Journal articles on the topic 'Massa Martana'

In the framework of archaeological surveys conducted in 2002-3 for the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici dell'Umbria around the Via Flaminia, the Società Cooperativa Kronos discovered the site known as the “Villa of Rufio” (the name comes from an inscription dedicated to Caius Iulius Rufio). After 4 excavation campaigns (2003-6) the monumental character of a large villa was established, and in 2007 a team from the University of Alicante led by the first-named author began fieldwork, focusing on the analysis of agricultural and commercial production patterns through an examination of the type of manpower in use during the Augustan era. The site lies in the village of Giano dell'Umbria (Perugia), in the foothills of Gualdo Cataneo-Montefalco of southern Umbria (fig. 1). To the north is the Roman town of Mevania (Bevagna), to the south the Martani mountains, at the foot of which lies Mansio Ad Martis (Massa Martana).

Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mencari tahu peran relawan KKI dalam mengangkat martabat ODGJ di Kabupaten Ende dan tantangannya. Riset ini menggunakan menggunakan metode kualitatif. Hasil riset menunjukkan ternyata KKI telah melakukan perannya dalam mengangkat martabat ODGJ dengan cara membantu dan melayani ODGJ. Terkait dengan itu KKI melakukan pendataan dan mengunjungi OGDJ, memberi obat, memberi makan, memandikannya, memberi pakian layak pakai, membebaskan ODGJ dari pasung, melakukan advokasi kesehatan jiwa, pemberdayaan ODGJ untuk membangkitan fungsi produksi dan penggalian dana. Selain itu, KKI juga melawan stigma masyarakat dengan cara mengedukasi keluarga dan masyarakat melalui seminar-seminar dan melalui media massa serta media sosial. Dalam melasanakan peran-perannya tersebut, KKI mengalami tantangan-tantangan baik datang dari ODGJ berat, maupun sikap keluarga ODGJ dan stigma masyarakat terhadap OGDJ.

Adanya pandemi covid-19 dan banyaknya tools yang mendukung kemudahan dalam membangun aplikasi digital menyebabkan maraknya aplikasi layanan kesehatan digital secara online. Aplikasi sistem informasi monitoring kesehatan merupakan salah satu bagian layanan kesehatan yang sangat penting dan informasinya harus diketahui secara cepat dan tepat agar tindakan preventif dan pengobatan dapat dilakukan sedini mungkin. Kegiatan pengabdian kepada masyarakat yang dilakukan mencoba untuk mengikutsertakan masyarakat (Kader Posyandu, Bidan Desa, Poskesdes dan PJ Lansia) untuk merancang antarmuka (tampilan) Aplikasi Sistem Informasi Monitoring Kesehatan Lansia berbasis Android di Desa Bimo Martani. Tujuan utama dari kegiatan ini adalah mengedukasi masyarakat untuk memanfaatkan aplikasi kesehatan bergerak dengan cara mengajak mereka untuk merancang tampilan yang akan digunakan. Kegiatan dilakukan melalui lima tahapan, yaitu: 1) Melakukan koordinasi dengan pengurus PKK dan Bidan Desa Bimo Martani untuk menggali situasi; 2) Melakukan survei untuk memotret kondisi awal pemakaian aplikasi; 3) Pengembangan prototipe awal; 4) Penjaringan masukan terkait evaluasi antarmuka aplikasi melalui FGD; dan 5) Penyempurnaan aplikasi. Hasil FGD memberikan masukan kepada tim bahwa aplikasi yang dibutuhkan memiliki antarmuka yang sederhana namun mencakup informasi penting tentang lansia, Indeks Massa Tubuh diberikan secara numerik sebagai keluaran dari formula penghitungan IMT, dan pemantauan terhadap kesehatan jiwa yang diukur dengan menggunakan Geriatric Depression Scale ditampilkan lengkah demi langkah. Secara umum 100% peserta akan menggunakan aplikasi ini dan diharapkan mampu melengkapi sistem yang sudah ada di Puskesmas.

O objetivo deste trabalho foi avaliar a atividade funcional de macrófagos de ratos diabéticos, através da liberação do ânion superóxido, na presença do composto "mais vida". Os animais foram divididos em dois grupos, controle (N=20) e diabético (N=20). Avaliou-se a glicemia, massa corpórea e a liberação de superóxido pelos macrófagos de baço de ratos. O composto "mais vida" foi obtido através da mistura de extratos de sete plantas, sendo Orbignia martiana Rodr., Tabebuia avellanedae L.G., Arctium lappa L., Rosa centifolia L., Maytenus ilicifolia Mart., Vernonia condensata Baker e Thuja occidentalis L. Observou-se que glicemia foi maior no grupo diabético. A liberação espontânea do ânion superóxido pelos macrófagos foi menor no grupo diabético. O composto "mais vida", independente dos níveis glicêmicos, aumentou a liberação de superóxido dos macrófagos. Quando as células foram estimuladas pelos extratos vegetais isolados, também houve aumento na liberação do ânion superóxido pelos macrófagos em ambos os grupos. As maiores liberações de superóxido ocorreram quando os macrófagos foram estimulados pela Thuja occidentalis L., Rosa centifolia L., Tabebuia avellanedae L.G. e Maytenus ilicifolia Mart. Estes dados sugerem que a ativação de macrófagos pelo composto "mais vida" pode representar um mecanismo alternativo de defesa para infecções em indivíduos diabéticos.

Upaya perlindungan dan pemenuhan hak anak dalam situasi pemberlakuan new normal di indonesia, maka dapat di lihat pada UU No. 35 Tahun 2014 yang sebelumnya adalah UU No. 23 tahun 2002. Perlindungan anak tersebut adalah segala kegiatan untuk menjamin dan melindungi anak dan hak-haknya agar dapat hidup, tumbuh, berkembang, dan berpartisipasi secara optimal sesuai dengan harkat dan martabat kemanusiaan, serta mendapat perlindungan dari kekerasan dan diskriminasi. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis yuridis perpektif perlindungan dan pemenuhan hak anak di peradilan pidana dari perspektif nasional dan internasinal serta upaya perlindungan dan pemenuhan hak anak dalam situasi pemberlakuan new normal. Pendekatan yang digunakan adalah pendekatan yuridis normatif dilengkapi dengan pendekatan analisis, koseptual dan komparatif dengan mengutamakan data sekuder dengan analisis kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan upaya pemerintah dalam dilindungi anak secara optimal di era new normal ini, yaitu: a) menyederhanakan kurikulum; b) memberikan subsidi kuota internet, infrastruktur, dan fasilitas untuk belajar berbasis daring; c) mengoptimalisasi layanan pendidikan bagi anak di desa; d) adanya kerjasama dalam melindungi hak anak dalam pemberitaan media massa atau sosialisasi oleh Polri, komisi perlindungan anak indonesia, serta masyarakat; and e) pemerintah harus profesional, obyektif, proporsional, transparan dan akuntabel.

Artikel ini merefeksikan kembali peristiwa ketika Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok) maju kembali dalam kontestasi pada Pilkada DKI Jakarta beberapa tahun yang lalu. Persoalan Pilkada DKI Jakarta ini menjadi semakin sukar bermula ketika Pidato Ahok di Kepulauan Seribu pada 27 September 2016 diedit dan diunggah oleh Buni Yani ke media sosial. Pidato Ahok kemudian mengundang reaksi dari kalangan masyarakat Islam di Indonesia menuntut akan keadilan hukum di Indonesia. Ahok dianggap sebagai penista agama meskipun di kalangan Islam ada yang berpendapat berbeda bahwa ucapan Ahok tidak ada unsur menistakan agama Islam. Isu penistaan agama ini kemudian dipolitisasi oleh pihak lawan Ahok-Djarot baik melalui media sosial, ceramah yang dilakukan di masjid-masjid maupun dengan melakukan mobilisasi massa yang dengan tujuan yang sama yaitu membangun narasi politik untuk tidak memilih Ahok yang adalah orang ‘kafir’ (Kristen) dan juga keturunan etnis Tionghoa yang dianggap non-pribumi. Keberadaan Ahok ini merepresentasikan dari identitas pluralisme di Indonesia. Maka serangan politik identitas ini bertujuan untuk mengalahkan lawan politiknya tetapi secara langsung merupakan gerakan anti pluralisme. Melalui artikel ini penulis hendak menganalisis, memberikan tanggapan teologis dengan mengunakan pendekatan literatur kepustakaan maupun hasil wawancara. Temuan dari penelitian ini ialah, agar di masa mendatang jalannya pesta demokrasi dapat lebih beradab dan menempatkan agama pada porsi yang tepat yaitu membina karakter dan membangun spritualitas anak bangsa bukan malah sebaliknya masuk ke dalam ruang politik praktis yang nantinya dapat merusak martabat dari agama itu sendiri sekaligus menumpulkan kepekaan hati nurani anak bangsa dalam memilih calon pemimpin politik yang ingin mengabadikan dirinya bagi kepentingan orang banyak.

Eating out behavior is one of picturesque studies which reviewing about people behavior and life style. This article developed from author thesis which described about culinary culture in Javanese Cities during late colonial era. This development is done by inserting Alan Warde and Lydia Martens concept that’s research about eating out culture in England. They resumed that eating out behavior related with pleasure and amusement. According with that concept this research will describe about how eating out behavior provide an influence to life style behavior on Javanese urbans people, especially for elite and middle class society. This study used Historical studies method that focus on research of mass media, advertisement publicity, and traveloque from that’s period. This study inference that eating out culture and behavior not just related with need complianced but furthemore to show a behavior and life style which measure to a social and cultural symbol for the subject. Perilaku makan di luar rumah merupakan salah satu kajian yang menarik terutama dalam mengkaji mengenai perilaku dan gaya hidup dalam masyarakat. Kajian merupakan pengembangan dari tesis penulis yang sebelumnya membahas mengenai budaya makan d perkotaan Jawa pada periode kolonial. Pengembangan ini dilakukan dengan memasukan konsep Alan Warde dan Lydia Marteens yang mengkaji mengenai budaya makan luar rumah di Inggris. Mereka menyimpulkan bahwa perilaku makan di luar rumah berkaitan dengan perilaku kesenangan dan hiburan. Maka berdasarkan konsep tersebut pada tulisan ini dibahas hal mengenai bagaiamana pengaruh perkembangan budaya makan di luar rumah dalam keterkaitan dengan perilaku gaya hidup masyarakat perkotaan Jawa, terutama bagi kalangan elit dan menengah. Kajian ini menggunakan metodologi ilmu sejarah dengan menggunakan sumber-sumber dari media massa, iklan, dan jurnal perjalanan yang berasal dari periode tersebut. Hasil dari kajian ini bahwa perilaku dan budaya makan di luar rumah tidak saja terkait dengan pemenuhan kebutuhan, namun juga menampilkan perilaku dan gaya hidup yang memberi simbol dari status sosial dan budaya dari pelakunya.

Abstract Peritoneal carcinomatosis (PC) from ovarian cancer (OC) has poor prognosis and is in need for innovative therapies. Such clinical condition displays a composite structure with floating cell aggregates within ascites and solid-like masses invading the peritoneum. A deep understanding of the dynamics is thus crucial to propose more effective treatments. Chimeric antigen receptor (CAR)-based immunotherapies are emerging as promising approaches, and ex vivo expanded cytokine-induced killer lymphocytes (CIK), intrinsically endowed with HLA-independent antitumor activity, are a valid platform to be exploited against solid tumors. Appropriate preclinical models, recapitulating the clinical complexity, are needed in the perspective of clinical translation. Here we explored the activity of mesothelin (MSLN) CAR-redirected CIK (CAR.CIK) against advanced OC, by developing 3D models resembling PC structural complexity. CAR.CIK were generated from patients’ PBMC (n=11), engineered with 2nd generation MSLN-CAR with 4-1BB costimulation. As tumor targets we employed and characterized a panel of ascites-derived OC cell lines (aOC). Anti-aOC CAR.CIK killing ability was evaluated mostly by flow cytometry. CAR.CIK were successfully generated with a mean CAR expression of 42%. MSLN was highly expressed (>75%) in 5/6 aOC. CAR.CIK effectively killed tumor targets in standard 2D assays, even at very low effector/target ratios (E/T), with significant improvement compared to unmodified CIK (NTD.CIK): 78% vs 36%, 46% vs 15% respectively at 5:1 and 1:2 E/T (p<0.05). The re-growth capability of residual aOC following treatment with CAR.CIK was significantly delayed as compared with NTD.CIK (p<0.05). In order to recapitulate the clinical complexity we generated 3D aOC spheroids, either floating in liquid medium or embedded in a 3D hydrogel and co-cultured with CAR.CIK. To measure CAR.CIK activity we employed live-imaging and image processing. CAR.CIK were found to localize faster than NTD.CIK in both liquid and solid settings. Recruitment kinetics of CAR.CIK on aOC aggregates in liquid was significantly faster in shaking cultures, reminiscent of spontaneous patient movement, than in absence of flow. Even in the 3D solid setting, CAR.CIK were functionally more efficient and localized faster on aOC spheroids than NTD.CIK. Our data indicate that MSLN-CAR.CIK are effective against aOC in both 2D and 3D settings. Kinetics measurements in 3D show that recruitment in liquid requires shorter times when coupled to fluid flow. The solid setting is instead characterized by slower kinetics but CAR.CIK anti-tumor activity remains comparable to the liquid condition. The kinetics of recruitment should therefore be considered when assessing CAR.CIK killing. Our findings provide reliable translational bases for clinical studies to explore intraperitoneal cellular immunotherapy with CAR.CIK against OC PC. Citation Format: Federica Galvagno, Valeria Leuci, Chiara Donini, Annamaria Massa, Ramona Rotolo, Sonia Capellero, Alessia Proment, Letizia Vitali, Valentina Tuninetti, Martina Olivero, Elisa Vigna, Giorgio Valabrega, Luca Primo, Alberto Puliafito, Dario Sangiolo. Anti-mesothelin CAR.CIK lymphocytes are effective against ovarian cancer in 3D models of peritoneal carcinomatosis [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2023; Part 1 (Regular and Invited Abstracts); 2023 Apr 14-19; Orlando, FL. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2023;83(7_Suppl):Abstract nr 3194.

The current redenomination of the rupiah needs to be implemented in Indonesia. The declining value of the rupiah is one reason the government wants to increase the dignity of the rupiah and in Indonesia the largest denomination now is Rp 100,000.-. The rupiah is the second largest in the world after Vietnam's 500,000 Dong. This study aims to determine whether there is a difference of knowledge and perception between the actors of SMEs men with female SMEs actors. The sample in this study amounted to 100 respondents UMKM perpetrators. The data used in this study is the primary data. The method of analysis used in this study is the difference test two free sample average (Independent sample t-test). The result of the test analysis difference of two free samples indicate that, firstly, there is no difference of understanding between the SMEs of men and the female SMEs against the policy of redenominasi rupiah which means most of UMKM perpetrators understand redenominasi rupiah. Secondly, there is no difference of perception between male SMEs and female SMEs against rupiah redenomination policy which means that most of SMEs actors agree to redenominasi rupiah. The suggestion in this research is government to socialize about existence of policy redenominasi rupiah as soon as possible by conducting socialization directly and through mass media so that perpetrator of SMEs actors better understand and more understand about existence of policy redenominasi rupiah. Redenominasi rupiah saat ini perlu dilaksanakan di Indonesia. Nilai rupiah yang semakin melemah menjadi salah satu alasan pemerintah ingin meningkatkan martabat rupiah dan di Indonesia uang pecahan yang terbesar saat ini adalah Rp 100.000,-. Uang rupiah tersebut merupakan pecahan terbesar kedua di dunia setelah mata uang Vietnam yang mencetak 500.000 Dong. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui ada tidaknya perbedaan pengetahuan dan persepsi antara pelaku UMKM laki-laki dengan pelaku UMKM perempuan. Sampel dalam penelitian ini berjumlah 100 responden pelaku UMKM. Data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah data primer. Metode analisis yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah uji beda dua rata-rata sampel bebas (Independent sample t-test). Hasil analisis uji beda dua rata-rata sampel bebas menunjukkan bahwa pertama tidak terdapat perbedaan pemahaman antara pelaku UMKM laki-laki dengan pelaku UMKM perempuan terhadap kebijakan redenominasi rupiah yang berarti pelaku UMKM sebagian besar paham redenominasi rupiah. Kedua, tidak terdapat perbedaan persepsi antara pelaku UMKM laki-laki dengan pelaku UMKM perempuan terhadap kebijakan redenominasi rupiah yang berarti pelaku UMKM sebagian besar menyetujui redenominasi rupiah. Adapun saran dalam penelitian ini yaitu pemerintah untuk mensosialisasikan tentang adanya kebijakan redenominasi rupiah secepatnya dengan cara mengadakan sosialisasi langsung dan melalui media massa agar pelaku UMKM lebih mengerti dan lebih paham tentang adanya kebijakan redenominasi rupiah.

AbstractHuman trafficking is a problem that has not been dealt with explicitly by the Indonesian government or international organizations tasked with handling it. Print and electronic media reports show that law enforcement efforts to eradicate human trafficking are still not optimal. Trafficking in persons is against human dignity and violates their rights, especially when it involves women and children. The research methodology used in this study is a normative legal research method through literature study, which involves gathering information and materials from various sources, including mass press clippings on the issue of human trafficking and legislation related to human trafficking as well as other literature and references. Based on Decision No. 1451/PidSus/2021/PN. The MDN that occurred in Medan concerned the criminal case of human trafficking carried out by parents, namely a mother making her own biological child a commercial sex worker to satisfy a masher. For this criminal act the judge imposed a criminal sanction of imprisonment for 4 (four) years and a fine of Rp. 120,000,000. with the provision that if not paid is replaced with imprisonment of 3 (three) months. Therefore, the defendant remains detained and pays court fees of Rp. 5000, (five thousand rupiah). Human trafficking is caused by various difficulties and problems. Lack of knowledge and poverty force people to seek any type of work when the risks are negligible, as well as cultural factors and weak law enforcement when dealing with the business of trafficking.AbstrakPerdagangan manusia menjadi permasalahan yang belum ditangani secara tegas oleh pemerintah Indonesia atau organisasi internasional yang bertugas menanganinya. Laporan media cetak dan elektronik menunjukkan bahwa upaya penegakan hukum untuk memberantas perdagangan manusia masih belum maksimal. Perdagangan manusia bertentangan dengan martabat manusia dan melanggar hak-hak mereka, terutama ketika melibatkan perempuan dan anak-anak. Metodologi penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian hukum normatif melalui studi literatur, yang melibatkan pengumpulan informasi dan bahan dari berbagai sumber, termasuk kliping pers massa tentang masalah perdagangan manusia dan perundang-undangan yang berkaitan dengan perdagangan manusia serta literatur dan Referensi lainnya. Berdasarkan Putusan No. 1451/PidSus/2021/PN. MDN yang terjadi di Medan menyangkut tentang perkara pidana Perdagangan Manusia (human Trafficking) yang dilakukan oleh orang tua yaitu seorang ibu menjadikan anak kandungnya sendiri sebagai pekerja seks komersil untuk memuaskan lelaki hidung belang. Atas tindakan pidana tersebut hakim menjatuhkan sanksi pidana penjara pidana penjara 4 (empat) tahun dan denda sejumlah Rp. 120.000.000. dengan ketentuan apabila tidak dibayar diganti dengan pidana kurungan 3 (tiga) bulan. Sehingga demikian, terdakwa tetap ditahan dan membayar biaya perkara Rp. 5000, (lima ribu rupiah). Perdagangan manusia disebabkan oleh berbagai kesulitan dan masalah. Kurangnya pengetahuan dan kemiskinan memaksa orang untuk mencari jenis pekerjaan apa pun ketika risikonya dapat diabaikan, serta faktor budaya dan penegakan hukum yang lemah ketika berurusan dengan bisnis perdagangan manusia.

ABSTRACT Used of synthetic dye in the textile industry produced liquid waste if it is not recycle with properly, it can cause pollution and contamination of water both on the surface and every drop used by humans, disrupting ecosystems and even killing life in aquatic ecosystems. Therefore, an alternative to synthetic dye is neededby using plants as natural dye. Leaves can be used for their color content, leaf bones and leaf surfaces can be used as textile motif called ecoprint. This research purposing to find out the types of plants that can be used as materials for making ecoprint as a substitute for synthetic dye and also to find out the parts of plants that can be used as materialfor making ecoprint. The research method used is descriptive qualitative from literature study and literature references regarding data and information related to research. The results showed there are 30 types of plants that can be used in ecoprint. Thishabitus plants is herbaceous, vines, shrubs, shrubs and trees. From herbaceous habitus found 5 species of plants, 3 species of vine habitus, 7 species of bush habitus, 10 species of shrub habitus and 5 species of tree habitus. The parts of plants that can be used in making ecoprints are the leaves, flowers, stems and roots. The results showed there were 30 species of plants from 21 families that could be used in making ecoprint. The parts of plant can be used in making ecoprintare parts, leaves, flowers, stems and roots, but not all parts of every type of plant can be used in the process of making ecoprint. Keywords: Ethnobotanical Studies, Ecoprint, Synthetic Dyes, Natural Dyes, HabitusREFERENCE[1] Lubis, E. F. M. D., Ghea, A., Viola, D. E, dan Soraya, G. D. 2022. Pemanfaatan Daun dan Bunga Tanaman Buah sebagai Pewarna Motif Alami pada Media Jilbab dengan Teknik Ecoprint. Jurnal Senashtek, hal:819-823.[2]Juniar, , S., T. dan Sulandjari S. 2018. Perbedaan Hasil Rok Pias EcoprintDaun Jati (Tectona grandis) Menggunakan Jenis dan Massa Mordan Tawas dan Cuka. Jurnal Tata Busana, 7. [3] Martani, E., Margino S. dan Nurnawati E. 2011. Isolasi Dan Karakterisasi Jamur Pendegradasi Zat Pewarna Tekstil (Isolation and Characterization of Dye-degrading Fungi). Jurnal Manusia dan Lingkungan, 18, 127-136. [4] Subagyo, P., K. & Seolistyowati. 2021. Pengaruh Zat Pewarna Sintetis terhadap Pewarnaan Kain Batik. Jurnal FOLIO. Vol. 2., No., 2. [5]Komarawidjaja, W. 2016. Sebaran Limbah Cair Industri Tekstil dan Dampaknya pada Beberapa Desa Kecamatan Rancaekek Kabupaten Bandung. Jurnal Teknologi Lingkungan. Vol. 17. No. 2., hal: 118-125. [6] Enrico. 2019. Dampak Limbah Cair Industri Tekstil Terhadap Lingkungan dan Aplikasi Tehnik Eco Printing sebagai Usaha Mengurangi Limbah. Jurnal MODA. Vol.1., No. 1. [7] Masyitoh F. dan Ernawati E. 2019. Pengaruh Mordan Tawas dan Cuka Terhadap Hasil Pewarnaan Ecoprint Bahan Katun Menggunakan Daun Jati (Tectona grandis). Gorga Jurnal Seni Rupa, 8, 387-391. [8] Saraswati, R., M. H. Dewi, S., Ratri, C. R., Fajar, D. P. 2019. Pemanfaatan Daun untuk Ecoprint dalam Menunjang Pariwisata. Depok: Departemen Geografi FMIPA UI. [9] Wirawan, B., M. Alvin. 2019. Teknik Pewarnaan Alam Ecoprint Daun Ubi dengan Penggunaan Fiksator Kapur, Tawas dan Tunjung. Jurnal Litbang Kota Pekalongan: Vol. 17:1-5. [10] Simanungkalit, Y., S. 2020. Teknik Ecoprint dengan Memanfaatkan Limbah Mawar (Rosa Sp.) pada Kain Katun. Skripsi. Semarang: UNNES. [11] Sugiyono, 2013. Metode Penelitian Pendidikan Pendekatan Kuantitatif, Kualitatif; Research & Development. Bandung: Alfabeta. [12] Baharuddin A., Aisyah A., Saokani J. dan Risnah I. A. 2015. Karakterisasi Zat Warna Daun Jati (Tectona Grandis) Fraksi Metanol: N-Heksana sebagaiPhotosensitizer pada Dye Sensitized Solar Cell. Chimica et Natura Acta, 3. [13] Kembaren R., Putriliniar S., Maulana N., Yulianto K., Ikono r., Rochman N. T.dan Mardliyati, E. 2014. Ekstraksi dan Karakterisasi Serbuk Nano Pigmen dari Daun Tanaman Jati (Tectona grandis linn. F). Jurnal Kimia dan Kemasan, 36.[14] Sulistiawati E. dan Swastika P. 2017. Ekstraksi Zat Warna Alami dari Daun JatiMuda (Tectona grandis) dan Kayu Secang (Caesalpinia sappan) dengan Metode Ultrasound Assisted Extraction untuk Aplikasi Produk Tekstil. Skrispsi. Surabaya:InstitutTeknologi Sepuluh Nopember. [15] Koswara S. 2009. Pewarna Alami Produksi dan Penggunaannya. Ebook Pangan. [16] Haffida A. A. N. dan Rahardhian F. D. 2017. Ekstraksi Zat Tanin Dari Bahan Alami Dengan Metode Steam Extraction.Skrispsi. Surabaya:Institut Teknologi Sepuluh Nopember.

Eksploitasi seksual merupakan tindakan kekerasan seksual merupakan kejahatan serius, yang dapat mengancam dan membahayakan jiwa anak, kehidupan pribadi anak bahkan kesejahteraan anak maupun masyarakat. Perbuatan tersebut telah dikecam oleh seluruh wilayah yang ada di dunia. Korban dari eksploitasi seksual terhadap anak umumnya anak perempuan dan untuk itu perlu adanya perlindungan khusus yang merupakan pemerintah, negara pemda, keluarga, orang tua masyarakat, baik melalui lembaga perlindungan anak, lembaga keagamaan, lembaga swadaya masyarakat, organisasi kemasyarakatan, organisasi sosial, dunia usaha, media massa atau lembaga pendidikan dan negara. Tujuan daripada penelitian ini adalah untuk mendapatkan gambaran mengenai pemberian perlindungan hukum kepada anak korban eksploitasi seksual, dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, dengan menggunakan teori perlindungan hukum dan keadilan restorasi yaitu untuk melindungi hak-hak korban eksploitasi seksual dan serta memperbaiki atau merestorasi kerugian atau luka-luka yang diderita yang disebabkan oleh kejahatan. dan pemulihan korban dengan pemberian restitusi, rehabilitasi, mengembalikan fungsi sosial korban. Hasil dari pada penelitian pemberian perlindungan hukum kepada anak korban eksploitasi seksual telah dilaksanakan dalam Peraturan Daerah masing-masing daerah kajian, namun belum ada pengaturan memberikan kepuasan serta jaminan eksploitasi seksual anak akan berkurang Rekomendasi dari penelitian ini adalah, hak-hak anak yang menjadi korban eksploitasi seksual, diberikan secara tuntas, sehingga, anak-anak di daerah tersebut mendapatkan hak perlindungan, sebagaimana harkat dan martabat anak sebagai ciptaan Tuhan. Kata kunci: Pemberian Perlindungan Hukum Terhadap Anak Korban Eksploitasi Seksual

By most accounts, “resilience” is a pretty resilient concept. Or policy instrument. Or heuristic tool. It’s this last that really concerns us here: resilience not as a politics, but rather as a descriptive device for attempts in the humanities—particularly in rhetoric and cultural studies—to adequately describe a discursive event. Or rather, to adequately describe a class of discursive events: those that involve rhetorical resistance by victimised subjects. I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Descriptive; Reading) that Peircean semiosis, inflected by a rhetorical postulate of genre, equips us well to closely describe a discursive event. Here, I want briefly to suggest that resilience—“discursive” resilience, to coin a term—might usefully supplement these hypotheses, at least from time to time. To support this suggestion, I’ll signal some uses of resilience before turning briefly to a case study: a sensational Argentine homicide case, which occurred in October 2002, and came to be known as the caso Belsunce. At the time, Argentina was wracked by economic crises and political instability. The imposition of severe restrictions on cash withdrawals from bank deposits had provoked major civil unrest. Between 21 December 2001 and 2 January 2002, Argentines witnessed a succession of five presidents. “Resilient” is a term that readily comes to mind to describe many of those who endured this catastrophic period. To describe the caso Belsunce, however—to describe its constitution and import as a discursive event—we might appeal to some more disciplinary-specific understandings of resilience. Glossing Peircean semiosis as a teleological process, Short notes that “one and the same thing […] may be many different signs at once” (106). Any given sign, in other words, admits of multiple interpretants or uptakes. And so it is with resilience, which is both a keyword in academic disciplines ranging from psychology to ecology and political science, and a buzzword in several corporate domains and spheres of governmental activity. It’s particularly prevalent in the discourses of highly networked post-9/11 Anglophone societies. So what, pray tell, is resilience? To the American Psychological Association, resilience comprises “the process of adapting well in the face of adversity.” To the Resilience Solutions Group at Arizona State University, resilience is “the capacity to recover fully from acute stressors, to carry on in the face of chronic difficulties: to regain one’s balance after losing it.” To the Stockholm Resilience Centre, resilience amounts to the “capacity of a system to continually change and adapt yet remain within critical thresholds,” while to the Resilience Alliance, resilience is similarly “the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure” (Walker and Salt xiii). The adjective “resilient” is thus predicated of those entities, individuals or collectivities, which exhibit “resilience”. A “resilient Australia,” for example, is one “where all Australians are better able to adapt to change, where we have reduced exposure to risks, and where we are all better able to bounce back from disaster” (Australian Government). It’s tempting here to synthesise these statements with a sense of “ordinary language” usage to derive a definitional distillate: “resilience” is a capacity attributed to an entity which recovers intact from major injury. This capacity is evidenced in a reaction or uptake: a “resilient” entity is one which suffers some insult or disturbance, but whose integrity is held to have been maintained, or even enhanced, by its resistive or adaptive response. A conjecturally “resilient” entity is thus one which would presumably evince resilience if faced with an unrealised aversive event. However, such abstractions ignore how definitional claims do rhetorical work. On any given occasion, how “resilience” and its cognates are construed and what they connote are a function, at least in part, of the purposes of rhetorical agents and the protocols and objects of the disciplines or genres in which these agents put these terms to work. In disciplines operating within the same form of life or sphere of activity—disciplines sharing general conventions and broad objects of inquiry, such as the capacious ecological sciences or the contiguous fields of study within the ambit of applied psychology—resilience acts, at least at times, as a something of a “boundary object” (Star and Griesemer). Correlatively, across more diverse and distant fields of inquiry, resilience can work in more seemingly exclusive or contradictory ways (see Handmer and Dovers). Rhetorical aims and disciplinary objects similarly determine the originary tales we are inclined to tell. In the social sciences, the advent of resilience is often attributed to applied psychology, indebted, in turn, to epidemiology (see Seery, Holman and Cohen Silver). In environmental science, by contrast, resilience is typically taken to be a theory born in ecology (indebted to engineering and to the physical sciences, in particular to complex systems theory [see Janssen, Schoon, Ke and Börner]). Having no foundational claim to stake and, moreover, having different purposes and taking different objects, some more recent uptakes of resilience, in, for instance, securitisation studies, allow for its multidisciplinary roots (see Bourbeau; Kaufmann). But if resilience is many things to many people, a couple of commonalities in its range of translations should be drawn out. First, irrespective of its discipline or sphere of activity, talk of resilience typically entails construing an object of inquiry qua system, be that system an individual, a community of circumstance, a state, a socio-ecological unit or some differently delimited entity. This bounded system suffers some insult with no resulting loss of structural, relational, functional or other integrity. Second, resilience is usually marshalled to promote a politics. Resilience talk often consorts with discourses of meliorative action and of readily quantifiable practical effects. When the environmental sciences take the “Earth system” and the dynamics of global change as their objects of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the elaboration and implementation of natural resource management policy. Proponents of socio-ecological resilience see the resilience hypothesis as enabling a demonstrably more enlightened stewardship of the biosphere (see Folke et al.; Holling; Walker and Salt). When applied psychology takes the anomalous situation of disadvantaged, at-risk individuals triumphing over trauma as its declared object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience is key to the positing and identification of personal and environmental resources or protective factors which would enable the overcoming of adversity. Proponents of psychosocial resilience see this concept as enabling the elaboration and implementation of interventions to foster individual and collective wellbeing (see Goldstein and Brooks; Ungar). Similarly, when policy think-tanks and government departments and agencies take the apprehension of particular threats to the social fabric as their object of inquiry, a postulate of resilience—or of a lack thereof—is critical to the elaboration and implementation of urban infrastructure, emergency planning and disaster management policies (see Drury et al.; Handmer and Dovers). However, despite its often positive connotations, resilience is well understood as a “normatively open” (Bourbeau 11) concept. This openness is apparent in some theories and practices of resilience. In limnological modelling, for example, eutrophication can result in a lake’s being in an undesirable, albeit resilient, turbid-water state (see Carpenter et al.; Walker and Meyers). But perhaps the negative connotations or indeed perverse effects of resilience are most apparent in some of its political uptakes. Certainly, governmental operationalisations of resilience are coming under increased scrutiny. Chief among the criticisms levelled at the “muddled politics” (Grove 147) of and around resilience is that its mobilisation works to constitute a particular neoliberal subjectivity (see Joseph; Neocleous). By enabling a conservative focus on individual responsibility, preparedness and adaptability, the topos of resilience contributes critically to the development of neoliberal governmentality (Joseph). In a practical sense, this deployment of resilience silences resistance: “building resilient subjects,” observe Evans and Reid (85), “involves the deliberate disabling of political habits. […] Resilient subjects are subjects that have accepted the imperative not to resist or secure themselves from the difficulties they are faced with but instead adapt to their enabling conditions.” It’s this prospect of practical acquiescence that sees resistance at times opposed to resilience (Neocleous). “Good intentions not withstanding,” notes Grove (146), “the effect of resilience initiatives is often to defend and strengthen the political economic status quo.” There’s much to commend in these analyses of how neoliberal uses of resilience constitute citizens as highly accommodating of capital and the state. But such critiques pertain to the governmental mobilisation of resilience in the contemporary “advanced liberal” settings of “various Anglo-Saxon countries” (Joseph 47). There are, of course, other instances—other events in other times and places—in which resilience indisputably sorts with resistance. Such an event is the caso Belsunce, in which a rhetorically resilient journalistic community pushed back, resisting some of the excesses of a corrupt neoliberal Argentine regime. I’ll turn briefly to this infamous case to suggest that a notion of “discursive resilience” might afford us some purchase when it comes to describing discursive events. To be clear: we’re considering resilience here not as an anticipatory politics, but rather as an analytic device to supplement the descriptive tools of Peircean semiosis and a rhetorical postulate of genre. As such, it’s more an instrument than an answer: a program, perhaps, for ongoing work. Although drawing on different disciplinary construals of the term, this use of resilience would be particularly indebted to the resilience thinking developed in ecology (see Carpenter el al.; Folke et al.; Holling; Walker et al.; Walker and Salt). Things would, of course, be lost in translation (see Adger; Gallopín): in taking a discursive event, rather than the dynamics of a socio-ecological system, as our object of inquiry, we’d retain some topological analogies while dispensing with, for example, Holling’s four-phase adaptive cycle (see Carpenter et al.; Folke; Gunderson; Gunderson and Holling; Walker et al.). For our purposes, it’s unlikely that descriptions of ecosystem succession need to be carried across. However, the general postulates of ecological resilience thinking—that a system is a complex series of dynamic relations and functions located at any given time within a basin of attraction (or stability domain or system regime) delimited by thresholds; that it is subject to multiple attractors and follows trajectories describable over varying scales of time and space; that these trajectories are inflected by exogenous and endogenous perturbations to which the system is subject; that the system either proves itself resilient to these perturbations in its adaptive or resistive response, or transforms, flipping from one domain (or basin) to another may well prove useful to some descriptive projects in the humanities. Resilience is fundamentally a question of uptake or response. Hence, when examining resilience in socio-ecological systems, Gallopín notes that it’s useful to consider “not only the resilience of the system (maintenance within a basin) but also coping with impacts produced and taking advantage of opportunities” (300). Argentine society in the early-to-mid 2000s was one such socio-political system, and the caso Belsunce was both one such impact and one such opportunity. Well-connected in the world of finance, 57-year-old former stockbroker Carlos Alberto Carrascosa lived with his 50-year-old sociologist turned charity worker wife, María Marta García Belsunce, close to their relatives in the exclusive gated community of Carmel Country Club, Pilar, Provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina. At 7:07 pm on Sunday 27 October 2002, Carrascosa called ambulance emergencies, claiming that his wife had slipped and knocked her head while drawing a bath alone that rainy Sunday afternoon. At the time of his call, it transpired, Carrascosa was at home in the presence of intimates. Blood was pooled on the bathroom floor and smeared and spattered on its walls and adjoining areas. María Marta lay lifeless, brain matter oozing from several holes in her left parietal and temporal lobes. This was the moment when Carrascosa, calm and coherent, called emergency services, but didn’t advert the police. Someone, he told the operator, had slipped in the bath and bumped her head. Carrascosa described María Marta as breathing, with a faint pulse, but somehow failed to mention the holes in her head. “A knock with a tap,” a police source told journalist Horacio Cecchi, “really doesn’t compare with the five shots to the head, the spillage of brain matter and the loss of about half a litre of blood suffered by the victim” (Cecchi and Kollmann). Rather than a bathroom tap, María Marta’s head had met with five bullets discharged from a .32-calibre revolver. In effect, reported Cecchi, María Marta had died twice. “While perhaps a common conceit in fiction,” notes Cecchi, “in reality, dying twice is, by definition, impossible. María Marta’s two obscure endings seem to unsettle this certainty.” Her cadaver was eventually subjected to an autopsy, and what had been a tale of clumsiness and happenstance was rewritten, reinscribed under the Argentine Penal Code. The autopsy was conducted 36 days after the burial of María Marta; nine days later, she was mentioned for the second time in the mainstream Argentine press. Her reappearance, however, was marked by a shift in rubrics: from a short death notice in La Nación, María Marta was translated to the crime section of Argentina’s dailies. Until his wife’s mediatic reapparition, Carroscosa and other relatives had persisted with their “accident” hypothesis. Indeed, they’d taken a range of measures to preclude the sorts of uptakes that might ordinarily be expected to flow, under functioning liberal democratic regimes, from the discovery of a corpse with five projectiles lodged in its head. Subsequently recited as part of Carrascosa’s indictment, these measures were extensively reiterated in media coverage of the case. One of the more notorious actions involved the disposal of the sixth bullet, which was found lying under María Marta. In the course of moving the body of his half-sister, John Hurtig retrieved a small metallic object. This discovery was discussed by a number of family members, including Carrascosa, who had received ballistics training during his four years of naval instruction at the Escuela Nacional de Náutica de la Armada. They determined that the object was a lug or connector rod (“pituto”) used in library shelving: nothing, in any case, to indicate a homicide. With this determination made, the “pituto” was duly wrapped in lavatory paper and flushed down the toilet. This episode occasioned a range of outraged articles in Argentine dailies examining the topoi of privilege, power, corruption and impunity. “Distinguished persons,” notes Viau pointedly, “are so disposed […] that in the midst of all that chaos, they can locate a small, hard, steely object, wrap it in lavatory paper and flush it down the toilet, for that must be how they usually dispose of […] all that rubbish that no longer fits under the carpet.” Most often, though, critical comment was conducted by translating the reporting of the case to the genres of crime fiction. In an article entitled Someone Call Agatha Christie, Quick!, H.A.T. writes that “[s]omething smells rotten in the Carmel Country; a whole pile of rubbish seems to have been swept under its plush carpets.” An exemplary intervention in this vein was the work of journalist and novelist Vicente Battista, for whom the case (María Marta) “synthesizes the best of both traditions of crime fiction: the murder mystery and the hard-boiled novels.” “The crime,” Battista (¿Hubo Otra Mujer?) has Rodolfo observe in the first of his speculative dialogues on the case, “seems to be lifted from an Agatha Christie novel, but the criminal turns out to be a copy of the savage killers that Jim Thompson usually depicts.” Later, in an interview in which he correctly predicted the verdict, Battista expanded on these remarks: This familiar plot brings together the English murder mystery and the American hard-boiled novels. The murder mystery because it has all the elements: the crime takes place in a sealed room. In this instance, sealed not only because it occurred in a house, but also in a country, a sealed place of privilege. The victim was a society lady. Burglary is not the motive. In classic murder mystery novels, it was a bit unseemly that one should kill in order to rob. One killed either for a juicy sum of money, or for revenge, or out of passion. In those novels there were neither corrupt judges nor fugitive lawyers. Once Sherlock Holmes […] or Hercule Poirot […] said ‘this is the murderer’, that was that. That’s to say, once fingered in the climactic living room scene, with everyone gathered around the hearth, the perpetrator wouldn’t resist at all. And everyone would be happy because the judges were thought to be upright persons, at least in fiction. […] The violence of the crime of María Marta is part of the hard-boiled novel, and the sealed location in which it takes place, part of the murder mystery (Alarcón). I’ve argued elsewhere (Munro, Belsunce) that the translation of the case to the genres of crime fiction and their metaanalysis was a means by which a victimised Argentine public, represented by a disempowered and marginalised fourth estate, sought some rhetorical recompense. The postulate of resilience, however, might help further to describe and contextualise this notorious discursive event. A disaffected Argentine press finds itself in a stability domain with multiple attractors: on the one hand, an acquiescence to ever-increasing politico-juridical corruption, malfeasance and elitist impunity; on the other, an attractor of increasing contestation, democratisation, accountability and transparency. A discursive event like the caso Belsunce further perturbs Argentine society, threatening to displace it from its democratising trajectory. Unable to enforce due process, Argentina’s fourth estate adapts, doing what, in the circumstances, amounts to the next best thing: it denounces the proceedings by translating the case to the genres of crime fiction. In so doing, it engages a venerable reception history in which the co-constitution of true crime fiction and investigative journalism is exemplified by the figure of Rodolfo Walsh, whose denunciatory works mark a “politicisation of crime” (see Amar Sánchez Juegos; El sueño). Put otherwise, a section of Argentina’s fourth estate bounced back: by making poetics do rhetorical work, it resisted the pull towards what ecology calls an undesirable basin of attraction. Through a show of discursive resilience, these journalists worked to keep Argentine society on a democratising track. 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