Relevant bibliographies by topics / Mass media policy – Hungary

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Academic literature on the topic 'Mass media policy – Hungary'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Mass media policy – Hungary"

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Bíró, Anikó, and Ágnes Szabó-Morvai. "Mass media coverage and vaccination uptake: evidence from the demand for meningococcal vaccinations in Hungary." European Journal of Health Economics 22, no. 6 (April 9, 2021): 887–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10198-021-01296-y.

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AbstractWe estimate the effect of mass media coverage of the meningococcal disease on the uptake of meningococcal vaccinations in Hungary. Our analysis is based on administrative county-level data on vaccination purchases linked to indicators of media coverage of the meningococcal disease and to administrative records of disease incidence. Using geographical and time variations in these indicators, our fixed effects estimates indicate a strong positive effect of mass media coverage of the disease on the rate of vaccination with all types of the meningococcal vaccine. At the same time, we do not find evidence that disease incidence itself has a positive impact on vaccination. These findings are broadly in line with imperfect information and the principles of bounded rationality and highlight the responsibility of mass media in influencing health-related behaviours.
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Absattarov, G. R., and Т. О. Duisenbaev. "CHINA'S POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL PROPAGANDA: MASS MEDIA AND THE FILM INDUSTRY." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 69, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-8940.13.

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This article discusses the key features of China's political and ideological propaganda campaign. In May 2016, the President of China, Xi Jinping, said that after China had solved the problems of its population, which throughout history had been the victim of hunger and violence by foreigners, it was time to stop reprimands from the international community. According to Xi Jinping, a new rhetorical system should be developedto facilitate mutual understanding between China and the rest of the world, and ultimately promote China's cultural policy.
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Pylova, O. A. "Irredentism of Hungary, Poland and Romania in Western Ukraine in the Context of Language Policy of Kyiv." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 6 (February 10, 2020): 138–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-6-138-142.

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In the severe political and economic conditions that have developed in Ukraine, fears of the policies of irredentism of neighbouring states are becoming increasingly realistic. The problem of the separation of territories and in some cases of their transfer to neighbouring states arose in Ukraine in 2014 after the Russian rejoin of the Crimea and the beginning of the crisis in the eastern part of the country. Today, special attention attracts the situation in the Donbas region, and almost no one addresses the potential problem of the same kind happening in western regions. This article attempts to identify the main goals of Ukraine’s western neighbours (Hungary, Romania, and Poland) concerning Ukraine and the humanitarian instruments of influence they use to achieve these goals. The methodology of the study has determined the structure of the article, which includes a comparative analysis of the goals and methods of the cultural and linguistic influence these states have on the population of the neighbouring territory (i.e. national minorities). Cultural and linguistic influence in this context means the cultivation of national minority languages within a limited area of their residence through education, mass media, and the organisation of programs to promote the development of cultural relations. Based on the above methodology and statistical and analytical material, the author concludes that Hungary, Romania and Poland, using similar tools to influence their national minorities, pursue different goals. Both the methods of influence and the tasks of these states I discussed in detail. Besides, one of the main conclusions drawn from the results of my study is that Hungarian, Polish and Romanian irredentism is indeed a severe risk today and deserves special attention from Ukraine.
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Takács, Bence. "Changes in leisure activity among young people aged 15–18 years in Hungary: physical activity, media-consumption and smoking." Orvosi Hetilap 154, no. 15 (April 2013): 581–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/oh.2013.29587.

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Introduction: Young people are more and more inactive, which has numerous well-known negative effects on their health. Several studies indicate that inactive lifestyle disposes people to sit in front of the television, which increases agression and decreases the willingness of reading. There is also a strong link between inactivity and an increase of body mass, deterioration of anthropometric parameters, and deviant behaviour. Aims: The aim of the study was to find out, on the basis of two cross-sectional surveys, the changes occurred within eight years in the free-time activity of Hungarian young people aged between 15 and 19 years. Methods: Data obtained from two surveys conducted by the National Institute for Family and Social Policy, Hungary in 2000 and 2008 including 1780 and 2018 young people, respectively, were analysed and compared. Results: The number of young people regularly involved in sport activity increased significantly, while their media-consumption failed to decrease. Physically active young people are more health-conscious, but regular sporting activity did not expel smoking, which was associated with a sedentary lifestyle and television watching. Conclusions: These data reveal new responses of a new generation; watching televison still takes the largest part of their free time activity, but use of computers, and participation in social activities are not necessarily increase sedentary lifestyle and deviant habits. Internet has positive effects on the regularity of their physical activity. Orv. Hetil., 2013, 154, 581–589.
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Boldizsár, Boglárka. "Teenagers and New Media: Impact on Foreign Language Proficiency and Cultural Sustainability." European Journal of Sustainable Development 10, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.14207/ejsd.2021.v10n2p301.

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There is a wide range of evidence to support the view that new technologies serve an integral part of teenagers’ life. However, in Hungary, it seems that even though the facilities are provided in most of the educational institutions, these are not in regular use due to teachers’ lack of competence, the willingness of using them or their constant operational problems. Using a qualitative, small-scale study conducted in semi-structured focus group interviews (N=8) with 15 participants in five Hungarian primary schools, the study primarily aims to uncover how teenagers can relate their foreign language advancement to their use of digital devices in their free time. Furthermore, the paper examines their views on foreign language (FL) instruction supported by ICT at school as well as which digital devices and for what purposes they would preferably use them in FL classes. The study implicitly raises the issue of cultural sustainability and tries to find evidence to what extent mass culture affects the Hungarian language proficiency of students. According to the results, teenagers’ attitude towards institutional foreign language learning seems to be quite traditional, as they cannot relate their free time activities spent with digital devices to study purposes at school. Although participants are conscious about the effectiveness of ICT promoting language learning, they think that watching films, instructional videos, or working with projected tasks connected to course books are the major reasons for using digital devices for classroom purposes. Regarding cultural sustainability even within this small-scale study, there is some evidence that English as one of the most influential languages of mass culture can have an impact on the mother tongue language maintenance.
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6

Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 18 (November 8, 2022): 144–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-18-7.

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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP). It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole. The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly. The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted. Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions. It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019. It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "Results of Parliamentary Elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 and Prospects of Ukrainian-Hungarian Relations (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-9.

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The article is dedicated to the elections to the State Assembly of Hungary on April 3, 2022, which ended with the victory and acquisition of a constitutional majority by the now ruling coalition of Fidesz-Hungarian Civil Union and the Christian Democratic People’s Party (KDNP) - (Fidesz–KDNP). It analyzes its electoral platform “War or Peace”, the center of which was the attitude to the Russian-Ukrainian war. It is indicated that this war divided the political forces of Hungary into two camps – supporters of neutrality (peace) or supporters of Ukraine (war). The ruling coalition advocated neutrality, non-intervention in the war, which guaranteed the preservation of peace and tranquility for the citizens of Hungary. All the opposition forces showed support for Ukraine against Russia. The authorities accused the latter of the fact that their pro-Ukrainian and anti-Putin activities posed a danger and threatened the spread of the war to the territory of Hungary. It is emphasized that thanks to this position, Fidesz–KDNP won a convincing victory in Hungary as a whole and especially among the Hungarian communities abroad, while the six-party opposition bloc, although it won convincingly in 17 of Budapest’s 18 districts, suffered a significant defeat in the country as a whole. The main reasons for the unexpected victory of the ruling coalition Fidesz - HDNP in these elections are highlighted. Among them: the coalition flexibly combined centrist and center-right values, synthesized them and rose above narrow party interests, turning into a broad popular front of the Hungarian nation. It is also noted that during the 12-year remaining stay in power in the country, transformations were completed, namely, a new Basic Law (constitution) was adopted, relevant legislation was formed, and a national democratic model of political and economic power was introduced according both to the state and EU standards that complies with state and EU standards. The internal policy was aimed at the development of traditional branches of the economy and the formation of modern forms of management. Relatively high economic development of the country was ensured thanks to by the effective use of foreign investments, international markets, which are far from being limited to EU countries. Hungary develops close cooperation with countries of all regions, if its national interests are ensured. Great attention is paid to the support and protection of Hungarian communities living in countries neighboring Hungary (Romania, Slovakia, Serbia, Ukraine). At the legislative level, the status of Hungarians abroad is almost equal to that of Hungarians in the country itself. The policy of national unity, the recognition of Hungarians, regardless of their residency country of residence, as members of a united single Hungarian nation, gained general approval. The concentration of domestic and foreign policy on the priority of Hungarian interests helped Fidesz to turn into an authoritative and reliable political force of the country, which, using civilized methods, fights for the future of Hungary, the comprehensive development of its people, the preservation of the identity of Hungarian communities abroad, the prevention of assimilation, mass emigration and the restriction of their rights along national lines. In addition, the ruling coalition managed to form a reliable financial, personnel, and media potential, to significantly expand the electoral field of its activities, which no opposition political force is able to compete with, especially during the elections to the State Assembly. The qualitative composition of the new parliament was analyzed. The progress of the election of the new President of Hungary on March 9, the speaker of the newly elected parliament, his deputies and heads of parliamentary factions on May 2, and finally the Prime Minister of Hungary on May 16 and the approval of the country’s new government headed by Viktor Orbán on May 24, is highlighted. Great attention is paid to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations. The analysis of political processes during the election campaign and in the first months after the end of the elections, in particular the attitude of Budapest to the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, to the formation of Hungarian-Ukrainian relations, allowed us to draw conclusions that the priorities of the international activities of the ruling coalition of Hungary will remain unchanged: serving the interests of the Hungarian nation on in all territories of its residence, in particular support, protection and assistance to Hungarian national communities in Romania, Slovakia, Serbia and Ukraine. The results of the parliamentary elections in Hungary on April 3, 2022 confirmed that these principles are unchanged and continue to be binding in the activities of the Hungarian government institutions. It is emphasized that the level of development of Hungary's bilateral relations with neighboring states will depend on ensuring the Hungarian foreign communities interests how the interests of the Hungarian foreign communities will be ensured (granting dual citizenship, autonomy status for the community, creating conditions for cultural and educational development based on in the national language and traditions). Hungarian-Ukrainian relations will be in the same condition state. Hungary supports the territorial integrity of Ukraine, its European choice, condemns Russian aggression, supports the EU’s sanctions policy against the Russian Federation, and provided shelter for 800,000 refugees from Ukraine. More than 100,000 people from Ukraine stay are in Hungary illegally. Since July 19, Hungary has allowed the transit of weapons from other countries through its territory to Ukraine. Yet But it continues to maintain neutrality in the Russian-Ukrainian war, supports EU energy sanctions against the Russian Federation in such a way that it does not harm its economic interests. At the same time, it does not agree to the application of certain legal provisions on education the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, that came into force in 2017 and 2019 to the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia of a number of provisions of the laws on education and the procedure for using the Ukrainian language as the official language on the territory of Ukraine, which came into force in 2017 and 2019. It is emphasized that the settlement of cultural and educational issues of the Hungarian community of Transcarpathia should become a priority task for both countries.
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Voci, Denise. "Logos, Ethos, Pathos, Sustainabilitos? About the Role of Media Companies in Reaching Sustainable Development." Sustainability 14, no. 5 (February 23, 2022): 2591. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14052591.

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As producers of economic and cultural goods, media companies are subject to a double responsibility: regarding how they operate and how they represent reality in their products. Thus, their social responsibility is primarily the “brain print” they leave on their audience. Communication of, about, and for sustainability through mass media is therefore essential to create a shared understanding of societal values on sustainability, creating public engagement, and contributing to sustainable development. Accordingly, the present study aims at understanding how media (companies) take their responsibility as key communicators in the public sphere and analyze how they communicate and thus construct the sustainability discourse through their products. For this, sustainability-related content produced and broadcasted by the two largest commercial media companies in Germany (RTL and ProSiebenSat1; n = 50 online articles and n = 89 videos, 601 min in total) was analyzed by qualitative content analysis and rhetoric text analysis to understand what and how media communicate sustainability. Results show that most media sustainability-related content addresses food issues, followed by issues regarding resources and the environment, thus contributing to the achievement of some of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Namely: SDG#2 (zero hunger), #6 (clean water and sanitation), #13 (climate action), #14 (life below water), and #15 (life on land). These issues are primarily communicated logically, appealing to the audience’s reason (logos, 76%), while the ethical appeal ethos (22%) and the emotional pathos (2%) scarcely occur. The analysis also leaves room for discussion regarding the responsibility of media companies in their role as communicators of, about, and for sustainability; about how they fulfill their responsibility in accordance with the SDG Media Compact, and about the opportunities and risks of applying different rhetorical appeals.
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Granville, Johanna. "“If Hope is Sin, Then We Are All Guilty”: Romanian Students’ Reactions to the Hungarian Revolution and Soviet Intervention, 1956–1958." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1905 (January 1, 2008): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2008.142.

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The events of 1956 (the Twentieth CPSU Congress, Khrushchev’s Secret Speech, and the Hungarian revolution) had a strong impact on the evolution of the Romanian communist regime, paving the way for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania in 1958, the stricter policy toward the Transylvanian Hungarians, and Romania’s greater independence from the USSR in the 1960s. Students complained about their living and studying conditions long before the outbreak of the Hungarian crisis. Ethnic Hungarians from Transylvania listened closely to Budapest radio stations, and Romanian students in Budapest in the summer of 1956 were especially affected by the ferment of ideas there. For the Gheorghiu-Dej regime, the Hungarian revolution and Soviet invasion provided a useful excuse to end the destalinization process and crack the whip conclusivel —carrying out mass arrests, but also granting short-term concessions to ethnic minorities and workers. Of all segments of the Romanian population, university students were the most discontented. Drawing on archival documents, published memoirs, and recent Romanian scholarship, this paper will analyze and compare the student unrest in Bucharest, Cluj, Iaşi, and Timişoara. Due to a combination of psychological, logistical, and historical factors, students in the latter city were especially vocal and organized. On October 30 over 2,000 students from the Polytechnic Institute in Timişoara met with party offi cials, demanding changes in living and study conditions, as well as the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania. Another 800-1,000 students convened on October 31, calling for the release of students who were arrested the day before. Obvious discrepancies between the Romanian and Hungarian media sparked their curiosity about events in Hungary, while their cramped dorm rooms actually facilitated student meetings. In the Banat region itself, a tradition of anti-communist protest had prevailed since 1945. Although arrested en masse, these students set a vital precedent—especially for the Timişoarans who launched the Romanian Revolution thirty-three years later.
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Hegedus, I. "The Mass Media, Political Parties, and Europessimism in Hungary." Mediterranean Quarterly 17, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-2006-008.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mass media policy – Hungary"

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Lawlor, Andrea. "Understanding public policy through mass media." Thesis, McGill University, 2014. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=121392.

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Media have both direct and indirect influences on policy, and can, at various times, serve as a contributor to policy, a conduit of policy information, and a mirror to the policy process. Although the scholarly literature acknowledges media's role in the policy process, particularly their ability to affect policymakers directly, systematically push policy alternatives, or influence public opinion, the literature often omits a critical role for media: reflecting the policy process. Mass media are the public's largest source of information on policy, yet the volume and tone of media reporting on policy over time, not to mention what we can learn about public policy through media data, are often overlooked. This dissertation examines how we can use media as a tool to better understand the complexity of public policy narratives, framing and change. It also suggests an approach to using media data as a tool to examine the relationships between policy actors and domains. Using automated content analysis of over 25-years of comparative media data, this dissertation consists of three articles: each makes a contribution to the policy literature, namely in the areas of pension policy, immigration policy, and the literature on issue ownership. When taken together, these articles make a broader contribution to the field's understanding of how framing, language and narrative impact the public's understanding of many facets of the policy process. Results demonstrate the value of understanding media's role as a mirror. Additionally, the approach used can be considered a contribution to the methodological toolkit available to policy and political communications scholars to assist them in better understanding the complex relationships between policy and media.
Les médias ont des effets directs et indirects sur les politiques. À différents moments, les médias peuvent participer à la création et à la diffusion de politiques, tout comme ils peuvent éclaircir le processus d'élaboration de ces politiques. Le rôle des médias dans ce processus, surtout par rapport à leur capacité d'influer sur les décideurs de façon directe, d'avancer systématiquement des politiques de rechange ou d'influencer l'opinion publique, est reconnu dans la littérature spécialisée. Toutefois, on y aborde rarement un autre rôle fondamental des médias, qui est celui de nous faire comprendre le processus de création de politiques. Pour le public, les médias de masse constituent la principale source d'information sur les politiques, mais le volume et le ton des rapports médiatiques à ce sujet au fil du temps – sans oublier les apprentissages sur les politiques publiques que nous pouvons tirer des données des médias – sont souvent négligés. La présente dissertation traite de l'utilisation des médias comme outils pour approfondir notre compréhension du récit, de la formulation et de la modification des politiques publiques. Elle propose également une approche pour appliquer des données médiatiques à l'examen des rapports entre acteurs politiques et domaines. La présente étude s'appuie sur une analyse de contenu automatisée de données comparatives des médias, couvrant une période de plus de 25 ans. Chacune des trois grandes sections de l'analyse apporte une contribution à la littérature spécialisée, en explorant les politiques en matière de pension et d'immigration, ainsi que la question de l'adhésion aux politiques. Dans son ensemble, l'étude renseigne sur la portée de l'expression, du langage et du récit sur la compréhension populaire des nombreux aspects du processus d'élaboration de politiques. Les résultats de l'analyse soulignent l'importance de comprendre le rôle des médias dans la traduction de ce processus. De plus, les chercheurs qui s'intéressent aux politiques et à la communication politique peuvent utiliser l'approche méthodologique proposée pour étudier les rapports complexes entre les politiques et les médias.
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Ivančević, Bosiljka. "Mass Media Influence on Foreign Policy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165346.

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A main purpose of the thesis is to demonstrate and explain to what extend do media influence foreign policy of a state. Foreign policy is always under internal and external influences and media are considered to be one of those external influences that shape it. Agenda setting theory forms the theoretical frame for this thesis because it takes into consideration not just direct media-government relations but the public as well that inside of this relation serves as some sort of mediator. Besides this theory and the CNN effect as its main 'extension' identifiable victim effect and third person effect as important elements in the process of influence will be introduced as well as influence of visualization. When word 'media' is mentioned in this case it implies to television and newspapers' (both printed and online versions) messages and their influences (not just verbal but the visual ones as well). Examples and case studies in this case focus mostly on the US foreign policy due to its influential role, fact that the US is still the country with the most superlatives inside of international arena and the size, influence and role-model identity of its big media companies (for ex. CNN).
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Milter, Katalin Szoverfy. "The Impact of Politics on Post-Communist Media in Eastern Europe: An Historical Case Study of the 1996 Hungarian Broadcasting Act." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1213213285.

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Chondroleou, Georgia. "Policy networks in comparative perspective : media policy networks and regulation policy in Britain and Greece." Thesis, University of York, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273823.

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Vos, Timothy P. "Explaining media policy American political broadcasting policy in comparative context (The Netherlands, Canada) /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Aunan, K. "Reduced damage to health and environment from energy saving : a methodology for integrated assessment applied to a case study in Hungary /." Oslo, Norway : Center for International Climate and Environmental Research, 1998. http://www.cicero.uio.no/media/184.pdf.

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Kedrowski, Karen M. "Media entrepreneurs and the media enterprise in the United States Congress : influencing policy in the Washington community /." Full-text version available from OU Domain via ProQuest Digital Dissertations, 1992.

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Zhou, Yuanzhi. "Capitalizing China's media industry : the installation of capitalist production in the Chinese TV and film sectors /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3290456.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2007.
Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-11, Section: A, page: 4535. Adviser: Daniel Schiller. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 250-259) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.
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Milter, Katalin S. "The impact of politics on post-communist media in Eastern Europe : an historical case study of the 1996 Hungarian Broadcasting Act /." View abstract, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3316361.

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Humphreys, Peter James. "Pluralism and the mass media : media policy controversies in the Federal Republic of Germany." Thesis, University of Bradford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.305642.

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Books on the topic "Mass media policy – Hungary"

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1974-, Urbán Ágnes, and Polyák Gábor 1977-, eds. Media law in Hungary. Alphen aan den Rijn, The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, 2012.

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Bayer, Judit. Media law in Hungary. Alphen aan den Rijn, The Netherlands: Kluwer Law International, 2015.

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Media policy: An introduction. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers, 1999.

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Dragomir, Marius. Mapping digital media: Hungary. [S.l.]: Open Society Foundations, 2012.

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S, Gupta V., Dyal Rajeshwar, and Asian Mass Communication Research and Information Centre., eds. National media policy. New Delhi: Published for AMIC, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung by Concept Pub. Co., 1996.

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Gergely, Ildikó. Understanding the media in Hungary. Düsseldorf: European Institute for the Media, 1997.

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Media, policy and interaction. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Pub., 2009.

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Richard, Fitzgerald, and Housley William 1970-, eds. Media, policy and interaction. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Pub. Company, 2010.

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Mass media vs. politica. Chișinău: Universitatea de Stat din Moldova, 2001.

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United States. National Telecommunications and Information Administration, ed. Globalization of the mass media. Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of Commerce, National Telecommunications and Information Administration, 1993.

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Book chapters on the topic "Mass media policy – Hungary"

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Hamelink, Cees J. "Media Theory and Media Policy." In The Handbook of Media and Mass Communication Theory, 498–509. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118591178.ch27.

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Ayolov, Peter. "Mass media as dissent manufacture." In The Economic Policy of Online Media, 94–111. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003380207-5.

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Schlesinger, Arthur. "Notes on a National Cultural Policy." In Mass Media in Modern Society, 190–96. New York: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429334290-16.

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Compston, Hugh. "The Expansion of Mass Media." In King Trends and the Future of Public Policy, 217–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230627437_14.

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Ayolov, Peter. "Changing the paradigm of mass communication." In The Economic Policy of Online Media, 7–37. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003380207-2.

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Ayolov, Peter. "Dissent and the theory of mass communication." In The Economic Policy of Online Media, 38–74. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003380207-3.

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Kelly, Michael. "Catholic Cultural Policy from 1944 to 1950: ‘Bande dessinée’ and Cinema." In France and the Mass Media, 20–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11208-1_3.

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Reilly, Jacquie. "Food Risks, Public Policy and the Mass Media." In Food, Science and Society, 71–90. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-07285-1_4.

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Waldherr, Annie. "The Mass Media as Actors in Innovation Systems." In Innovation Policy and Governance in High-Tech Industries, 77–100. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-12563-8_4.

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Carter, Phillip M. "Engaging Local and Mass Media on Issues of Language Policy." In Data Collection in Sociolinguistics, 314–17. Second edition | New York, NY : Routledge, [2018]: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315535258-60.

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Conference papers on the topic "Mass media policy – Hungary"

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BONDAREVA, Nadezhda. "Economic Lexicon in Mass Media Texts: Linguocultural Aspect." In DICTUM - FACTUM: from Research to Policy Making. Sibac, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32743/dictum-factum.2020.23-31.

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Do, Huyen Trang. "POWER OF MEDIA, PUBLIC DIPLOMACY AND FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 21st CENTURY." In World Conference on Media and Mass Communication. The International Institute of Knowledge Management (TIIKM), 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.17501/medcom.2018.4105.

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Mitani, Fumie. "Media Frame Analysis on Japanese History Textbook Controversy in 1982 From a Perspective of Foreign Policy and Media." In Annual International Conference on Journalism & Mass Communications. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2301-3729_jmcomm12.52.

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Xu, Ling. "A Probe into the Impact of Mass Media on Public Policy." In 2nd International Conference on Science and Social Research (ICSSR 2013). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icssr-13.2013.180.

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Hudaya, Maula, and Dwi Aulia Putri. "The Influence of Mass Media on Turkish Foreign Policy in Responding to the Crimean Annexation by Russian Federation in 2014." In International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0008820803070312.

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Csiba, Anita, and Arpad Ferencz. "APPLICATION THE PRECISION TECHNOLOGIES THE MAIN PRODUCT AND BY-PRODUCT PROCESSING IN FOOD INDUSTRY." In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/4.1/s18.23.

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The priorities identified by the EU�s and national strategies and the main target areas promoted by the legal regulations concerning this area are precision food production, investments and developments, and � in the area of ensuring the resources needed to achieve these � a more efficient production, the improvement of sustainability and food safety. To achieve these objectives, the European Union has identified the widespread introduction of precision technologies using digitization technology in the food industry. As an effect of the implementation of DAS on the food industry for processing, the environmental pressures will decrease in mass production too. Food economy will be able to produce healthier, higher quality foods. In this research we are analyzing the achievement of the Digital Agricultural Strategy of Hungary of 2019- 2022, the targets of the Common Agricultural Policy as of 2020 and the main targets of the Green Deal, in the case of model farms we have selected. Our purpose is to examine the impacts of precision technologies on the enhancement, thrift, profitability, sustainability the efficiency of production and on the food chain security in the case of medium-sized model food industrial plant.
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Pozdnyakov, Alexander Nikolaevich. "Leaflets as a Form of Mass Propaganda Work in the Field of Education in the Early Years of Soviet Authority." In All-Russian Scientific Conference with International Participation. Publishing house Sreda, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31483/r-101412.

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Mass agitation and propaganda work was one of the main activities of the Soviet government. Its special form in the first post-revolutionary period was the issue of leaflets. In conditions when other forms and mass media were still being formed, their importance was exceptionally high. The leaflets also played an important role in promoting the new educational policy and its implementation. In the article, using the example of leaflets with diverse target orientation and content concerning education issues, their common features and features are traced
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Tucker, Julie, Mary Ernesti, and Akira Tokuhiro. "Quantifying the Metrics That Characterize Safety Culture of Three Engineered Systems." In 10th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone10-22146.

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With potential energy shortages and increasing electricity demand, the nuclear energy option is being reconsidered in the United States. Public opinion will have a considerable voice in policy decisions that will “roadmap” the future of nuclear energy in this country. This report is an extension of the last author’s work on the “safety culture” associated with three engineered systems (automobiles, commercial airplanes, and nuclear power plants) in Japan and the United States. Safety culture, in brief is defined as a specifically developed culture based on societal and individual interpretations of the balance of real, perceived, and imagined risks versus the benefits drawn from utilizing a given engineered systems. The method of analysis is a modified scale analysis, with two fundamental eigenmetrics, time- (τ) and number-scales (N) that describe both engineered systems and human factors. The scale analysis approach is appropriate because human perception of risk, perception of benefit and level of (technological) acceptance are inherently subjective, therefore “fuzzy” and rarely quantifiable in exact magnitude. Perception of risk, expressed in terms of the psychometric factors “dread risk” and “unknown risk”, contains both time- and number-scale elements. Various engineering system accidents with fatalities, reported by mass media are characterized by τ and N, and are presented in this work using the scale analysis method. We contend that level of acceptance infers a perception of benefit at least two orders larger magnitude than perception of risk. The “amplification” influence of mass media is also deduced as being 100- to 1000-fold the actual number of fatalities/serious injuries in a nuclear-related accident.
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STĂNCIULESCU, Raluca-Ioana. "TRANSITION TO A LOW CARBON ECONOMY IN ROMANI." In Competitiveness of Agro-Food and Environmental Economy. Editura ASE, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24818/cafee/2021/10/05.

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The EU Roadmap for moving to a competitive low carbon economy in 2050 states a potential of 85% emission reductions in industry by 2050. The industry is unlikely to meet this target without a major change in the policy frame. The purpose of this article is to assess the potential of the transition to a low carbon economy in Romania including a macroeconomic outlook and to offer some recommendations. Climate challenges rarely appear in the mass-media in Romania. There is no fundamental environmental education, and the media is uninterested in these issues because they do not sell. The environment receives only occasional attention; the primary concerns are about the energy supply and prices. Romania needs to increase knowledge transfer in this context. This change may be done by establishing tactics that combine techniques for reducing environmental impact and communicating the benefits of this process. At this time when innovation and sustainability are two of the most important key elements of the energy transition, it is more important than ever to maintain transparency and better consultation among all decision-makers by focusing on integrated efficiency issues that include economic, social, environmental, and climate change mitigation.
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Borbor, J. D., Katinka C. Van Cranenburgh, and Christiaan W. F. Luca. "Social Risk Management as a Response to Increasing International Pressure for Social Performance." In SPE Annual Technical Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/206240-ms.

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Abstract In the past decades, financial institutions have led the way for companies to adhere to international standards for social performance. The journey began in the Industrial Revolution, when negative societal business impacts rapidly escalated, which led people to demand for their management. Initially focused on working conditions, impacts on the environment soon started to gain notice. Halfway through the 20th century, a combination of oil spills and mass media attention generated enough public pressure for the United States to sign the first piece of legislation requiring the environmental impact assessment. With this law and its replication abroad, however, came the concern with social impacts as well. Both environmental and social performance expectations soon spread internationally and, by the 1980s, multilateral financial institutions, most prominently the World Bank, incorporated such considerations into their investment and lending practices, which is the source of all such international standards today. These standards require the establishment of a social management system to integrate risk and impact management processes and stakeholder engagement activities. Given the challenge of implementing these requirements, a social risk management development framework is proposed to bring together the extensive and multidisciplinary demands of effective social performance. Five development areas are proposed: governance, social policy, tools, resourcing and capacity, and knowledge sharing. This is an important step to take today as it is expected that the next decades will see these international demands increase, possibly by ever increasing governmental regulation.
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Reports on the topic "Mass media policy – Hungary"

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Lajosi, Krisztina. ECMI Minorities Blog. Disinformation, Digital Nationalism and the Hungarian Minority in Ukraine. European Centre for Minority Issues, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/slwe2333.

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The Hungarian minority in Ukraine living mainly in the region of Transcarpathia (Zakarpattia Oblast) has not yet been directly exposed to the horrors of the war. However, roughly since 2014, it has been targeted by online propaganda and disinformation serving the interests of the Kremlin in both Russian and Hungarian media. Several studies have demonstrated how the right-wing media supporting the Hungarian government have come increasingly under Russian influence either directly by translating pieces from Russian media outlets, or indirectly by channeling the talking points of the Kremlin. This digital propaganda has merged with the offline diffusion of ideologies supporting the illiberal democracy that Viktor Orbán declared official policy in Hungary in his infamous speech from 2014. This blog post explores the intricate web of nationalisms that influence political opinions among the Hungarian minority in Ukraine.
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