Journal articles on the topic 'Mass media policy – Hungary'
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1
Bíró, Anikó, and Ágnes Szabó-Morvai. "Mass media coverage and vaccination uptake: evidence from the demand for meningococcal vaccinations in Hungary." European Journal of Health Economics 22, no. 6 (April 9, 2021): 887–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10198-021-01296-y.
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AbstractWe estimate the effect of mass media coverage of the meningococcal disease on the uptake of meningococcal vaccinations in Hungary. Our analysis is based on administrative county-level data on vaccination purchases linked to indicators of media coverage of the meningococcal disease and to administrative records of disease incidence. Using geographical and time variations in these indicators, our fixed effects estimates indicate a strong positive effect of mass media coverage of the disease on the rate of vaccination with all types of the meningococcal vaccine. At the same time, we do not find evidence that disease incidence itself has a positive impact on vaccination. These findings are broadly in line with imperfect information and the principles of bounded rationality and highlight the responsibility of mass media in influencing health-related behaviours.
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Absattarov, G. R., and Т. О. Duisenbaev. "CHINA'S POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL PROPAGANDA: MASS MEDIA AND THE FILM INDUSTRY." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.13.
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This article discusses the key features of China's political and ideological propaganda campaign. In May 2016, the President of China, Xi Jinping, said that after China had solved the problems of its population, which throughout history had been the victim of hunger and violence by foreigners, it was time to stop reprimands from the international community. According to Xi Jinping, a new rhetorical system should be developedto facilitate mutual understanding between China and the rest of the world, and ultimately promote China's cultural policy.
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Pylova, O. A. "Irredentism of Hungary, Poland and Romania in Western Ukraine in the Context of Language Policy of Kyiv." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 6 (February 10, 2020): 138–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-6-138-142.
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In the severe political and economic conditions that have developed in Ukraine, fears of the policies of irredentism of neighbouring states are becoming increasingly realistic. The problem of the separation of territories and in some cases of their transfer to neighbouring states arose in Ukraine in 2014 after the Russian rejoin of the Crimea and the beginning of the crisis in the eastern part of the country. Today, special attention attracts the situation in the Donbas region, and almost no one addresses the potential problem of the same kind happening in western regions. This article attempts to identify the main goals of Ukraine’s western neighbours (Hungary, Romania, and Poland) concerning Ukraine and the humanitarian instruments of influence they use to achieve these goals. The methodology of the study has determined the structure of the article, which includes a comparative analysis of the goals and methods of the cultural and linguistic influence these states have on the population of the neighbouring territory (i.e. national minorities). Cultural and linguistic influence in this context means the cultivation of national minority languages within a limited area of their residence through education, mass media, and the organisation of programs to promote the development of cultural relations. Based on the above methodology and statistical and analytical material, the author concludes that Hungary, Romania and Poland, using similar tools to influence their national minorities, pursue different goals. Both the methods of influence and the tasks of these states I discussed in detail. Besides, one of the main conclusions drawn from the results of my study is that Hungarian, Polish and Romanian irredentism is indeed a severe risk today and deserves special attention from Ukraine.
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Takács, Bence. "Changes in leisure activity among young people aged 15–18 years in Hungary: physical activity, media-consumption and smoking." Orvosi Hetilap 154, no. 15 (April 2013): 581–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/oh.2013.29587.
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Introduction: Young people are more and more inactive, which has numerous well-known negative effects on their health. Several studies indicate that inactive lifestyle disposes people to sit in front of the television, which increases agression and decreases the willingness of reading. There is also a strong link between inactivity and an increase of body mass, deterioration of anthropometric parameters, and deviant behaviour. Aims: The aim of the study was to find out, on the basis of two cross-sectional surveys, the changes occurred within eight years in the free-time activity of Hungarian young people aged between 15 and 19 years. Methods: Data obtained from two surveys conducted by the National Institute for Family and Social Policy, Hungary in 2000 and 2008 including 1780 and 2018 young people, respectively, were analysed and compared. Results: The number of young people regularly involved in sport activity increased significantly, while their media-consumption failed to decrease. Physically active young people are more health-conscious, but regular sporting activity did not expel smoking, which was associated with a sedentary lifestyle and television watching. Conclusions: These data reveal new responses of a new generation; watching televison still takes the largest part of their free time activity, but use of computers, and participation in social activities are not necessarily increase sedentary lifestyle and deviant habits. Internet has positive effects on the regularity of their physical activity. Orv. Hetil., 2013, 154, 581–589.
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Boldizsár, Boglárka. "Teenagers and New Media: Impact on Foreign Language Proficiency and Cultural Sustainability." European Journal of Sustainable Development 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.14207/ejsd.2021.v10n2p301.
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There is a wide range of evidence to support the view that new technologies serve an integral part of teenagers’ life. However, in Hungary, it seems that even though the facilities are provided in most of the educational institutions, these are not in regular use due to teachers’ lack of competence, the willingness of using them or their constant operational problems. Using a qualitative, small-scale study conducted in semi-structured focus group interviews (N=8) with 15 participants in five Hungarian primary schools, the study primarily aims to uncover how teenagers can relate their foreign language advancement to their use of digital devices in their free time. Furthermore, the paper examines their views on foreign language (FL) instruction supported by ICT at school as well as which digital devices and for what purposes they would preferably use them in FL classes. The study implicitly raises the issue of cultural sustainability and tries to find evidence to what extent mass culture affects the Hungarian language proficiency of students. According to the results, teenagers’ attitude towards institutional foreign language learning seems to be quite traditional, as they cannot relate their free time activities spent with digital devices to study purposes at school. Although participants are conscious about the effectiveness of ICT promoting language learning, they think that watching films, instructional videos, or working with projected tasks connected to course books are the major reasons for using digital devices for classroom purposes. Regarding cultural sustainability even within this small-scale study, there is some evidence that English as one of the most influential languages of mass culture can have an impact on the mother tongue language maintenance.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 144–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7.
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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-9.
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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP).
It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole.
The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly.
The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted.
Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions.
It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019.
It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Voci, Denise. "Logos, Ethos, Pathos, Sustainabilitos? About the Role of Media Companies in Reaching Sustainable Development." Sustainability 14, no. 5 (February 23, 2022): 2591. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14052591.
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As producers of economic and cultural goods, media companies are subject to a double responsibility: regarding how they operate and how they represent reality in their products. Thus, their social responsibility is primarily the “brain print” they leave on their audience. Communication of, about, and for sustainability through mass media is therefore essential to create a shared understanding of societal values on sustainability, creating public engagement, and contributing to sustainable development. Accordingly, the present study aims at understanding how media (companies) take their responsibility as key communicators in the public sphere and analyze how they communicate and thus construct the sustainability discourse through their products. For this, sustainability-related content produced and broadcasted by the two largest commercial media companies in Germany (RTL and ProSiebenSat1; n = 50 online articles and n = 89 videos, 601 min in total) was analyzed by qualitative content analysis and rhetoric text analysis to understand what and how media communicate sustainability. Results show that most media sustainability-related content addresses food issues, followed by issues regarding resources and the environment, thus contributing to the achievement of some of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Namely: SDG#2 (zero hunger), #6 (clean water and sanitation), #13 (climate action), #14 (life below water), and #15 (life on land). These issues are primarily communicated logically, appealing to the audience’s reason (logos, 76%), while the ethical appeal ethos (22%) and the emotional pathos (2%) scarcely occur. The analysis also leaves room for discussion regarding the responsibility of media companies in their role as communicators of, about, and for sustainability; about how they fulfill their responsibility in accordance with the SDG Media Compact, and about the opportunities and risks of applying different rhetorical appeals.
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Granville, Johanna. "“If Hope is Sin, Then We Are All Guilty”: Romanian Students’ Reactions to the Hungarian Revolution and Soviet Intervention, 1956–1958." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1905 (January 1, 2008): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2008.142.
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The events of 1956 (the Twentieth CPSU Congress, Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, and the Hungarian revolution) had a strong impact on the evolution of the Romanian communist regime, paving the way for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania in 1958, the stricter policy toward the Transylvanian Hungarians, and Romania’s greater independence from the USSR in the 1960s. Students complained about their living and studying conditions long before the outbreak of the Hungarian crisis. Ethnic Hungarians from Transylvania listened closely to Budapest radio stations, and Romanian students in Budapest in the summer of 1956 were especially affected by the ferment of ideas there. For the Gheorghiu-Dej regime, the Hungarian revolution and Soviet invasion provided a useful excuse to end the destalinization process and crack the whip conclusivel —carrying out mass arrests, but also granting short-term concessions to ethnic minorities and workers. Of all segments of the Romanian population, university students were the most discontented. Drawing on archival documents, published memoirs, and recent Romanian scholarship, this paper will analyze and compare the student unrest in Bucharest, Cluj, Iaşi, and Timişoara. Due to a combination of psychological, logistical, and historical factors, students in the latter city were especially vocal and organized. On October 30 over 2,000 students from the Polytechnic Institute in Timişoara met with party offi cials, demanding changes in living and study conditions, as well as the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania. Another 800-1,000 students convened on October 31, calling for the release of students who were arrested the day before. Obvious discrepancies between the Romanian and Hungarian media sparked their curiosity about events in Hungary, while their cramped dorm rooms actually facilitated student meetings. In the Banat region itself, a tradition of anti-communist protest had prevailed since 1945. Although arrested en masse, these students set a vital precedent—especially for the Timişoarans who launched the Romanian Revolution thirty-three years later.
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Hegedus, I. "The Mass Media, Political Parties, and Europessimism in Hungary." Mediterranean Quarterly 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2006-008.
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Mykhailenko, V., and M. Blyzniuk. "Educational Cluster as a Tool for Implementation Education for Sustainable Development." Physical Geography and Geomorphology 89, no. 1 (2018): 110–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/phgg.2018.1.15.
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The world experience on educational clusters proves their applicability and efficiency. An example is the formation of educational clusters for economic education and business schools. Formation of educational clusters has become an important part of the state personnel policy of many countries of the world. Multidimensional notion of "sustainable development" in combination with a wide range of age-old target audiences requires new methodological approaches for building an open dialogue between a student and a teacher. Taking into account the complex nature of the research subject that combines social, economic and environmental dimensions of human activity, authors propose a scientific and educational cluster as an innovative form of implementation of cross-cutting education for sustainable development (ESD) in Ukraine. The role of the core formation of an educational cluster is best suited for universities that are open to innovation and new educational technologies. The new educational model is illustrated by ad hoc activity of Carpathian School held in Kosiv, Ivano-Frankivsk region. Target audience represented Master students of natural sciences, secondary school students, biologists and geography teachers together with civil society activists. The school organizers were "Centre for Civic Initiatives", Kosiv and Faculty of Geography of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv supported by two National Natural Parks “Hutsulshchyna” and “Vyzhnytsky”. The lecturers’ team included university professors, experts of The Regional Environmental Centre for CEE countries (REC), Hungary, the National Ecological Centre of Ukraine (NECU), leading experts of the Ministry of Natural Resources of Ukraine, employees of local museums and cultural institutions. The main goal of the School is to consider the role of civil society, local activists, entrepreneurs and authorities in building sustainable communities, to achieve the UN Sustainable Development Goals. The cluster model was tested for obtaining a professional orientation of the lyceum graduates with a strong TOT component in view of education reform "New Ukrainian School". The students were acquainted with educational materials and methodical guides of the REC multimedia toolkits "Green Package" and "Step by Step", adapted to Ukrainian needs by local experts. These materials are easily perceived by young people, Master students and senior pupils. Interactive games and dilemmas were suitable for the formation of ecologically oriented thinking and social competence of youth. The guides were also highly praised by elderly participants and recommended for training and retraining of school teachers. Interviews with the school attendees and lecturers, interviews and publications in the local mass-media showed the benefits of cluster model in comparison with traditional forms of education. The school also identified the opportunities for professional guidance, training and retraining of teachers' staff.
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Konarska, Katarzyna. "Zmiany w polityce medialnej Węgier i Polski." Media Biznes Kultura, no. 1 (10) (2021): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.21.005.13971.
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Changes in the media policy of Hungary and Poland Changes in media policy in Poland in 2015–2020 suggest a correlation with the changes initiated in Hungary in 2010, when Viktor Orbán and his party Fidesz took power. The aim of the article is to present and make a comparative analysis of the changes introduced in the media policy of both countries. The list of regulations and actions of the government elites, consisting in interfering with media markets and the activities of public media, shows many similarities and common elements of media policy.
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Strömberg, David. "Mass media and public policy." European Economic Review 45, no. 4-6 (May 2001): 652–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0014-2921(01)00106-4.
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Fekete, S., A. Schmidtke, Y. Takahashi, E. Etzersdorfer, M. Upanne, and P. Osvath. "Mass Media, Cultural Attitudes, and Suicide." Crisis 22, no. 4 (July 2001): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027//0227-5910.22.4.170.
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Summary: Many studies indicate that the suicidal behavior in a society is affected by the suicide stories publicized. Cultural valuations appear in the way media present self-destruction. The reflection of sociocultural attitudes toward suicide can be observed and analyzed in these texts. In this research, reports about suicide (n = 2203) in the years from 1981 and 1991 taken from daily newspapers were gathered—three central and regional papers in each country. A content analysis was performed of the suicide reports in Hungary (n = 244), Japan (n = 684), the United States (n = 265), Germany (former West n = 458, former East n = 60), Austria (n = 405), and Finland (n = 87), on the basis of the following variables: mentioning of the name, personal data, prominence of the suicidal person, qualification of the suicide, methods, motives, positive or negative consequences, alternatives, and the expression(s) used to refer to the act. After a coding process, an analysis was conducted as to whether any significant differences existed in the rate of the several characteristics in the countries from the point of view of the possible imitation-identification and of the cultural differences are the most important findings interpreted.[sentence is unclear]
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Bajomi-Lázár, Péter. "Between neutrality and engagement: Political journalism in Hungary." Central European Journal of Communication 10, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 48–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.10.1(18).4.
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After the political transformation, Hungarian journalism organizations and media policy makers attempted to introduce the standards and practices of neutrality-seeking journalism, yet most news outlets continued to offer engaged accounts of political events and issues. Why was the professionalization of journalism interrupted? This paper attempts to answer this question by offering an overview of the comparative media systems literature in search of the factors shaping journalism practices and by placing Hungary on the map of media systems. Then it suggests that different audience needs may be an additional factor explaining the dominance of different journalism practices in different media systems, with the public in transition societies seeking confirmation rather than information when using the media.
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Erk, Jan. "Federalism and Mass Media Policy in Germany." Regional & Federal Studies 13, no. 2 (April 2003): 106–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597560308559429.
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MILO, Andrianna. "THE CONCEPT REFUGEE IN THE DISCOURSES OF NEW MEDIA OF HUNGARY: “DEVELOPMENT OF A SINGLE VOICE"." Folia Philologica, no. 2 (2021): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/folia.philologica/2021/2/4.
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The article is devoted to the study of the concept REFUGEE / MENEKÜLT in the discourse of new media of Hungary in 2015, marked by the migration crisis in Europe. Based on the results of content analysis with the use of the “Big Data” technology, a discourse-forming role of the concept REFUGEE / MENEKÜLT has been proven in relation to the ratio of government and public positions. Hungary has formed a strategy of a “single voice” of official media and social networks which systematically implement the strategic narrative “Refugees are a threat to Hungary”(“Menekültek veszélyt jelentenek Magyarországnak”). Hungary's unified national communicative strategy of non-admittance of refugees and the corresponding discourse as a type of social behavior were laid down by national consultations (a referendum) and in V. Orbán's speeches. The narratives and thematic groups of linguistic markers of social networks regarding the concept REFUGEE / MENEKÜLT mostly coincide with the narratives and messages of the official media which relay the policy of the of Hungarian government of the day. The development of the strategic narrative is carried out according to the following structural blocks: abstract, climax, outcome, essessment, conclusion. The “single voice”policy on the issue of refugees was implemented in Hungary through various communicative channels with a focus on all target audiences.
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MILO, Andrianna. "THE CONCEPT REFUGEE IN THE DISCOURSES OF NEW MEDIA OF HUNGARY: “DEVELOPMENT OF A SINGLE VOICE"." Folia Philologica, no. 2 (2021): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/folia.philologica/2021/2/4.
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The article is devoted to the study of the concept REFUGEE / MENEKÜLT in the discourse of new media of Hungary in 2015, marked by the migration crisis in Europe. Based on the results of content analysis with the use of the “Big Data” technology, a discourse-forming role of the concept REFUGEE / MENEKÜLT has been proven in relation to the ratio of government and public positions. Hungary has formed a strategy of a “single voice” of official media and social networks which systematically implement the strategic narrative “Refugees are a threat to Hungary”(“Menekültek veszélyt jelentenek Magyarországnak”). Hungary's unified national communicative strategy of non-admittance of refugees and the corresponding discourse as a type of social behavior were laid down by national consultations (a referendum) and in V. Orbán's speeches. The narratives and thematic groups of linguistic markers of social networks regarding the concept REFUGEE / MENEKÜLT mostly coincide with the narratives and messages of the official media which relay the policy of the of Hungarian government of the day. The development of the strategic narrative is carried out according to the following structural blocks: abstract, climax, outcome, essessment, conclusion. The “single voice”policy on the issue of refugees was implemented in Hungary through various communicative channels with a focus on all target audiences.
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Llorens, Carles, and Andreea Madalina Costache. "European Union Media Policy and Independent Regulatory Authorities: A New Tool to Protect European Media Pluralism?" Journal of Information Policy 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 396–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.4.2014.396.
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Abstract Can a uniform policy for media pluralism be adopted across the 28 Member States of the European Union through the involvement of independent regulatory authorities? According to the authors, the chances remain remote due to political and stakeholder opposition grounded in diverse structural, cultural, political, and economic interests. Based on a review of key documents from diverse sources, and case studies in Hungary and Italy, it appears that the goal of an EU-wide collaborative network of financially and politically independent audiovisual regulatory authorities, with common standards, faces significant challenges. However, the authors see hope in the increased debate on the topic, and suggest that some movement in that direction may yet be possible.
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Papadopoulus, Elias. "Mass Media and International Relations." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (April 30, 2009): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.15.1.2.
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In the modern theories in the science of International Relations, the traditional pillar of the school of Realism that considered the state as the only actor in the international scene, actor who took every decision in a monolithic and rational way, taking into consideration only the national interest, has now been rejected. The metaphor of the "black box", indicative of this monolithic way of operation and the rejection of every non-state, but also intra-state and out-of-state actor, even if it was valid once, has definitely been weakened by the events of the post-cold war era, and especially with the advent of globalization. New parameters have been inserted in the process of foreign policy formulation and politicians (and all those responsible for a country‘s foreign policy) have to take them into consideration.
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Strömberg, David. "Mass Media Competition, Political Competition, and Public Policy." Review of Economic Studies 71, no. 1 (January 2004): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/0034-6527.00284.
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Vicsek, Lilla. "GM Crops in Hungary: Comparing Mass Media Framing and Public Understanding of Technoscientific Controversy." Science as Culture 23, no. 3 (February 20, 2014): 344–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09505431.2014.884062.
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Wilke, Jürgen. "Mundialización de los mass-media y política internacional Mass media globalization and foreign policy." Comunicación y Cultura 2, no. 2 (June 1, 1998): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1174/113839598322025928.
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Sanjaya, Titus Adhi, Ramlani Lina Sinaulan, and Mohamad Ismed. "Pendekatan Integral Penal Policy dan Non Penal Policy Dalam Penanggulangan Kejahatan Anak." SALAM: Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Syar-i 9, no. 2 (February 12, 2022): 347–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sjsbs.v8i6.23241.
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People who follow Marc Ancel's theory of criminal policy say that mass media is one way to keep people from getting into trouble. It turns out, though, that when it comes to child crimes, the media has an impact on how many crimes happen. Mass media has been shown to have an effect on children's development, so this is a good thing. A child may have a strong desire to do bad things because of pictures, readings, and movies. It's important to look at one part of social policy that deals with public mental health problems (social hygiene), both as individuals in the community and as parents and caregivers. This includes both the well-being of children and adolescents and the community as a whole.Keywords: Integral Penal Policy; Non-Penal Policy; Child Crime AbstrakSebenarnya apabila memperhatikan teori kebijakan kriminal yang dikemukakan oleh marc Ancel, mass media adalah salah satu sarana yang digunakan untuk melakukan pencegahan kejahatan. Namun dalam kaitan kejahatan anak, mass media justru berpengaruh terhadap timbulnya suatu kejahatan. Hal ini dibenarkan karena mass media dipahami berpengaruh pula terhadap perkembangan anak. Keinginan atau kehendak anak untuk melakukan kejahatan kadangkala timbul karena pengaruh gambar-gambar, bacaan dan film. Salah satu aspek kebijakan sosial yang patut mendapat perhatian ialah penggarapan masalah kesehatan jiwa masyarakat (social hygiene), baik secara individual sebagai anggota masyarakat maupun kesejahteraan keluarga termasuk kesejahteraan anak dan remaja serta masyarakat luas pada umumnya.Kata Kunci: Integral Penal Policy; Non Penal Policy; Kejahatan Anak
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Soroka, Stuart, and Christopher Wlezien. "Tracking the Coverage of Public Policy in Mass Media." Policy Studies Journal 47, no. 2 (October 17, 2018): 471–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/psj.12285.
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Otten, Alan L. "The Influence of the Mass Media on Health Policy." Health Affairs 11, no. 4 (January 1992): 111–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1377/hlthaff.11.4.111.
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Polyák, Gábor. "Ökonomische Bedeutung und rechtlicher Rahmen der staatlichen Werbung in der ungarischen Medienpolitik." osteuropa recht 65, no. 1 (2019): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-6444-2019-1-51.
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The situation of media freedom, the current problems of media regulation in Hungary has been a constant issue of the European agenda since 2010. Despite the fierce criticism of domestic, European and international organizations, neither the legal framework nor the direction of media policy steps changed. The media policy measures of recent years gradually led to an extensive transformation of the media system. The process is based on three contiguous pillars. These are undermining the independence of the supervisory bodies of private and public media, manipulating access to the resources necessary for their activity in the media market, and manipulating the information environment by controlling the access to public information and the political agenda. This paper highlights the communication and funding roles of state advertising and campaigning and the legal issues they raise. State advertising should by no means favour certain market players unfoundedly, because in such cases they can be considered as prohibited state aid in the terms of the European law. The practice of placing state advertisements in Hungary does not meet the normal market conditions. These advertisements are also problematic from the point of view of media law classification, however the Hungarian media authority always applies the law in favour of the government. This behaviour can also be found in the practice of assessing media concentrations. The misuse of public finance and the authorities’ biased decisions together resulted in the largest media concentration in Europe at the end of 2018.
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Brieger, William. "Mass media and health communication in rural Nigeria." Health Policy and Planning 5, no. 1 (1990): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/5.1.77.
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Bak, Pál, Gergely Németh, and Diána Szőke. "Foundations of Hungarian Defence Policy." Honvédségi Szemle 148, Special Issue 2. (2020): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35926/hdr.2020.2.1.
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This article aims to outline the foundations of contemporary Hungarian defence policy thinking, highlighting the factors which have shaped it during the last years. Hungary lies in a unique geostrategic position, at the crossroads of ‘eastern’ and ‘southern’ challenges. The study therefore begins by presenting an overview of Hungary’s place in the global security environment, especially in light of the instability currently characterising certain regions on Europe’s periphery. It then goes on to discuss the institutional framework of Hungarian security and defence policy, primarily concentrating on NATO and the EU CSDP. The newly adopted National Security Strategy, together with the National Military Strategy (currently under review) serve as the starting point for the analysis.Our study also pays particular attention to Hungary’s large-scale military modernisation programme, the Zrínyi Programme. Based on this, the authors identify three major challenges shaping the medium-term outlook for Hungarian defence policy. These are (i) the pressures of illegal mass migration; (ii) the challenges of transnational terrorism; along with (iii) the activity and potential for conflict among regional and global powers. In addition, the article briefly highlights the future challenges that Hungary must reckon with, including the security-related implications of global climate change, energy dependency, cyber defence, together with the proliferation of nuclear and conventional weapons.
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Alkhajar, Eka Nada Shofa, and Agusniar Rizka Luthfia. "Mass Media and Public Policy: Public Perception of Street Vendors in the Media." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 8, no. 8 (October 9, 2021): 535. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v8i8.3047.
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The financial crisis in 1997 and the arrival of reform era in Indonesia has made Surakarta city a city of street vendors. The street vendors exist throughout the city and cause many problems. The first direct election for local leaders in Indonesia inspired citizens to hope that the local governments would be to overcome the problems effectively, including in Surakarta. This article aims to examine the Surakarta citizens’ perceptions of the street vendors in Solopos daily, which is the main newspaper of the city. The research employed qualitative content analysis method. The data were taken through documentation. The results indicated that the public of Surakarta wanted street vendors need to be managed immediately. They wanted it to become the city’s priority agenda. The public perception, then, becomes an important source as well as a good support for the local government to run actions and formulate a proper policy in the form of street vendors management.
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Kinzer, Ann-Christine. "Mass appeal." Journal of Science Communication 21, no. 01 (March 21, 2022): R01. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.21010701.
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Justin Gest's book “Mass appeal. Communicating policy ideas in multiple media” illustrates how to communicate research effectively. He offers insights into different mediums and provides practical examples of each. While the author has a background in policy research, his ideas and insight are of interest to a much broader audience with an interest in science communication.
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Sharapov, Kiril. "Public Understanding of Trafficking in Human Beings in Great Britain, Hungary and Ukraine." Anti-Trafficking Review, no. 13 (September 26, 2019): 30–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.14197/atr.201219133.
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This article provides a summary of research undertaken to investigate public awareness and understanding of human trafficking in Great Britain, Hungary and Ukraine. Responding to the lack of reliable empirical data on this issue, the research relies on representative national opinion surveys to assess the extent of public awareness of what constitutes human trafficking, the sources of knowledge underpinning this awareness, and respondents’ attitudes towards key dimensions of human trafficking as embedded in international and respective national legal and policy frameworks and discourses. Conceptually, this article reinforces recent calls for policy and media paradigm shifts from understanding human trafficking as a phenomenon of crime and victimhood, to, above all, a human rights concern linked to the broader issues of sustainable development and social justice. Methodologically, the study highlights the role of opinion surveys as a measure of effectiveness and impact of anti-trafficking awareness campaigns. In practical terms, the article presents a set of data which can be useful for policy-makers, anti-trafficking activists, and national media in designing impactful awareness-raising campaigns and interventions.
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DeJong, William, and Jay A. Winsten. "The Use of Mass Media in Substance Abuse Prevention." Health Affairs 9, no. 2 (January 1990): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1377/hlthaff.9.2.30.
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van der Poel, Hugo. "Media policy in Europe: compromising between nationalism and mass markets." Leisure Studies 10, no. 3 (September 1991): 187–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02614369100390181.
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Olper, Alessandro, and Johan Swinnen. "Mass Media and Public Policy: Global Evidence from Agricultural Policies." World Bank Economic Review 27, no. 3 (January 1, 2013): 413–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wber/lht008.
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Fokina, V. V. "Mass media as actors of world politics." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(28) (February 28, 2013): 61–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-1-28-61-65.
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The article is devoted to the questions about mass media as non-governmental actors of world politics. The author notes the main activities of mass media in world politics, researches the state information policy, models of the relations of the state with mass media. The role of political censorship and propaganda in interaction with the international public opinion is considered especially.
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Golder, Su, Lisa Stirk, Kath Wright, and Julie Glanville. "Health stories in the mass media." Journal of Health Services Research & Policy 11, no. 1 (January 2006): 61–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1258/135581906775094244.
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Soujon, Enikö, and Bianca Vaz Mondo. "Public Policy and Mass Media: The Interplay of Mass Communication and Political Decision Making." Zeitschrift für Politikberatung 4, no. 4 (2011): 178–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1865-4789-2011-4-178.
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Sukmayadi, Vidi. "The Dynamics of Media Landscape and Media Policy in Indonesia." Asia Pacific Media Educator 29, no. 1 (May 24, 2019): 58–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1326365x19844853.
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Democratization in communication is the starting point for mass media in achieving a prosperous information society. However, building an ideal democratic role of media is not trouble free. The incredible pace of the development of media industry in Indonesia in the last two decades poses at least two main threats to media consumers. First, the growth of the media industry in Indonesia has been driven by capital interests that lead to media oligopoly. Second, the integration of conventional media and the internet and social media technology place our society information flow on a stranglehold. The media consolidation gives the audience an illusion of information choice without realizing that actually they are losing their rights for reliable information. Hence, an upgrade of media literacy skill and a proper media policy are needed to cope with the current fast-paced world.
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Davies, Anna Ray. "Is the media the message? Mass media, environmental information and the public." Journal of Environmental Policy & Planning 3, no. 4 (December 2001): 319–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jepp.92.
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Kramer, John M. "Drug Abuse in Eastern Europe: An Emerging Issue of Public Policy." Slavic Review 49, no. 1 (1990): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500413.
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Communist governments have traditionally contended that "negative" phenomena, including drug abuse, were alien to socialism and could flourish only within the exploitation, moral depravity, and spiritual vacuousness of capitalism. Recent accounts in official media of Eastern Europe–often employing lurid and perhaps hyperbolic language–now admit that the New Socialist Man can, like his capitalist counterpart, become a victim of what the media themselves often call "narcomania."1 Regimes in Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, the U.S.S.R., and Yugoslavia, to varying degrees, are willing to acknowledge the existence of drug abuse in their societies. A Soviet source explains why: "Concealing an illness will not make it go away; it will only drive it inward. We have come to realize that openness is needed in the struggle against drug addiction; that we must look the truth in the eye, no matter how unsavory it is.
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Temesi, István. "Administrative Background and the Process of Migrant Integration in Hungary." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 18, no. 3 (September 4, 2018): 421–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.18.3.2.
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Some EU member states have been migrant destinations for a long time, while others have lost a considerable part of their population since their accession to the EU. Hungary belongs to the latter. Large numbers of immigrants have not been arriving here since the end of the war in former Yugoslavia. However, in 2015 Hungary was suddenly strongly affected by mass migration, mainly because of the country’s geographical location. Mass migration has strongly influenced politics as the decision-maker and public administration as the executor of political decisions. Both the decisions and the policy-makers have been strongly criticised for taking a different approach to the situation compared with many other European countries. The Hungarian government’s priority was to reduce or stop mass migration and it used political, legal, and physical instruments selected for this purpose. This study does not aim to judge whether they are right or wrong. Hungarian public administration has had to adapt to the situation and it has done so by way of implementing new and modified legal rules. However, due to the political decisions described above, it has developed and changed at the same time.
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Arifin, Zainal, and Emi Puasa Handayani. "THE INFLUENCE OF MASS MEDIA REPORTING ON THE RESCUE AND FORMULATION OF ENVIRONMENTAL LAWS IN KEDIRI." Legal Standing : Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 6, no. 1 (April 4, 2022): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24269/ls.v6i1.5088.
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News coverage by the mass media is very influential on the way of thinking and behaving society in saving the environment from damage. Examples are pollution, abuse of natural resources and environmental protection. Media coverage also influences policy makers in formulating environmental law policies. Aspects of communication and policy aspects have interrelationships that affect each other. In the empirical level the relationship is reflected in the public perception when responding to environmental problems. The mass media as a social institution has contributed to the worldview and thinking of the community and policy makers. This study focuses on the interrelation or relationship between press coverage with rescue and environmental law formulation policy. The purpose of research to determine the influence of mass media coverage on rescue and environmental management policy. This type of research is qualitative research with mass media content analysis method combined with in-depth interview technique to source and stake holder applied in this research. Data processing is done by manual coding technique, coding sheet and interview guide. The analysis is done by qualitative and quantitative descriptive approach presented in the form of frequency table and bar diagram. Interview results are used to sharpen the analysis. The result, that the continuous and continuous mass media coverage and deep, was able to stop environmental destruction, especially illegal sand mining in the Brantas River Basin of Kediri. Second, the government in taking environmental law policy is influenced by mass media coverage. The conclusion of this research is that the mass media influence the cessation of illegal sand mining activity in Brantas River Basin of Kediri. Both media coverage influenced policy makers to formulate legal policy in Kediri.
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Mangal, Farooq Jan. "Role of Media in Policy Making: Special reference to Afghanistan." International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Invention 7, no. 03 (March 14, 2020): 5821–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18535/ijsshi/v7i03.01.
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Mass media (Radio, TV, print…) plays a crucial and vital role in information distribution and thus in the political market and public policy making. Theory predicts that information provided by mass media reflects the media’s incentives to provide news to different types of groups in society, and affects these groups’ influence in policy-making. The study emphasize on the role of mass media in political markets and its effect on public policy-making. It attempts to develop a theoretical relationship between mass media and public policy. The empirical studies have tried to assess the effect of media on policy outcomes.
Analysing various cases in Afghanistan, media influences policy makers and higher authorities to act in accordance of the suggestion and recommendations of media workers and institutions. In recent decades, policy makers have considered on media’s soft and proper demands based on their suggestions and recommendations, even many articles in Afghanistan’s constitution would be amended.
According to our findings, ‘Access to Information Law’, passed by president Ashraf Ghani, was a combine demand of policy makers, lawyers and media workers, who believed that legal information except the information that can harm national security should be accessible by locals and media workers through law. Similarly, Afghan Journalist safety committee developed a comprehensive policy against women Sexual harassment that will be discussed in the paper as a ‘Case Study’. Hence, the policy has been accepted by Government of Afghanistan and is implemented since then
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Farina, Claudio, and Antonio Goglio. "Mass-media e AIDS a Bergamo." Medicina e Morale 42, no. 4 (August 31, 1993): 767–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/mem.1993.1051.
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A dieci anni dalla segnalazione del primo caso di infezione da HIV si è ritenuto opportuno compiere un'analisi retrospettiva su quanto è stato ''scritto" sull'argomento AIDs in Provincia di Bergamo dal1981 al 1990. Scopo di questa riflessione è verificare le modalità dell'intervento informativo sulla probiematica dell'AIDS, allo scopo di registrame l'impatto sulla popolazione e sugli "addetti ai lavori", tenendo conto che la popolazione, pur avendo a disposizione anche altri mezzi di informazione, "legge", specie in periferia, prevalentemente i quotidiani locali. Sono stati valutati 180 testi, di cui 71 di impostazione cattolica e 109 laica. Gli editoriali riservati al tema AIDS appaiono essere scarsamente rappresentati e scarso è l'interesse dimostrato dai lettori ad instaurare un pubblico dibattito sull'argomento. Tale dato risulta costante per tutte le testate analizzate che riferiscono per lo più notizie di interesse locale. Le fonti di informazione si riferiscono in modo largamente maggioritario al pubblico vario cui fa seguito l'interesse per il parere dei politici che prevale su quello espresso dai medici. La stampa di impostazione cattolica è pressoché stabile nel tempo dal punto di vista quantitativo mentre per la stampa "laica" è possibile rilevare che nell 1987 è stato pubblicato il 54% del totale degli articoli. L'analisi testuale mostra il prevalere delle notizie di interesse sociale e di prevenzione nonché delle graduatorie dei casi di infezione. L'impatto suscitato dalla notizia tale da indurre un'impressione favorevole (superiore al 50% a far corso dal 1985 per la stampa cattolica e dal 1987 per quella laica) rispetto a quella emotivamente negativa precedentemente caratterizzante la maggior parte delle informazioni. L'analisi permette di evidenziare la facilità per il divulgatore di accedere al materiale scientifico, talora favorita da atteggiamenti presenzialisti dell'autorità tecnica nonché la tendenza a considerare i "fatti di cronaca" talora in modo sensazionalistico piuttosto che problematico.
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SHIRK, SUSAN L. "Changing Media, Changing Foreign Policy in China." Japanese Journal of Political Science 8, no. 1 (March 14, 2007): 43–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002472.
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China has undergone a media revolution that has transformed the domestic context for making foreign policy as well as domestic policy. The commercialization of the mass media has changed the way leaders and publics interact in the process of making foreign policy. As they compete with one another, the new media naturally try to appeal to the tastes of their potential audiences. Editors make choices about which stories to cover based on their judgments about which ones will resonate best with audiences. In China today, that means a lot of stories about Japan, Taiwan, and the United States, the topics that are the objects of Chinese popular nationalism. The publicity given these topics makes them domestic political issues because they are potential focal points for elite dis-agreement and mass collective action, and thereby constrains the way China' leaders and diplomats deal with them. Even relatively minor events involving China' relations with Japan, Taiwan, or the United States become big news, and therefore relations with these three governments must be carefully handled by the politicians in the Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee. Because of the Internet, it is impossible for Party censors to screen out news from Japan, Taiwan or the United States that might upset the public. Common knowledge of such news forces officials to react to every slight, no matter how small. Foreign policy makers feel especially constrained by nationalist public opinion when it comes to its diplomacy with Japan. Media marketization and the Internet have helped make Japan China' most emotionally charged international relationship.
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Mangal, Farooq Jan. "Case Study: Role of Media in Policy Making: Special Reference to Afghanistan." Integrated Journal for Research in Arts and Humanities 2, no. 6 (November 8, 2022): 38–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.55544/ijrah.2.6.5.
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Mass media (Radio, TV, print…) plays a crucial and vital role in information distribution and thus in the political market and public policy making. Theory predicts that information provided by mass media reflects the media’s incentives to provide news to different types of groups in society, and affects these groups’ influence in policy-making. The study emphasize on the role of mass media in political markets and its effect on public policy-making. It attempts to develop a theoretical relationship between mass media and public policy. The empirical studies have tried to assess the effect of media on policy outcomes.
Analysing various cases in Afghanistan, media influences policy makers and higher authorities to act in accordance of the suggestion and recommendations of media workers and institutions. In recent decades, policy makers have considered on media’s soft and proper demands based on their suggestions and recommendations, even many articles in Afghanistan’s constitution would be amended.
According to our findings, ‘Access to Information Law’, passed by president Ashraf Ghani, was a combine demand of policy makers, lawyers and media workers, who believed that legal information except the information that can harm national security should be accessible by locals and media workers through law. Similarly, Afghan Journalist safety committee developed a comprehensive policy against women Sexual harassment that will be discussed in the paper as a ‘Case Study’. Hence, the policy has been accepted by Government of Afghanistan and is implemented since then.
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Litschka, Michael. "The Political Economy of Media Capabilities: The Capability Approach in Media Policy." Journal of Information Policy 9, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 79–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.9.1.0079.
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Abstract In this article, the implications and application possibilities of the capability approach by Amartya Sen for normative discussions about media policy are explored. It gives an overview of some important streams of heterodox political-economic approaches in economics and their role in a “mediatized” world and centers on two concepts of major interest for media policies: the potential media capabilities can have for media users in a mediatized economy, and the important role of publicity and mass media when questions of justice are concerned. For both issues, the capability approach offers interesting insights from a political-economic perspective.
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Zerkal’, Dar’ia. "MASS MEDIA AS A TOOL OF STATE INFORMATION POLICY: MODELS OF AUTHORITY AND MEDIA INTERACTION." Research Yearbook. Institute of Philosophy and Law. Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences 16, no. 2 (June 2016): 94–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17506/ryipl.2016.2.94104.
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Heidenreich, Tobias, Fabienne Lind, Jakob-Moritz Eberl, and Hajo G. Boomgaarden. "Media Framing Dynamics of the ‘European Refugee Crisis’: A Comparative Topic Modelling Approach." Journal of Refugee Studies 32, Special_Issue_1 (December 1, 2019): i172—i182. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fez025.
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Abstract The complexity and duration of the so-called ‘European refugee crisis’ created a climate of uncertainty, which left ample room for mass media to shape citizens’ understanding of what the arrival of these refugees meant for their respective country. This study analyses the national media discourses in Hungary, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom and Spain for this time period. Applying Latent Dirichlet Allocation topic modelling in five languages and based on N = 130,042 articles from 24 news outlets, we reveal country-specific media frames to track the overall course of the refugee debate and to uncover dynamics and shifts in discourses. While results show similarities across countries, due to media coverage responding to real-world developments, there are differences in media framing as well. Possible sources of these differences such as countries’ geographic location or status as receiving country are discussed.