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Journal articles on the topic 'Medieval social philosophy'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 5 February 2022

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1

Grossmann, Henryk. "The Social Foundations of Mechanistic Philosophy and Manufacture." Science in Context 1, no. 1 (March 1987): 129–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700000090.

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The ArgumentFranz Borkenau's book, The Transition from Feudal to Modern Thought (Der Übergang vom feudalen zum bürgerlichen Weltbild [literally: The Transition from the Feudal to the Bourgeois World-Picture]), serves as background for Grossmann's study. The objective of this book was to trace the sociological origins of the mechanistic categories of modern thought as developed in the philosophy of Descartes and his successors. In the beginning of the seventeenth century, according to Borkenau, mechanistic thinking triumphed over medieval philosophy which emphasized qualitative, not quantitative considerations. This transition from medieval and feudal methods of thought to modern principles is the general theme of Borkenau's book, and is traced to the social changes of this time. According to this work, the essential economic change that marked the transition from medieval to modern times was the destruction of the handicraft system and the organization of labor under one roof and under one management. The roots of the change in thought are to be sought here. With the dismemberment of the handicraft system and the division of labor into relatively unskilled, uniform, and therefore comparable activities, the conception of abstract homogeneous social labor arises. The division of the labor process into simple repeated movements permits a comparison of hours of labor. Calculation with such abstract social unities, according to Borkenau, was the source from which modern mechanistic thinking in general derived its origin.Grossmann, although he considers Borkenau's work a valuable and important contribution, does not believe that the author has achieved his purpose. First of all, he contends that the period that Borkenau describes as the period of the triumph of modern thought over medieval should not be placed at the beginning of the seventeenth century, but in the Renaissance, and that not Descartes and Hobbes but Leonardo da Vinci was the initiator of modern thought. Leonardo's theories, evolved from a study of machines, were the source of the mechanistic categories that culminated in modern thought.If Borkenau's conception as to the historical origin of these categories is incorrect in regard to time, Grossmann claims it follows that it is incorrect also in regard to the social sources to which it is ascribed. In the beginning, the factory system did not involve a division of labor into comparable homogeneous processes, but in general only united skilled handicraftsmen under one roof. The development of machinery, not the calculation with abstract hours of labor, is the immediate source of modern scientific mechanics. This goes back to the Renaissance and has relatively little to do with the original factory system that was finally superseded by the Industrial Revolution.While Borkenau, in tracing the social background of the thought of the period, relies chiefly on the conflicts and strife of political parties, Grossmann regards this as one element only in the formation of the general social situation, which in its entirety and in the interaction of its elements explains the development of modern thought.
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2

Gajic, Aleksandar. "Neo-meidevalism in contemporary social theory." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 142 (2013): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1342055g.

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?Neo-medievalism? has become well known concept in contemporary social theory. It is widely used by historians, sociologists of culture and international relations theorists, not only for the critical reconsideration of heritage from ?historical? Middle Ages, but also for the easier and more accurate distinguishing of their cultural-historical and international-political aspirations through analogies with contemporary social processes. This paper deals with the emergence of ?neo-medieval motives? in social theory and philosophy since Romanticism, throughout ?catholic cultural renewal? and ?Russian religious renaissance?, up to their influences on ?theories of crisis of modernity? from the first half of 20th century and on significant works of Spengler, Toynbee, Ortega y Gasset and Pitirim Sorokin. Then, author follows the revival of interests for Middle Ages in the seventies of the last century along with the onset of postmodernism, and also the first use of ?neo-medieval model? for explanation of international relations transformation (in the work of Hedley Bull and his followers). Finally, contemporary ?neo-medieval? tendencies in scientific approaches are being observed - from the systemic transformation from a modern to a postmodern political economy, throughout urban studies, sociology and philosophy seeking again the indisputable epistemological support in religion and tradition.
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3

MISZTAL, BARBARA, and DIETER FREUNDLIEB. "THE CURIOUS HISTORICAL DETERMINISM OF RANDALL COLLINS." European Journal of Sociology 44, no. 2 (August 2003): 247–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975603001267.

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Randall Collins' The Sociology of Philosophies: A Global Theory of Intellectual Change (1998) examines and compares communities of intellectuals linked as networks in ancient and medieval China and India, medieval and modern Japan, ancient Greece, medieval Islam and Judaism, medieval Christendom and modern Europe. The book has been the subject of many interesting and often positive reflections (for example, European Journal of Social Theory 3 (I), 2000; Review Symposium or reviews in Sociological Theory 19 (I), March 2001). However, it has also attracted a number of critical reviews (for example, reviews in Philosophy of the Social Sciences 30 (2), June 2000). Since not many books achieve such notoriety, it is worthwhile to rethink Collins' controversial approach. The aim of this paper is to encourage further debates of notions and issues presented in Collins' book. We would like, by joining two voices—sociologist and philosopher—to reopen discussion of Collins' attempt to discover a universality of patterns of intellectual change, as we think that more interpretative rather than explanatory versions of our respective disciplines can enrich our understanding of blueprints of intellectual creativity.
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4

Pasnau, Robert. "Medieval Social Epistemology: Scientia for Mere Mortals." Episteme 7, no. 1 (February 2010): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1742360009000793.

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ABSTRACTMedieval epistemology begins as ideal theory: when is one ideally situated with regard to one's grasp of the way things are? Taking as their starting point Aristotle's Posterior Analytics, scholastic authors conceive of the goal of cognitive inquiry as the achievement of scientia, a systematic body of beliefs, grasped as certain, and grounded in demonstrative reasons that show the reason why things are so. Obviously, however, there is not much we know in this way. The very strictness of this ideal in fact gives rise to a body of literature on how Aristotle's framework might be relaxed in various ways, for certain specific purposes. In asking such questions, scholastic authors are in effect pursuing the project of social epistemology, by trying to adapt their ideal theory to the circumstances of everyday life.
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5

McWebb, Christine. "University of Alberta." Florilegium 20, no. 1 (January 2003): 59–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.20.015.

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Apart from numerous survey courses such as the Histories of Medicine, of Technology, of Art, and the Literature of the European Tradition—all of which span several centuries including the Middle Ages, and are offered by various departments of the Faculty of Arts, there is a fairly strong contingent of special topics courses in medieval studies at the University of Alberta. For example, Martin Tweedale of the Department of Philosophy offers an undergraduate course on early medieval philosophy. There are currently three medievalists in the Department of History and Classics. Andrew Gow regularly teaches courses on late medieval and early modern Europe. John Kitchen is a specialist in medieval religion, medieval intellectual history, the history of Christian holy women and medieval Latin literature. Kitchen currently teaches an undergraduate course on early medieval Europe. Thirdly, J.L. Langdon, a specialist in British Medieval history, teaches a course on the formation of England in which he covers the political, social, economic and religious developments of England from the fifth to the twelfth century.
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6

Desilva, Jennifer Mara. "Social Mobility in Medieval Italy (1100–1500)." Renaissance and Reformation 42, no. 3 (December 11, 2019): 207–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1066376ar.

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7

Yrj�nsuuri, Mikko. "Aristotle'sTopics and medieval obligational disputations." Synthese 96, no. 1 (July 1993): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01063802.

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8

Read, Stephen. "The medieval theory of consequence." Synthese 187, no. 3 (March 22, 2011): 899–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11229-011-9908-6.

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9

Uckelman, Sara L. "Arthur Prior and medieval logic." Synthese 188, no. 3 (May 17, 2011): 349–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11229-011-9943-3.

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10

Adler, Matthew, and Marc Fleurbaey. "IN PURSUIT OF SOCIAL PROGRESS." Economics and Philosophy 34, no. 3 (October 30, 2018): 443–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266267118000354.

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In 2014, the New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof wrote: ‘Some of the smartest thinkers on problems at home and around the world are university professors, but most of them just don't matter in today's great debates … I write this in sorrow, for I considered an academic career and deeply admire the wisdom found on university campuses. So, professors, don't cloister yourselves like medieval monks – we need you!’ At that time, a group of academics were working to launch the International Panel on Social Progress, with the aim of preparing a report analysing the current prospects for improving our societies.1 It gathered about 300 researchers from more than 40 countries and from all disciplines of the social sciences, law and philosophy.
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11

DeHart, Paul R. "Whose Social Contract?" Catholic Social Science Review 26 (2021): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cssr20212617.

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Many scholars view political contractarianism as a distinctly modern account of the foundations of political order. Ideas such as popular sovereignty, the right of revolution, the necessity of the consent of the governed for rightful political authority, natural equality, and a pre-civil state of nature embody the modern rupture with classical political philosophy and traditional Christian theology. At the headwaters of this modern revolution stands Thomas Hobbes. Since the American founders subscribed to the social contract theory, they are often said to reject classical political philosophy and traditional Christian political theology as well. In America on Trial, Robert Reilly rejects the usual argument. He maintains that the building blocks of the American founding originate in medieval Christian political theology. In this essay, I argue that a morally and metaphysically realist contractarian tradition—one that affirms natural equality, the authority of the society over government, the necessity of consent for legitimate government, the right to resist tyrannical rulers, and the idea of a pre-civil state of nature—predates Hobbes and also that the voluntarist contractarian tradition inaugurated by Hobbes is self-referentially incoherent. A coherent political contractarianism logicially depends on the sort of metaphysics and moral ontology Hobbes rejects.
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12

Clark, William. "On the Ironic Specimen of the Doctor of Philosophy." Science in Context 5, no. 1 (1992): 97–137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700001101.

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The ArgumentThe Doctor of Philosophy, a nonmedieval academic figure who spread throughout the globe in the Modern Era, and who emblemized the transformation of academic knowledge into the “pursuit of research,” emerged through a long and tortuous path in the early modern Germanies. The emergence and recognition of the Doctor of Philosophy would be correlative with the nineteenth-century professionalization of the arts and sciences. Throughout the Early Modern Era, the earlier Doctors and older “professional” faculties from the medieval university — Theology, Law, and Medicine — opposed recognition of the Doctor of Philosophy. In Saxony, the forces of “medievalism” were able to block recognition of the Doctor of Philosophy, and they retained the degraded Master of Arts or Philosophy as the highest degree in arts and sciences. Forces of “modernism” prevailed, however, in Austria and Prussia in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. In Austria, the Doctor of Philosophy arrived as a wholly modern figure, the creation of a nice dossier and a civil service examination: the medieval “juridical” persona became a modern “bureaucratic” persona. Between this bureaucratic modernism of the Austrians and corporatist medievalism of the Saxons, the Prussians pursued a via media. Unlike the Saxons, they recognized the Doctor of Philosophy; but unlike the Austrians, they did not completely bureaucratize the candidate's persona. The Prussians demanded from the candidate a “work of research,” a doctoral dissertation, which exhibited the aesthetic qualities of the Romantic artist: originality and personality.
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13

Carlisle, Clare. "The Question of Habit in Theology and Philosophy: From Hexis to Plasticity." Body & Society 19, no. 2-3 (May 22, 2013): 30–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1357034x12474475.

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This article examines medieval and early modern theologies of habit (those of Augustine, Aquinas and Luther), and traces a theme of appropriation through the discourse on habit and grace. It is argued that the question of habit is central to theological debates about human freedom, and about the nature of the God-relationship. Continuities are then highlighted with modern philosophical accounts of habit, in particular those of Ravaisson and Hegel. The article ends by considering some of the philosophical and political implications of the preceding analysis of habit.
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14

Wilson, Mary C., and Michael Chamberlain. "Knowledge and Social Practice in Medieval Damascus, 1190-1350." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 2 (1996): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205224.

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15

Fouracre, Paul. "Cultural Conformity and Social Conservation in Early Medieval Europe." History Workshop Journal 33, no. 1 (1992): 152–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/33.1.152.

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16

Best, John. "The Cambridge Translations of Medieval Philosophical Texts Volume 2; Ethics and Political Philosophy." AQ: Australian Quarterly 73, no. 2 (2001): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20637992.

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17

Milosavljevic, Boris. "Basic philosophical texts in Medieval Serbia." Balcanica, no. 39 (2008): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0839079m.

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Medieval Serbian philosophy took shape mostly through the process of translating Byzantine texts and revising the Slavic translations. Apart from the Aristotelian terminological tradition, introduced via the translation of Damascene?s Dialectic, there also was, under the influence of the Corpus Areopagiticum and ascetic literature, notably of John Climacus? Ladder, another strain of thought originating from Christian Platonism. Damascene?s philosophical chapters, or Dialectic, translated into medieval Serbian in the third quarter of the fourteenth century, not only shows the high standards of translation technique developed in Serbian monastic scriptoria, but testifies to a highly educated readership interested in such a complex theologico-philosophical text with its nuanced terminology. A new theological debate about the impossibility of knowing God led to Gregory Palamas? complex text, The Exposition of the Orthodox Faith. Philosophical texts were frequently copied and much worked on in medieval Serbia, but it is difficult to infer about the actual scope of their influence on the formation and articulation of the worldview of medieval society. As a result of their demanding theoretical complexity, the study of philosophy was restricted to quite narrow monastic, court and urban circles. However, the strongest aspect of the influence of Byzantine thought on medieval society was the liturgy as the central social event of the community. It was through the liturgy that the wording of the translated texts influenced the life of medieval Serbian society.
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18

Nutton, Vivian. "Medieval medicine." Metascience 19, no. 1 (March 2010): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-010-9326-2.

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19

Stark, Rodney. "Upper Class Asceticism: Social Origins of Ascetic Movements and Medieval Saints." Review of Religious Research 45, no. 1 (September 2003): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3512496.

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20

Brincat, Shannon K. "‘Death to Tyrants’: The Political Philosophy of Tyrannicide—Part I." Journal of International Political Theory 4, no. 2 (October 2008): 212–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1755088208000220.

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This paper examines the conceptual development of the philosophical justifications for tyrannicide. It posits that the political philosophy of tyrannicide can be categorised into three distinct periods or models, the classical, medieval, and liberal, respectively. It argues that each model contained unique themes and principles that justified tyrannicide in that period; the classical, through the importance attached to public life and the functional role of leadership; the medieval, through natural law doctrine; and the liberal, through the postulates of social contract theory. Subsequent analysis of these different models however, reveals that these historical models are unable to provide a sufficient philosophical basis for a contemporary justification of tyrannicide. In Part II, it will be contended that a reinvigorated conception of self-defence, a theme common to all three models, when coupled with the modern notion of universal human rights, may provide the foundation for a contemporary theory of tyrannicide.
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21

Galloway, Andrew. "The Making of a Social Ethic in Late-Medieval England: From Gratitudo to "Kyndenesse"." Journal of the History of Ideas 55, no. 3 (July 1994): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2709845.

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22

Knuuttila, Simo, and Taina Holopainen. "Conditional will and conditional norms in medieval thought." Synthese 96, no. 1 (July 1993): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01063805.

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23

Novaes, C. Dutilh. "Medieval Obligationes as Logical Games of Consistency Maintenance." Synthese 145, no. 3 (July 2005): 371–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11229-005-6197-y.

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24

Cifuentes, Lluis. "Vernacularization as an Intellectual and Social Bridge. the Catalan Translations of Teodorico's Chirurgia and of Arnau De Vilanova's Regimen Sanitatis1." Early Science and Medicine 4, no. 2 (1999): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338299x00265.

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AbstractThis study analyzes the dissemination and readership of two medieval medical works in Catalan. Combining the use of diverse sources such as the manuscripts themselves, post-mortem inventories, and the prologues written by the translators, the study shows how the diffusion of these works exemplifies the two main audiences to which vernacular texts were addressed. These were, on the one hand, literate but not Latinate surgeons and other practitioners interested in the new medicine emanating from the emerging universities; and on the other, nobles and burghers interested in issues of health and disease and in natural philosophy in general. The framework for the study is the general process of consolidation of the new medical system which developed in late medieval Latin Europe.
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Dohar, William J. "The Medieval Prison: A Social History. G. Geltner." Speculum 84, no. 4 (October 2009): 1045–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400208403.

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26

Drew, Katherine Fischer, and Henrietta Leyser. "Medieval Women: A Social History of Women in England 450-1500." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 4 (1997): 672. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206547.

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27

Yuzeev, A. N. "Tatar Philosophy (General and Special Traits — The Middle Ages)." Islam in the modern world 16, no. 3 (October 25, 2020): 81–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2020-16-3-81-92.

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Tatar philosophy has a long history and dates back to the ancestors of the Tatars, i. e. the Volga Bulgars, who fi rst laid the foundations of philosophical knowledge in the Middle Ages in the X century. Medieval Tatar literature of the X — third quarter of the XVIII centuries is one of the foundations of Tatar social and philosophical thought (A. Yasavi (XII century), Qul- Gali (XIII century), Qutb (XIV century), S. Sarai (XIV century), Muhammadyar (XVI century)). Most of the works of Tatar thinkers of the X–XVIII centuries are syncretic. Works at the same time were both a literary source, and a book on ethics, and an essay that reveals the philosophical views of Tatar thinkers.
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Rogers, Katherin A. "The medieval approach to aardvarks, escalators, and God." Journal of Value Inquiry 27, no. 1 (January 1993): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01082711.

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29

Normore, Calvin G. "The necessity in deduction: Cartesian inference and its medieval background." Synthese 96, no. 3 (September 1993): 437–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01064011.

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30

Apellániz, Francisco. "Venetian Trading Networks in the Medieval Mediterranean." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 44, no. 2 (August 2013): 157–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_00535.

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Network analysis can identify the crucial role that such social outcasts as Jews, Greeks, colonial subjects, and uprooted individuals played within the exclusive commercial networks of the Republic of Venice. These lower-rank merchants and brokers were able not only to manipulate legal, cultural, and religious categories to integrate themselves into the Venetian networks but also to abandon those networks when better economic opportunities arose.
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31

Chase, Steven. "Three Studies in Medieval Religious and Social Thought.Giles Constable." Speculum 73, no. 4 (October 1998): 1124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2887383.

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Palmer, James A. "Piety and Social Distinction in Late Medieval Roman Peacemaking." Speculum 89, no. 4 (October 2014): 974–1004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713414001651.

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Craig-Atkins, Elizabeth, Jennifer Crangle, P. S. Barnwell, Dawn M. Hadley, Allan T. Adams, Ian Atkins, Jessica-Rose McGinn, and Alice James. "Charnel practices in medieval England: new perspectives." Mortality 24, no. 2 (April 3, 2019): 145–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13576275.2019.1585782.

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Bailey, Anne E. "Miracle Children: Medieval Hagiography and Childhood Imperfection." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 47, no. 3 (November 2016): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01012.

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Approaches from social history, medical anthropology, and the history of the emotions can aid in the understanding of sick and physically impaired children as they appeared in the miracle stories of medieval England. An analysis of the medical and religious meanings attached to bodily defects in the Middle Ages discovers that hagiographers harnessed the emotions evoked by childhood illness to create a distinctly Christian concept of childhood imperfection.
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Xiong, Victor. "The International Conference on the Social Transformation of Medieval China." Early Medieval China 2000, no. 1 (June 2000): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/152991000788196419.

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36

Hoekema, David A. "The Moral Status of Nuclear Deterrent Threats." Social Philosophy and Policy 3, no. 1 (1985): 93–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000182.

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Ethical reflection on the practice of war stands in a long tradition in Western philosophy and theology, a tradition which begins with the writings of Plato and Augustine and encompasses accounts of justified warfare offered by writers from the Medieval period to the present. Ethical reflection on nuclear war is of necessity a more recent theme. The past few years have seen an enormous increase in popular as well as scholarly concern with nuclear issues, and philosophers have joined theologians in exploring the moral issues surrounding the harnessing of atomic forces in the service of war.
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Bikmetov, Evgeniy, and Arkadiy Lukyanov. "Jewish philosophy of the middle ages about the spiritual and cultural context of the human responsibility." KANT 35, no. 2 (June 2020): 112–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24923/2222-243x.2020-35.23.

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The article examines the cultural and spiritual context of the idea of responsibility. Medieval jewish philosophy continued the traditions of ancient greek and early medieval thought in Europe in the sense that a person needs to turn to an active intellect, to rise above the empirical passions. Based on the ideas of Maimonides and Ibn Gabirol, it is established that a person should be responsible not only for his actions, but also for his thoughts. The mundane, the earthly, contains something higher than "necessary being". When people act spiritually, they reduce the distance between themselves and God. If the people are constantly striving for the new, it is a sign of their fatigue. What is new is that people want an end to slavery. But man lives by the future, by faith in the Saviour-king. The peoples of Russia can't be satisfied with an abstract future. Their power of being is determined by the solution of ethical and social problems.
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Davis, Virginia. "Death and Burial in Medieval England, 1066-1550." Mortality 3, no. 2 (January 1998): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713685906.

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Thompson, Victoria. "Death and the noble body in Medieval England." Mortality 15, no. 1 (February 2010): 101–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13576270903566319.

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Mozaffari, S. Mohammad. "A Case Study of How Natural Phenomena Were Justified in Medieval Science: The Situation of Annular Eclipses in Medieval Astronomy." Science in Context 27, no. 1 (February 6, 2014): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889713000379.

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ArgumentThe present paper is an attempt to understand how medieval astronomers working within the Ptolemaic astronomical context in which the annular eclipse is an unjustified and impossible phenomenon, could know, define, justify, and later make attempts that led to success in predicting annular solar eclipses. As a context-based study, it reviews the situation of annular eclipses with regard to the medieval hypotheses applied to the calculation of the angular diameters of the sun and the moon, which was basic for contemplating the possibility of annular eclipses. This gives the premises and the preliminary insights that were necessary to clarify the complex situation of the annular eclipse in the late medieval Islamic period and to explain the historical mechanisms leading to justifying the phenomenon during that period. This was, first due to a convincing and efficient observational evidence which, of course, was available only to a number of medieval astronomers and significantly for only a limited time period, and, second, the result of an amazing interaction amongst various astronomical traditions available to them. At a more general level, the research aims to inspect or, at least, to give some impressions of the essential conditions, i.e., identification of phenomenon, empirical evidence, and the justifying underlying tradition, under which it became possible in the tradition-based science of the `medieval period to permit a not-already-defined and tradition-opposed phenomenon to be posed and justified.
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Epstein, Steven A., and Stephan R. Epstein. "An Island for Itself: Economic Development and Social Change in Late Medieval Sicily." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 24, no. 4 (1994): 722. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205653.

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Constable, Olivia Remie, and Thomas F. Glick. "From Muslim Fortress to Christian Castle: Social and Cultural Change in Medieval Spain." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 28, no. 1 (1997): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206187.

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Gutas, Dimitri. "Certainty, Doubt, Error: Comments On the Epistemological Foundations of Medieval Arabic Science1." Early Science and Medicine 7, no. 3 (2002): 276–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338202x00153.

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AbstractThe article comments on the epistemological foundations of medieval Arabic science and philosophy, as presented in five earlier communications, and attempts to draw some guidelines for the study of its social history. At the very beginning the notion of "Islam" is discounted as a meaningful explanatory category for historical investigation. A first part then looks at the applied sciences and notes three major characteristics of their epistemological approach: (a) they were functionalist and based on (b) experience and (c) observation. The second part looks at the theoretical sciences and notes that their epistemology was based on (a) geo
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Härke, Heinrich. "Grave goods in early medieval burials: messages and meanings." Mortality 19, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13576275.2013.870544.

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Levin, Elizabetha. "Various Times in Abraham Ibn Ezra’s Works and Their Reflection in Modern Thought." KronoScope 18, no. 2 (September 18, 2018): 154–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685241-12341414.

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AbstractAbraham Ibn Ezra is one of the most many-sided medieval intellectuals, widely admired for his unique combination of scientific ideas with religious feeling, philosophical thought and poetical perception. This paper focuses on selected issues from hisoeuvrethat are of interest to time researchers.In modern English, the term “time” has a fairly broad spectrum of meanings, which can refer to a long list of distinct temporalities in medieval Hebrew texts. Unfortunately, the sharp difference between various Hebrew words such as “et” or “zman” goes unrecognized by those who read Ibn Ezra in translation. As a result, Abraham Ibn Ezra’s temporological thought and his philosophical poetry present a real challenge to historians of time-studies. The goal of this paper is to supply fresh insights on Jewish medieval thought on temporalities and to measure its impact on recent theories and discoveries.
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Crompton, Constance, Daniel Powell, Alyssa Arbuckle, Ray Siemens, and Maggie Shirley. "Building A Social Edition of the Devonshire Manuscript." Renaissance and Reformation 37, no. 4 (April 30, 2015): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v37i4.22644.

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This article describes the context and development of A Social Edition of the Devonshire Manuscript, a collaboratively created Wikibook edition of the sixteenth-century verse miscellany known as the Devonshire Manuscript (BL MS Add. 17,492). This project began in 2001 when Dr. Ray Siemens led a group of researchers in an exploration of how to create a digital edition of the Devonshire Manuscript. Since then, the project has transitioned through many forms and formats, and A Social Edition of the Devonshire Manuscript is the most recent output of these academic experiments. Of note, a print version of A Social Edition of the Devonshire Manuscript is forthcoming from Iter and Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies (MRTS). Cet article retrace le contexte et le développement du projet A Social Edition of the Devonshire Manuscript, consistant en l’édition électronique (Wikibook) en collaboration d’un manuscrit du XVIe siècle de mélanges poétiques connu sous le nom de Devonshire Manuscript (BL MS Add. 17 492). Ce projet a été initié en 2001, lorsque le Dr Ray Siemens a dirigé un groupe de recherche explorant les possibilités de publier une édition numérique du Devonshire Manuscript. Depuis, le projet a pris plusieurs formes, et celui intitulé A Social Edition of the Devonshire Manuscript en est sa forme la plus récente issues des diverses expériences du groupe. Il doit être souligné que A Social Edition of the Devonshire Manuscript, sera bientôt publié en version imprimée par Iter et les Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies (MRTS).
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Davis, John. "A Medieval English Astrolabe Now in Innsbruck, Linked to the Lancastrian Court and with a Chaucer Connection." Nuncius 34, no. 1 (February 25, 2019): 27–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18253911-03401002.

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Abstract A medieval English astrolabe, in an Innsbruck museum and not previously published in detail, is described and discussed. It is probably dated to the late 14th century and is of a size and quality which shows it to have been produced for someone of high social standing. Features of its plates, the calendar of saints’ days, and astrological data are used to associate the astrolabe to the Duchy of Lancaster. Historical events of the period provide circumstantial evidence linking it to Henry of Lancaster (Henry Bolingbroke) and his court. It also provides a link between the “Chaucerian” astrolabes and concurrent “quatrefoil” or Gothic designs which together make up the majority of the corpus of English medieval astrolabes.
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Izdebski, Adam, Marcin Jaworski, Handan Üstündağ, and Arkadiusz Sołtysiak. "Bread and Class in Medieval Society: Foodways in Anatolia." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 3 (November 2017): 335–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01161.

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Bread was a basic food staple as well as a marker of status in medieval societies. A study of Byzantine and Islamic textual sources combined with an archaeological scientific study of teeth remains from four excavated sites in modern Turkey demonstrates that literary stereotypes about access to high-quality bread may have held in densely populated urban settlements but not in society on a wider scale. Peasants, the lowest social group, also had access to high-quality bread. In regions inhabited by diverse groups, differences in food consumption did not depend on religion or culture.
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Menache, Sophia. "The Jews in Medieval Normandy: A Social and Intellectual History.Norman Golb." Speculum 75, no. 2 (April 2000): 468–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2887605.

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Coppack, Glyn. "The Architecture of Medieval Britain: A Social History.Colin Platt , Anthony Kersting." Speculum 68, no. 2 (April 1993): 553–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2864610.

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