin Books’: Latin and the Vernacular in Medieval Wales." In Latin in Medieval Britain. British Academy, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197266083.003.0010.

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In one form or another Latin and Welsh have coexisted and interacted in Wales from the Roman period onwards: whether in the quasi-charters of the Lichfield/Llandeilo Gospels, Braint Teilo ‘The Privilege of Teilo’ in the Book of Llandaf, the verse of the family of Sulien in Llanbadarn, the lament for the Lord Rhys in the Peniarth 20 Brut y Tywysogion (with its quotations from Ovid and Boethius), the various chronicles (such as the Cronica de Wallia), or the Medieval Welsh laws of Hywel Dda (the last two preserved in both Latin and Welsh). This chapter explores some consequences of that coexistence, and in particular how in some contexts Medieval Welsh became distinctively Latinate and how in certain respects the Latin of medieval Wales arguably became Cambricised.
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Patterson, Robert B. "A King’s Illegitimate Son." In The Earl, the Kings, and the Chronicler, 1–28. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198797814.003.0001.

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Robert, the eldest and bastard son of the future Henry I of England, became the great earl of Gloucester of medieval history because of his father’s own successes in becoming king of England and the conqueror of Normandy. Robert’s birth status was a disability for him because of canonical notions of legitimate marriage which increasingly influenced Norman and English custom defining heirs. Henry, to provide a suitable life for his firstborn, created a magnificent lay baronial career for him. The key steps were admitting Robert to membership in the Norman ducal-royal family by recognizing him as his son, providing for his schooling and training in the use of arms capped off by knighting, and then by arranging a marriage to Mabel fitz Hamon, which made Robert a Norman lord, English tenant-in-chief, and Welsh Marcher lord.
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Rippon, Stephen. "The native British." In Kingdom, Civitas, and County. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198759379.003.0016.

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By the fourth century AD, the landscape of Roman Britain was densely settled and archaeological surveys and excavations have consistently shown that most lowland areas supported farming communities, including on the heavier claylands (Smith et al. 2016). Thereafter the character of the archaeological record changes dramatically with the appearance of settlements, cemeteries, and material culture whose ‘Anglo-Saxon’ cultural affinities lay in northern Germany and southern Scandinavia (Chapters 8–9). All too often, however, ‘Anglo-Saxon’ England is discussed in a way that implies that settlements characterized by Grubenhäuser and cemeteries furnished with Germanic grave goods were characteristic of the whole of eastern England (e.g. Welch 1992; Lucy 2000; Tipper 2004; Hamerow 2012), whereas detailed local studies have suggested that this was not the case. In areas such as Sussex (Welch 1983) and Lincolnshire (Green 2012) evidence for Anglo-Saxon colonization has only been found in certain parts of the landscape, and the potential reasons for ‘blank’ spots in the distribution of Anglo-Saxon settlement are complex: they may in part simply reflect areas where there has been less archaeological investigation, or that these areas were unattractive for settlement. There is, however, another possibility: that these distributions are not a record of where people were and were not living, but a reflection of how the cultural identity of early medieval communities varied from area to area, and that some of these identities are archaeologically less visible than others. There has long been speculation that at least some of the ‘blank areas’ in the distributions of Anglo-Saxon settlements and cemeteries reflect the places where native British populations remained in control of the landscape. West (1985, 168), for example, noted the lack of early Anglo-Saxon settlement on the East Anglian claylands, and speculated that this is where a substantial Romano- British population remained: ‘did they survive somehow, perhaps in a basically aceramic condition, or were they, in the main, drawn to the new settlements on the lighter soils to become slaves or some subordinate stratum of society, as indicated by later documentary evidence, or was the population drastically reduced by pestilence or genocide?’ (West 1985, 168).
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