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1

Tietz, Werner. "Praetor maximus – eine vage Formulierung aus den Anfangsjahren der römischen Republik." Historia 69, no. 2 (2020): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2020-0009.

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2

KULIKOWSKI, M. "MARIUS MAXIMUS IN AMMIANUS AND THE HISTORIA AUGUSTA." Classical Quarterly 57, no. 1 (May 2007): 244–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838807000213.

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3

Ortving Lindholmer, Mads. "Questioning the Historicity of the Second Usurpation of Maximus of Spain." Historia 72, no. 1 (2023): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2023-0005.

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4

Stover, Justin A. "Histoire Auguste. Tome IV. 1re partie. Vies des deux Maximins, des trois Gordiens, de Maxime et Balbin. Texte établi, traduit et commenté par François Paschoud." Gnomon 94, no. 5 (2022): 409–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417-2022-5-409.

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5

Siegert, Folker. "«Expliquer l’Écriture par elle-même» : origine et vicissitudes d’une maxime «protestante»." Études théologiques et religieuses 71, no. 2 (1996): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ether.1996.3408.

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La maxime en question a été proposée et mise en pratique par la philologie critique alexandrine. Longtemps, le judaïsme et le christianisme ont été réticents à l’égard de cet art. Après une annonce faite par Luther, suivie d’un retour vers des principes non critiques, le savoir-faire des alexandrins est reçu depuis le XVIIIe siècle. Folker Siegert écrit ici un chapitre de la longue et douloureuse histoire des rapports entre foi et raison.
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6

Nedu, Decebal. "The Negotiations between Rome and Apollonia in 266/264 B.C." Analele Universităţii "Dunărea de Jos" din Galaţi Fascicula XIX Istorie 9 (December 5, 2010): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35219/history.2010.08.

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According to Livy, Valerius Maximus and Zonaras, between the years 266-264 B.C., an embassy sent by Apollonia visited Rome. Most probably, the contact between Rome and Apollonia led to the conclusion of an economic agreement. Moreover, it seems likely that the treaty might have included clauses pertaining to the protection of the Greek and Italic traders against the pirates from the Adriatic Sea.
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7

Devos, Pierre. "Compte rendu de Maxime Hervé : «Systématique animale d’Aristote aux phylogénies moléculaires: histoire, concepts et méthodes de la classification»." Revue des questions scientifiques 193, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2022): 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/qs.v193i1-2.71023.

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Hervé (Maxime), Systématique animale d’Aristote aux phylogénies moléculaires : histoire, concepts et méthodes de la classification. – Louvain-la-Neuve : De Boeck supérieur, 2020. – 140 p. – 1 vol. broché de 17 × 24 cm. – 20,00 €. – isbn 978-2-8073-2995-9.
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8

Culpin, D. J. "Review: Maximes." French Studies 57, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 79–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/57.1.79.

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9

Hoët-Van Cauwenberghe, Christine. "Marius Maximus, gouverneur de la Gaule Belgique, haut fonctionnaire et historien." Revue du Nord 430, no. 2 (2019): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rdn.430.0243.

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10

Reyns-Chikuma, Chris. "Mythologies du superhéros: Histoire, physiologie, géographie, intermédialités by François-Emmanuël Boucher, Sylvain David, Maxime Prévost." Canadian Review of Comparative Literature / Revue Canadienne de Littérature Comparée 46, no. 1 (2019): 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/crc.2019.0015.

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11

DE DONATO RODRÍGUEZ, Xavier, and Marek POLANSKI. "Superveniencia, propiedades maximales y teoría de modelos (Supervenience, Maximal Properties, and Model Theory)." THEORIA 21, no. 3 (September 6, 2006): 257–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/theoria.520.

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We discuss and analyze two reductive arguments due to Jaegwon Kim and Theodore Sider respectively. According to the first one, strong supervenience would imply necessary coextension of properties (i.e., reduction). According to the second, this would be also the case of global supervenience. Kim and Sider make essential use of their respective notions of maximal properties, which we analyze here in the light of a natural and interesting interpretation of the underlying theory of properties. Under this interpretation, in terms of model theory (see § 4), we obtain different possibilities of formal relations between the superveniencie theses and reduction, depending on the logic we use. Under at least one interesting interpretation, the arguments of Kim and Sider are not correct and we become the conclusion that these arguments are not valid in general.
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12

Levrie, Katrien. "Pour une histoire de la tradition imprimée du De duabus Christi naturis de Maxime le Confesseur." Sacris Erudiri 51 (January 2012): 391–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.se.1.103181.

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13

Shrestha, Ramesh. "The Pre–Historic Proboscideans of Nepal." Journal of Natural History Museum 28 (December 19, 2015): 137–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jnhm.v28i0.14189.

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Although Nepal is one of the native habitats of the present day species of the Asian elephant, Elephas maximus; it is also an important seat of early Proboscidean evolutionary grounds. Up to now four families and within them seven species of Proboscideans are recorded from Nepal in the forms of different fossils. Out of the total known Proboscideans throughout the world and Indian sub–continent, Nepal had approximately 3.86% and 14% respectively. This fact undoubtedly indicates that Nepal has remained an important place with perfect ecological conditions for the advance of elephants since pre–historic times.J. Nat. Hist. Mus. Vol. 28, 2014: 137-141
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14

Stover, Justin. "New Light on the Historia Augusta." Journal of Roman Studies 110 (October 15, 2020): 167–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435820001239.

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AbstractThis paper presents a new manuscript of part of the Historia Augusta from Erlangen, which vindicates a more than century-old hypothesis by E. Patzig: that the 1489 Venice edition of the work is textually valuable. On this basis, and building on the recent work of R. Modonutti, I present five new passages that are not printed in modern editions of the HA, six lacunose passages restored, and propose that the lost Murbach manuscript is the source. Armed with this new evidence, I re-examine the question of the great lacuna between the Lives of Maximus and Balbinus and the Lives of the Two Valerians, showing that it is a codicological — and not authorial — feature.
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15

Fredrickson, Nathan. "Mythologies du superhéros. Histoire, physiologie, géographie, intermédialités, edited by François-Emmanuël Boucher, Sylvain David and Maxime Prévost,." Journal of Graphic Novels and Comics 8, no. 1 (May 9, 2016): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21504857.2016.1183218.

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16

Dupuis, Xavier. "L’empereur Numérien Germanicus maximus Gothicus maximus sur un milliaire du Sud tunisien." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 25, no. 1 (2014): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2014.1828.

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En dépit de son intérêt, une borne milliaire découverte en 1904 dans le Sud Tunisien et retrouvée en 2002, n’a guère attiré l’attention. D’abord dédiée à Carus Auguste et Carin César en 282, elle fut ensuite actualisée de façon maladroite par l’ajout du nom de Numérien Auguste à la fin de 283 ou au début de 284. L’intérêt du texte réside dans la mention des épithètes Germanicus maximus et Gothicus maximus attribuées à Numérien, car la seconde, en apparence nouvelle, semble aussi apparaître pour son frère Carin sur deux inscriptions de Lambèse. Confronté aux documents littéraires et numismatiques, le texte tunisien montre l’importance des opérations militaires en Europe centrale à cette époque. Par ailleurs, l’absence de l’épithète Persicus maximus, pourtant attribuée aux deux frères par des inscriptions plus tardives, suggère que Numérien remporta peu de temps après une victoire persique, comme le dit d’ailleurs expressément le poète Némésien, contemporain des événements. Dans ce contexte militaire très favorable pour Rome, on comprend mieux que, d’une façon inhabituelle pour l’époque, une borne milliaire ait exalté les victoires impériales.
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17

Marshall, Peter K. "VALERIUS MAXIMUS." Classical Review 50, no. 2 (October 2000): 457–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.2.457.

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18

Gricourt, Daniel, and Dominique Hollard. "Taranis, caelestiorum deorum maximus." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 17, no. 1 (1991): 343–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dha.1991.1919.

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19

Ledent, Gérald. "Brussels Housing." lieuxdits, no. 23 (April 3, 2023): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/ld.vi23.76843.

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Résumé. Cet article présente l’ouvrage Brussels Housing, paru en février dernier aux éditions Birkhäuser et signé par un professeur et un chercheur de LOCI+LAB. Il retrace l’évolution de l’architecture du logement à Bruxelles. Cette histoire est narrée en trois volets : depuis les origines de la ville jusqu’à la formation de son type le plus courant, ensuite d'autres formes de logement présentes sur le territoire par comparaison avec ce type dominant et, enfin, les tendances actuelles en termes de logement. Trois récits parallèles rendent compte de cette histoire architecturale et lui donnent une épaisseur complémentaire. Le premier articule des textes et des images d’archives. Le second développe des diptyques photographiques réalisés par Maxime Delvaux. Le troisième est un atlas de dessins de 108 cas significatifs du territoire bruxellois. Abstract. This article presents the book Brussels Housing, which has just been published by Birkhäuser and is signed by a professor and a researcher of LOCI+LAB. It traces the evolution of housing architecture in Brussels. This history is conveyed in three stages: from the origins of the city to the establishment of its most common type, other forms of housing present in Brussels in comparison with this dominant type, and current trends in housing. Three parallel narratives capture this architectural history by giving it complementary approaches. The first articulates texts and archives. The second develops photographic diptychs shot by Maxime Delvaux. The third is an atlas of drawings of 108 significant cases of the Brussels territory. Keywords. Brussels · housing· atlas· typology · urban architecture
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20

Poulain, Jean-Pierre. "Un précurseur… des food studies : Maxime Rodinson." Anthropology of the Middle East 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2020.150202.

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Abstract: This article explores the contribution of Maxime Rodinson to the thematisation of food in the Social and Human Sciences (SHS), i.e. its recognition as a legitimate object. Rodinson’s contribution consists in having created the conditions for the socialisation of food. The focused interest in cookery books, as a source of empirical data, has made it possible to situate food in culinary styles, that is to say not only in physical space, but also in social space. Entry through practices has provided access to what he calls “mass effects” that affect society at large. Thus, it has been possible to sociologise the issue by adding to the local, geographical, and cultural locations of food and dishes the consideration of social hierarchies and forms of diffusion, mixing linguistics, history, sociology, anthropology, and geography. Beyond Rodinson’s personal trajectory, which from a personal poly-competence promotes a transdisciplinary approach, the thematisation takes place in a historical and epistemological context marked by the opposition between a spiritual Islamology and evolutionary Marxism. This characterises the period preceding the Iranian revolution and the fall of the Berlin Wall.Résumé : Cet article étudie la contribution de Maxime Rodinson à la thématisation de l’alimentation dans les Sciences humaines et sociales (SHS), c’est-à-dire à sa reconnaissance comme objet légitime. Son apport consiste à avoir créé les conditions de la sociologisation des aliments. La mise en évidence de l’intérêt des livres de cuisine comme source de données empiriques a permis de situer les aliments dans des styles culinaires, c’est-à-dire non seulement dans l’espace physique, mais également dans l’espace social. L’entrée par les pratiques a donné accès à ce qu’il appelle des « effets de masse » qui touchent la société de façon large. Ainsi a-t-on pu sociologiser la question en ajoutant à la localisation géographique et culturelle des aliments et des mets la prise en compte des hiérarchies sociales et des formes de diffusions, en mêlant linguistique, histoire, sociologie, anthropologie, géographie… Au-delà de la trajectoire personnelle de Rodinson qui, depuis une poly-compétence personnelle, promeut une approche transdisciplinaire, cette thématisation s’opère dans un contexte historique et épistémologique marqué par l’opposition entre une islamologie spirituelle et le marxisme évolutionniste qui caractérise la période qui précède la révolution iranienne et la chute du mur de Berlin.
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21

Klein, Richard. "Thomas Grünewald, Constantinus Maximus Augustus." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 109, no. 1 (August 1, 1992): 633–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra.1992.109.1.633.

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22

Navaud, Guillaume. "Les Maximes de Démocrate et Callimaque." Revue des Études Grecques 119, no. 1 (2006): 114–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reg.2006.4648.

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23

ORÉAL, Elsa. "«Bienvenue!» (Ptahhotep, maxime 22)." Revue d'Égyptologie 59 (December 31, 2008): 335–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/re.59.0.2036293.

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24

Halpérin, Jean-Louis. "Lex posterior derogat priori, lex specialis derogat generali Jalons pour une histoire des conflits de normes centrée sur ces deux solutions concurrentes." TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR RECHTSGESCHIEDENIS 80, no. 3-4 (2012): 353–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718190-000a1212.

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Lex posterior derogat priori, lex specialis derogat generali, Guidelines for a history of conflicting norms with a focus on these two competing solutions. – The two Latin maxims, Lex posterior derogat priori and Lex specialis derogat generali, sometimes presented as evidentially logical, have a complex history and a delicate relationship (whereas the latter can contradict the former). They take their origins in the Digest, but in rather paradoxical forms: Lex posterior is coming from a text written in Greek by Modestinus, lex generalis is induced from a general regula exposed by Papinianus. How have these two ways of resolving the problem of conflicting norms emerged in Roman law? How have they been quoted and explained in canon and in civil law during the Middle Ages? How have they been used by sovereigns and in which scope do they serve the foundations of modern States? This paper tries to answer these questions by analyzing texts where the two maxims are mentioned and proposes to treat this subject as a significant chapter of the history of the sources of law.
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Frigo, Alberto. "Olivier Du Roy, La règle d’or : histoire d’une maxime morale universelle. Vol. 1 : De Confucius à la fin du x." Revue de l'histoire des religions, no. 231 (October 1, 2014): 489–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rhr.8265.

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Janssens, Bart, and A. Louth. "Maximus the Confessor." Vigiliae Christianae 54, no. 1 (2000): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1584710.

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Margetin, Matus, and Dominik Biro. "Multiaxial cycle counting method for non-proportional multiaxial variable loading signals based on modified maximal shear stress." MATEC Web of Conferences 300 (2019): 17003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/201930017003.

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One of the most challenging task in field of multiaxial fatigue is fatigue lifetime estimation of components loaded with multiaxial non-proportional variable amplitude loading. While this task consists of multiple smaller problems, one of the most crucial ones is loading cycles identification (and extraction) for future use with multiaxial damage criterions. By now, several cycle counting methods have been proposed for multiaxial loading conditions. The most wildly accepted methods are Bannantine-Socie’s method and Wang-Brown’s method (which has been later modified by Meggiolaro and Castro). The aim of this paper is the comparison of newly developed method with Bannantine-Socie’s method and Wang-Brown’s method. The new cycle counting method is based on cycle identification in relative maximum shear stress histories (calculated from multiaxial loading histories). The extracted data than composes part of each loading channel of multiaxial loading histories corresponding to identified loading cycle. The comparison of chosen methods has been done by using data sets created by authors as well as using real measured data from real operation.
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28

Briscoe, John. "The Budé Valerius Maximus." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (April 1999): 76–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.76.

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29

Trapp, M. "Review. Maximus of Tyre. Maximus Tyrius Philosophumena- a . G L Koniaris (ed)." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 233–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.233.

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30

Bellissime, Marion. "La réception de Cassius Dion chez Corneille : le débat Agrippa-Mécène (Histoire romaine, livre 52) et le débat Cinna-Maxime (Cinna, ii, 1)." Tangence, no. 116 (August 31, 2018): 77–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1051080ar.

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Cet article présente les liens entre le texte de Cassius Dion (Histoire romaine, début du iiie siècle) et celui de Corneille (Cinna, 1642). Après avoir montré que le texte historique du livre 52 et le débat entre Agrippa et Mécène à propos de l’avenir politique d’Octave servent de sous-texte au texte dramatique et au dialogue entre Cinna et Maxime, nous mettons en avant le fait que Corneille se réapproprie le texte dans une perspective différente, au point d’avoir peut-être influencé les lectures ultérieures de Dion. Cette réappropriation n’a été rendue possible que par la double nature rhétorique et historique, à la frontière de deux genres, de l’historiographie antique, particulièrement visible dans les prosopopées.
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31

Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013024.

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In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.
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Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300044508.

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In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.
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Dominé, Jean-François. "L'art de gouverner selon Saint-Just (30 maximes à l'usage des politiques)." Annales historiques de la Révolution française 306, no. 1 (1996): 699–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahrf.1996.3439.

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34

PARISH, R. J. "Review. La Rochefoucauld: 'Maximes'. Culpin, D. J." French Studies 51, no. 4 (October 1, 1997): 468. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/51.4.468.

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35

Lewandowski, Ignacy. "Gajusz Waleriusz Maksymus czyli historia moralizująca,jej losy w dawnych epokach oraz polski przekład IV 1-15." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 9 (January 1, 2014): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2014.9.12.

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Based on Facta et dicta memorabilia by Valerius Maximus, the author discusses a type of moralising history in the ancient times and selected examples of its fates in Antiquity, the Middle Ages, Renaissance and Baroque periods in Europe,Poland in particular. The quoted translations of excerpts from Book IV indicate the need to effect a Polish translation of the text.
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Zhurova, L. I. "The Anti-Astrological Discourse of Maximus the Greek and Formation of Author’s Code in His Writings." Critique and Semiotics 38, no. 1 (2020): 236–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2307-1737-2020-1-236-248.

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The writings of Maximus the Greek (Maxim Grek) devoted to refutation of mantic astrology which proceeded in Moscow Rus in the second quarter of the 16 th century are analyzed. A conclusion is made that the opposition of two dominant pursuits predetermined the semantics of the antiastrological discourse: those were disproval of the ‘Hellenic’ teaching of star- gazers and affirmation of the force of Divine Providence, which granted the freedom of will to the Man (“the absolute rule of the Man”). Maximus the Greek based his polemic on the systemic relationship between the historic experience and the spiritual meaning. The morphology of the anti-astrological discourse embraces such stable elements of narration as the history of star-gazing, the image of fortune (”the wheel of luck”), the fates of Biblical and historical heroes, and a quotation from the song of Prophet Anna (the First Book of the Kings, 2: 7–8). The function of these units of meaning in the writings of different periods by Maximus the Greek, the forms of their presentation, the contextuality, the meaning of verbal communication, and the accents chosen became the part of the theoretical system of the polemic discourse and allowed identification of the stages of formation of the author’s code in the writings of Maximus the Greek. Maximus the Greek names the Romans and the Germans (Nikolay Bulev) to be the main culprits who initiated the spread of mantic astrology in Russia. Whereas in his earlier epistles, the learned monk from Mount Athos presents the history of formation of the pernicious teaching based on series of ethnonyms, in his later writings he pointed to Egypt and Assyria as the countries of the origin of star-gazing. Orthodox Rus is opposed to them. Movement from ethnography to geography made the scene of the anti-astrological expression more definitive. The representative series of mini-stories about the fates of the famous Biblical and historic heroes, whose feats were predetermined by the Divine Providence, served as a strong argument in the critique of star-gazing, and each name became symbolical in the sign system of the agonistic discourse of Maximus the Greek. The quotation from the song of Prophet Anna (the First Book of the Kings, 2: 7–8) should be recognized as the leading through motif of the antiastrological text. Its functioning in the writings of the learned monk allows us to describe the praxis of the discourse. The process of modification of its semantics reflected development of the author’s intention in the history of formation of the theme variety of Maximus the Greek and of the author’s manuscript code (Iosaf’s Collection of Writings) in general.
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Hymus, Colby M., Scott E. Egan, and Jasmine W. Tay. "Development of a Simple Cell Harvesting Method to Maximise DNA Recovery from Historic Microscope Slides for Sexual Assault Investigations." Forensic Sciences 2, no. 4 (December 17, 2022): 795–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/forensicsci2040057.

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Microscopy slides are routinely created as part of sexual assault workflows for screening purposes and retained indefinitely with instances, such as cold cases, where they are the only remaining source of evidence. To date, no method has been developed to harvest the cells from these slides for differential extraction using the i-sep® DL column or Intimate extraction using the PrepFiler™ Express chemistry supplemented with 60 mM DTT. This study used mock sexual assault slides from 2010 to develop a potential cell harvesting method, then tested both the extraction methods on historic casework slides collected in the 1980s and 1990s. Key findings included the necessity to re-screen slides microscopically to assess current cellular loading and the utility of using phase contrast to enhance visualisation of spermatozoa on historic slides. Both extraction methods successfully recovered DNA and generated partial profiles from the 1990s slides, but 1980s slides were too degraded to provide informative profiles. Differential extraction provided additional contextual information by separating contributors into sperm and non-sperm fractions, resulting in cleaner sperm profiles for interpretation. The study successfully established methods for historic microscope slides to be used as viable sources of evidence, potentially aiding in the progression and resolution of sexual assault investigations.
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FAZEKAS, SZILÁRD ZSOLT, and ROBERT MERCAŞ. "A NOTE ON THE DECIDABILITY OF SUBWORD INEQUALITIES." International Journal of Foundations of Computer Science 24, no. 04 (June 2013): 445–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0129054113500135.

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Extending the general undecidability result concerning the absoluteness of inequalities between subword histories, in this paper we show that the question whether such inequalities hold for all words is undecidable even over a binary alphabet and bounded number of blocks, i.e., unary factors of maximal length.
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39

Spackman, Barbara. "Machiavelli and Maxims." Yale French Studies, no. 77 (1990): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2930151.

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Grieve-Carlson, Gary. "John Winthrop in The Maximus Poems." New England Quarterly 84, no. 4 (December 2011): 655–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00133.

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In The Maximus Poems, Charles Olson reinscribes colonial American history through the lens of his influential postmodern poetics. Playing on the tension between politics, economics, and myth, between primary sources and Whiteheadian “eternal events,” Olson brings John Winthrop, first governor of Massachusetts Bay, into the “live air” of the postmodern.
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Bertram, Jerome, and John A. Goodall. "The Remedius and Maximus Reliquary." Antiquaries Journal 82 (September 2002): 349–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500073881.

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The Carmelite monastery of Hoogstraat, like many English communities on the Continent, acquired a considerable number of treasures over the centuries, many of which were somehow smuggled into England when the nuns fled the Revolution, remaining at Chichester until the community was finally dissolved in 1994. Although much was sold, the major Carmelite relics went to Rome and the remaining relics were given to the Oxford Oratory. Among those now in Oxford is an important medieval silver-gilt reliquary, which has been deposited at the Ashmolean Museum.
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Christol, Michel. "Le proconsulat d’Afrique de L. Marius Maximus Perpetuus Aurelianus." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 25, no. 1 (2014): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2014.1818.

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The career of L. Marius Maximus Perpetuus Aurelianus includes a noticeable and wellknown feature. Marius Maximus assumed consecutively the great proconsulships of Asia and Africa. Scholars have discussed a lot their position in Maximus’ career and in the provincial fasti. In fact, Maximus held the proconsulship of Asia first, for two years (from mid-213 to mid-215), and then the proconsulship of Africa (from mid-216 to mid-217). He was a prominent senator under Caracalla and Macrinus gave him the praefectura Vrbis. So, as shown by his second consulship, in 223, his political influence was considerable at the beginning of Severus Alexander’s reign.
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43

Wolff, Etienne. "Maximes et sentences dans l’œuvre de l’humaniste Vivès." Seizième Siècle 1, no. 1 (2005): 135–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/xvi.2005.850.

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44

Culpin, D. F. "Review: Etudes sur les 'Maximes' de La Rochefoucauld." French Studies 57, no. 2 (April 1, 2003): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/57.2.223.

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45

Wijnendaele, Jeroen W. P. "Ammianus, Magnus Maximus and the Gothic Uprising." Britannia 51 (April 27, 2020): 330–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x20000045.

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ABSTRACTIt has been asserted that the usurper Magnus Maximus can be identified with the commander Maximus who served during the Gothic uprising of 376–77. This assertion is tempting because it connects imperial events in Africa, the Balkans and Britain during a pivotal period. However, this note aims to dispel this identification. It does so by both examining the socio-institutional ramifications of promotion in the imperial chain of command and cross-examining literary traditions previously overlooked in this identification.
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Fowler, D. P. "Notes on Pighius and Valerius Maximus." Classical Quarterly 38, no. 1 (January 1988): 262–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800031542.

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(1) Horace, Janus, and Pighius' ActaIn PBSR 54 (1986), 213–28 Andrew Lintott dusts down the fragments of the Acta Urbana published by S. V. Pighius in 1615 and universally supposed today to be a forgery. Lintott himself, after a most learned discussion, concurs, but one senses a wistful longing for the fragments to be genuine. The purpose of this note is to offer another reason why sadly this is unlikely.
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Ryčlová, Ivana. "Between the Hammer and the Anvil: Maxim Gorky." Soudobé dějiny 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2009): 9–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.51134/sod.2009.001.

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48

Quattrocelli, Luana. "Maxime Planude, éditeur d’Aelius Aristide." Revue des Études Grecques 122, no. 1 (2009): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reg.2009.7946.

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Akopyan, Ovanes. "Reading (?) Vives in Sixteenth-Century Russia." Erudition and the Republic of Letters 6, no. 3 (July 19, 2021): 225–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24055069-06030001.

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Abstract This article provides an annotated edition, along with an English translation, of a relatively neglected sixteenth-century Russian text claimed to be a response to Juan Luis Vives’s renowned commentary on Augustine’s De civitate Dei. The Words against Juan Luis Vives was composed by Maximus the Greek, who was a central figure in Russian culture during the first half of the sixteenth century. As this article demonstrates, Maximus’ text serves as a revealing summary of what constituted the negative attitude towards Renaissance thought at the Muscovite court. This article also investigates the grounds on which Maximus based his critical remarks; there is a strong argument to assume that Maximus had never, in fact, read Vives’s commentary on Augustine.
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Yailenko, Valeri P. "Les maximes delphiques d'Aï Khanoum et la formation de la doctrine du dhamma d'Asoka." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 16, no. 1 (1990): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dha.1990.1467.

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