Journal articles on the topic 'Mass media – European Union countries'
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1
Toczyski, Piotr. "Pan-European institutions and new media: pan-European or counter-pan-European media usage?" Postmodern Openings 12, no. 1 (March 19, 2021): 223–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/po/12.1/256.
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Technically, online space seems to be connective beyond national borders and could serve for mass communication between Europeans, both European Union citizens and candidate countries’ citizens. With high internet penetration rates and Web 2.0 tools availability never before had there been such huge potential of growth in communication. Does it mean that European information society emerges? Or contrary: does it seem that pan-European institutions use online tools in non-pan-European or even counter-pan-European ways? Illustrations from Poland's first ten years after EU accession suggest misusing online space fixed website as exemplified by Europa.eu.
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Muratova, Nozima. "Mass Media in State Strategic Programs of Information Society Development in Different Countries." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 4 (April 1, 2022): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i4.259.
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This article analyzes approaches to the development of the information society in the strategic government programs of different countries and includes an analysis of concepts and strategic approaches, as well as the development of national information infrastructures in a number of Western (USA and European Union) and Asian countries (China, Malaysia and South Korea).
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Grill, Christiane, and Hajo Boomgaarden. "A network perspective on mediated Europeanized public spheres: Assessing the degree of Europeanized media coverage in light of the 2014 European Parliament election." European Journal of Communication 32, no. 6 (August 21, 2017): 568–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323117725971.
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The European Union has become an active political player in the political realm, raising the question about the European Union’s linkages with all aspects of political life reflected in national Europeanized public spheres. This study offers empirical evidence on the extent to which mass media support, challenge or even ignore political representatives in European Union affairs, and thus legitimize, respectively delegitimize European Union governance. The analysis is based on large-scale content analyses of print, TV and online news gathered before and after the 2014 European Parliament election in Austria ( N = 6432). Semantic networks show that national media focus on the European Union’s legislative body, the implications of the European Union’s exclusive competences on the nation state and on well-established European Union member countries. In doing so, national Europeanized public spheres constituted by the media legitimize the European Union’s governance in these areas while other aspects of European integration are ignored.
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Statham, Paul, and Ruud Koopmans. "Political party contestation over Europe in the mass media: who criticizes Europe, how, and why?" European Political Science Review 1, no. 3 (November 2009): 435–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773909990154.
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This study examines political party contestation over Europe, its relationship to the left/right cleavage, and the nature and emergence of Euroscepticism. The analysis is based on a large original sample of parties’ claims systematically drawn from political discourses in the mass media in seven countries: Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, and Switzerland. It addresses questions concerning parties’ mobilized criticisms of European integration and the European Union (EU), specifically: their degree and form; their location among party families and within party systems; cross-national and diachronic trends; their substantive issue contents; whether their ‘Euro-criticism’ is more tactical or ideological; whether claims construct a cleavage; and their potential for transforming party politics. Findings show that a party’s country of origin has little explanatory power, once differences between compositions of party systems are accounted for. Also governing parties are significantly more likely to be pro-European, regardless of party-type. Regional party representatives, by contrast, are significantly more likely to be ‘Euro-critical’. Overall, we find a lop-sided ‘inverted U’ on the right of the political spectrum, but this is generated entirely by the significant, committed Euroscepticism of the British Conservatives andSchweizerische Volkspartei. There is relatively little evidence for Euroscepticism elsewhere at the core, where pro-Europeanism persists. Finally, parties’ Euro-criticism from the periphery mostly constructs substantive political and economic critiques of European integration and the EU, and is not reducible to strategic anti-systemic challenges.
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Hänska, Max, and Stefan Bauchowitz. "Can social media facilitate a European public sphere? Transnational communication and the Europeanization of Twitter during the Eurozone crisis." Social Media + Society 5, no. 3 (July 2019): 205630511985468. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119854686.
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Asking whether social media can plausibly facilitate a European public sphere, this article provides the first operationalization and empirical examination of Europeanization of social media communications. It maps the geospatial structure of Twitter activity around Greece’s 2015 bailout negotiations. We find that Twitter activity showed clear signs of Europeanization. Twitter users across Europe tweeted about the bailout negotiations and coalesced around shared grievances. Furthermore, Twitter activity was remarkably transnational in orientation, as users interacted more often with users in other European Union (EU) countries than with domestic ones. As such, social media allowed users to communicate with one another unencumbered by national boundaries, to bring into existence an ad hoc, issue-based European public sphere.
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Applebaum, Rachel. "The Friendship Project: Socialist Internationalism in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia in the 1950s and 1960s." Slavic Review 74, no. 3 (2015): 484–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.74.3.484.
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This article examines the evolution of socialist internationalism in the 1950s and 1960s through a case study of cultural relations between the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia. More broadly, it explores attempts by Soviet and eastern bloc officials to integrate their countries into a cohesive “socialist world” by constructing an extensive network of transnational, cultural, interpersonal, and commercial ties between their citizens. Accounts of Soviet-eastern bloc relations during this period tend to focus on the iconic crises in Poland and Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968. Yet in the realm of everyday life, the 1950s and 1960s were the apogee of Soviet-eastern European integration. I argue that in the case of Soviet-Czechoslovak relations, the new version of socialist internationalism that developed during these decades was successful in so far as it shaped the lives of ordinary citizens—through participation in friendship societies, pen-pal correspondences, and the consumption of each other's mass media and consumer goods. As these contacts brought the two countries closer, however, they inadvertently highlighted cultural and political discord between them, which ultimately helped undermine the very alliance they were designed to support.
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Filipović, Aleksa. "Vaccine diplomacy during the COVID-19 pandemic on the example of the Republic of Serbia." SENTENTIA. European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, no. 1 (January 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/1339-3057.2022.1.36731.
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The scale of the global COVID-19 pandemic is unprecedented. The COVID-19 vaccines have not only become an indispensable weapon for countering the pandemic, but also are the attribute of technological and scientific prestige of the countries that developed the vaccines. Although the term "vaccine diplomacy" is not new, it may have become much more relevant during the global pandemic. The goal of this research lies in the analysis of vaccine diplomacy of China, the European Union, and the Russia Federation with regards to the Republic of Serbia during the global COVID-19 pandemic. Description is given to the Serbia's participation in the own vaccine diplomacy on the global scale. The novelty of this research consists in comparative analysis of the efforts of "vaccine diplomacy" of the EU, China, and Russia towards Serbia. The research provides the latest results of the survey on the topic of Serbian citizens and their perceptions of foreign aid received during the COVID-19 pandemic. The conclusion is made that medical aid rendered by China and Russia to Serbia was well received by the Serbian government, government-aligned mass media, and society. However, the financial and medical aid provided by the European Union was neither significantly advertised by the media, nor changed the attitudes of Serbian society towards the EU. At the same time, the Serbian government has engaged in the own vaccine diplomacy in order to strengthen ties with the former allies of Yugoslavia from the Non-Aligned Movement.
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Roman, Vasile. "Strategic Communication as an Augumentativ Factor in Social Resilience." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 198–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0029.
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Abstract The society is in a turmoil neither because globalization, high technology or immigration crises, but rather from the race of regional (China and Russia) or world power (US) to develop a new strategies to influence the countries. Europe is not bypassed by these phenomena because Russia as a regional actor is trying to create new sphere of influence at its periphery (especially in Baltic States, Poland and Romania). Romania, as NATO and European Union member, is one of the Russia’s targets not only because geographically it is in the Russia’s proximity, but because it is an area of American’s interests. Russia is developing a real hybrid war, using all the line of effort: political, economical, but specially the social one. The social field is covered by propaganda, promoted by mass-media, as a tool of political power. To counter-attack Russia’s hybrid war, NATO decided, at the Warsaw Summit to develop some operational lines, one is being strategic communication and the second is related with social resilience. The political, administrative and educational institutions are asked to apply this strategy, to find the way to educate people (almost via mass-media) in what is resilience and more important how it works when it is realized
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KÜHNE, THOMAS. "Great Men and Large Numbers: Undertheorising a History of Mass Killing." Contemporary European History 21, no. 2 (March 29, 2012): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000070.
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Scholarship is not only about gaining new insights or establishing accurate knowledge but also about struggling for political impact and for market shares – shares of public or private funds, of academic jobs, of quotations by peers, and of media performances. Timothy Snyder's Bloodlands fights for recentring contemporary European history.1 No longer, his new book implies, should the centre of that history be Germany, which initiated two world wars and engaged with three genocides; even less should the centre be Western Europe, which historians for long have glorified as the trendsetter of modernity; and the Soviet Union, or Russia, does not qualify as ‘centre’ anyway. Introducing ‘to European history its central event’ (p. 380) means to focus on the eastern territories of Europe, the lands between Germany and Russia, which, according to Snyder, suffered more than any other part from systematic, politically motivated, mass murder in the twentieth century. The superior victimhood of the ‘bloodlands’ is a numerical one. Fourteen million people, Jewish and non-Jewish, in the territories of what is today most of Poland, the Ukraine, Belarus, western Russia, and the Baltic States did not become just casualties of war but victims of deliberate mass murder. Indeed, this is ‘a very large number’ (p. 411), one that stands many comparisons: ten million people perished in Soviet and German concentration camps (as opposed to the Nazi death camps, which were located within the ‘bloodlands’), 165,000 German Jews died during the Holocaust (p. ix), and even the number of war casualties most single countries or territories counted in the Second World War was smaller.
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Neprytskyi, Oleksandr, Łukasz Donaj, and Oleh Romanov. "Reputation of Poland in the Public Opinion of the Countries of Europe at the Beginning of the 21st Century in the Studies of the Institute of Public Affairs." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 37 (2021): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-37-101-107.
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Relevance of the topic of the research is determined by the necessity to systemize the works on the study of the reputation of the Republic of Poland during the period of transformation finalization and negotiations on accession to the European Union, which will allow to use them in the future both for the scientific and research work as well as for the application of best practices of national branding in Ukraine. The aim of the article is to study the content and value of the studies of the Institute of Public Affairs dedicated to the topic of reputation of Poland in the countries of Europe at the beginning of the 21st century. Methodology of the research is based on the combination of general (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and specific (historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-systemic, sociocultural) scientific methods with the principals of historicism, systematicity, scientificity and verification. The Institute of Public Affairs was one of the leading analytical centers of the Republic of Poland. The studies, conducted by the Institute, have shown what reputation Poland and the Polish had in the public opinion of the countries of Europe during the phase of active negotiations on the country’s accession to the EU. The IPA’s experts analysed the information about Poland provided by the European media. The researchers provided extensive empirical data as well as the analysis of the theoretical aspect of reputation formation and illustrated the functioning and shift of historical stereotypes. Conclusions. According to the results of the studies of the Institute of Public Affairs, at the very beginning of the 21st century the country had a reputation during the negotiations on the accession to the European Union, which was caused by negative stereotypes. This situation could have been rectified (and in the end, it was rectified), as the historical stereotypes are slowly eliminated, however, they are being changed under the influence of contemporary reality. Mass media play a significant role in this process, being the mirror of public mood and an instrument for shaping it. At the same time, a positive image of Poland was formed in the public opinion of Ukraine, however, Ukraine itself had a bad reputation among the population of Poland, which should have served as an implication for the representatives of the Ukrainian governing elites to take the necessary similar steps.
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Norocel, Ov Cristian. "Antifeminist and “Truly Liberated”: Conservative Performances of Gender by Women Politicians in Hungary and Romania." Politics and Governance 6, no. 3 (September 14, 2018): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v6i3.1417.
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This article employs a two-level analysis to compare the discursive performance of gender on social media in Hungary and Romania; the two countries with the lowest percentage of women in politics in the European Union (EU). First, by revealing the tension between conservative views about gender roles, and social and political specificities in the two countries, the research illustrates how various parties on the conservative right ideological continuum―from the center-right to right-wing populism―relate to the feminist project. Secondly, it analyzes how selected women politicians within this continuum negotiate their ideological beliefs about gender roles with their political career interests, by means of social media (Facebook). The analytical constructs of idealized motherhood and feminine toughness are employed to examine a period of intensive political campaigning in 2014 in both Hungary and Romania. The study triangulates the multi-layered discursive circumstances (the historical, contextual, and social media contexts) in Hungary and Romania, and maps out the similarities and differences that are disclosed when comparing the selected women politicians. The article makes a significant theoretical and empirical contribution to scholarship on gender and conservatism in particular and raises questions for the wider study of gender, politics, and social media in general.
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Yerimpasheva, Aida T., Aida M. Myrzakhmetova, and Dina U. Alshimbayeva. "Conjugation of the Eurasian economic union and the belt road initiative: the role and place of Kazakhstan." R-Economy 8, no. 2 (2022): 172–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/recon.2022.8.2.014.
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Relevance. In mass media, the Silk Road Economic Belt and the Eurasian economic integration are considered as the driving forces behind Eurasia’s development. Nevertheless, the processes of Eurasian integration have been impeded by the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition, 2020-22 have been marked by political turmoil in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) member states. Modelled on the European Union, the Eurasian Union increasingly resembles the former Soviet Union, which is a matter of concern for the member states. On the other hand, the growing democratic sentiments in the post-Soviet countries and the competition between Russia and China for influence in Eurasia make the cooperation of the EAEU and the Belt Road Initiative (BRI) more problematic. Research objective. The study examines the opportunities and challenges associated with the possible integration of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Belt Road Initiative. Methods and Data. In this paper, we used an exploratory research design relying on collecting secondary and primary qualitative data. Methodologically, the study is based on the approaches of positive and nominative economics. The qualitative research in the form of in-depth interviews helped us gain insight into the economic problems of the EAEU member states. We also analyzed the dynamics of each member country’s GDP and compared it with that of China for the period from 2012 to present. Results. The compatibility of national and transnational interests in the EAEU programs is one of the main issues that have to be addressed. There have been specified areas of the EAEU’s development, many of which reveal the Russian Federation’s dominating role in managing the Union. According to the experts we have interviewed, to implement its programs, the EAEU needs significant centralization of power. On the other hand, the unresolved social, economic, and political issues can become a significant obstacle to the integration. Conclusion. Despite the widespread belief that the BRI would bring significant welfare and trade benefits to its participants, the EAEU member countries and China first need to focus on implementing political reforms, which the social and economic agenda hinges upon.
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Potapov, D. "The European Union and China Foreign Direct Investment Cooperation in the Context of the Belt and Road Initiative." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 4 (2020): 76–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2020-4-76-93.
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The article analyses the foreign direct investment cooperation between the European Union and the People’s Republic of China under the Belt and Road Initiative. The initiative is proposed by China and is aimed at developing cross-regional transport and logistics infrastructure connecting China with South-East, South and Central Asia, the Middle East, East Africa and Europe. The author examines the history of the initiative and its assessments by international organizations (e.g. the World Bank and the ESCAP UN) and investigates the structure and statistics of the EU-China investment relations, basing on the examples of the most important China’s investment partners (including France, Italy, Germany and the Vishegrad Group countries). The discrepancy between the conditions for the EU and the Chinese investors is highlighted. The author defines and characterizes the major models of the Belt and Road projects’ development, which are used by China in cooperation with the EU Member States. The EU investors in China face restrictions imposed by the national regulation of foreign investments. In particular, the external investors do not have access to the sectors crucially important for national interest and security (e.g. high-tech sectors and mass media). At the same time, Chinese investors’ access to the EU financial markets is not limited, allowing them to become important shareholders in the EU companies and to transfer technologies. It raises concerns within national governments and the European Union itself. The national governments are establishing and adopting screening mechanisms for foreign direct investments and additional regulations to control important sectors and enterprises. At the same time, the EU Member States are developing a common view on the prospects and mechanisms of cooperation with China under the Belt and Road initiative. The EU countries have not yet reached a consensus upon the Belt and Road initiative and the prospects of the EU participation in it, so the author focuses on the strategies of the examined countries. Germany is calling for a common position for all the EU member states and advocates for using the EU-based mechanisms and platforms for cooperation with China. Such demands are also connected with the promotion of a common EU investment screening mechanism in order to protect the Member States’ interests and security. Italy is deepening its cooperation with China through bilateral mechanisms, mainly based on a memorandum of understanding with China on the Belt and Road initiative. France, on the one hand, shares the common interest with Germany regarding the need for the common EU policy towards the Chinese initiative, but on the other hand, the country is deploying new projects with China. The Visegrad Group states are forging their ties with China through bilateral and multilateral cooperation mechanisms and they are interested in the growth of Chinese investment inflows. This undermines the unanimity of policy towards China and the Belt and Road.
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Loginov, B. B. "Problems and contradictions of international migration statistics." Upravlenie 7, no. 4 (January 27, 2020): 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2019-4-106-112.
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Analysis of problems and trends in the field of international migration development is impossible without reliable statistical data. Particular economic importance for any country including Russia are data on the flows of labor migrants, which have a great impact on the domestic labor market, gross domestic product, balance of payments. International organizations, including United Nations bodies, haven’t worked out single recommendations on proceeding migration statistics, stratification of migration flows. The universal worldwide technique with border and internal migrant calculation principles regarding flows and stocks of labor migrants is absent at the moment.The author focuses on key discrepancies of national migration statistics in different countries and widely practiced flexible interpretation of it by Western politicians and mass media, therefore, the acuteness of migration problems in the Western countries (first, in the European Union) is overestimated and, on the contrary, migration difficulties of such countries as Russia, Iran, Turkey are downgraded or fully ignored. The difficulties in the calculation of international migration, arising from the ambiguous interpretation of the concept of “migrant”, have been indicated. Three approaches – residence outside the country of birth, citizenship, place of usual daily rest – often conflict with each other, when it is necessary to establish the true country of origin of the migrant.The shortcomings of the main sources of information about immigrants: population census, administrative records, population surveys have been also analyzed in the article. New phenomena in international migration flows, such as “cross-motivation” of migrants and migration without going abroad, require their understanding.
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Prinos, Ioannis. "Golden Dawn, Media Representation and the Neoliberal Restructuring of Social Welfare: On the Greek Crisis and the Mobilization of Disidentifications." Sociological Research Online 19, no. 3 (September 2014): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3431.
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Due to the economic crisis in 2008, processes of restructuring and dissolution of the social welfare state have been accelerated in the European Union, especially in the context of severe austerity measures imposed in countries with sovereign debt problems such as Greece. These neoliberal policies have increasingly sought their ‘legitimizing basis’ in discourses concerning a corrupt, ineffective and oversized public realm, while simultaneously promoting the notion of ‘welfare dependency’, insinuating an absence of moral values and proper ‘work ethic’ for the poor and disadvantaged, who are the most affected by the social state's withdrawal. Additionally, such narratives seem to have benefitted from the creation of ‘moral panic’ and the associated cultural representations of underprivileged social groups through mainstream mass media. The current article focuses on the nuances of this phenomenon in Greece, arguing that the catalyst has been the popularity of the extremist, nationalistic and anti-immigrant party of ‘Golden Dawn’. It contends that the representation of Golden Dawn's rhetoric and activism by the media, triggered processes of disidentification with poverty and the underprivileged in the mind of the average Greek; processes rooted in highly emotive sentiments of patriotism, religion and national identity, while linking such groups with the supposed deviant behaviour and ‘inferior’ traits of immigrants. Furthermore, it argues that this discourse enabled the government to ‘assault’ the ideological stance and arguments of the advocates of robust public social interventions from an advantageous position, enhancing the acceptance of its neoliberal agenda regarding public social policy in the Greek populace.
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Zaritskiy, B. "Germany and China: Partners, Competitors or Systemic Rivals?" World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 2 (2021): 16–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-2-16-28.
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China is currently Germany’s main trade partner. For many German companies, it is an attractive production site and an important link in global value chains. Despite existing disagreements, both sides in their official documents have continued to view their relationship as “comprehensive strategic partnership”. Yet experts and German mass media have increasingly tended to call China a “systemic rival”. Berlin is aware of the fact that it is having to deal not with a competitor but with a real contender for the world’s economic and technological leadership. Moreover, it is feared that the Chinese model based on the combination of state economic dirigism and political authoritarian methods of government may find a sympathetic ear in some countries. The question is how to build relationship with China in this new situation. The quest for a reasonable balance between calls to give a “tough” answer to the Chinese capital expansion, the drain of technologies and restrictions that German companies are facing in China’s market on the one hand and the necessity to continue a constructive dialogue with the new superpower on the other – that is the main task of German politics with respect to China. In view of the absence of a common political stance to be followed by the European Union countries in their dealings with China and the growing U.S. pressure aimed at securing, from its allies, support of the policy of confrontation towards China, the formulation of the German Chinese policy will most likely have to be situational resembling an attempt to solve an equation with many unknowns. The article explores trade and investment aspects of German-Sino relations and existing contradictions in the domain of sсientific and technical cooperation and technology transfer. Analysis is made of German business complaints regarding conditions of doing business in China, as well as of steps taken by the German authorities to limit Chinese investors’ activity in Germany.
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Sergeev, Petr V. "Innovative Development of Small and Medium-Sized Businesses in Russia Taking into Account the Experience of Foreign Countries." Proceedings of the Southwest State University. Series: Economics, Sociology and Management 11, no. 5 (2021): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21869/2223-1552-2021-11-5-21-32.
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Relevance. At present, the level of use of the socio-economic potential of small and medium-sized businesses in the Russian Federation, in comparison with developed and many developing countries of the world, seems to be relatively low. As the experience of the countries of the European Union and China shows, the contribution of small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to the national economy can be increased through their involvement in a variety of global chains with a high level of added value, in connection with which the topic of this article seems relevant. The purpose of this article is: to analyze the theoretical and practical problems that hinder the development of the potential of SMEs; substantiating the need to use direct and indirect methods of state support for small and medium-sized enterprises, taking into account the best practices of foreign countries to stimulate their participation in scientific and innovative activities; an attempt to prove the feasibility of using special regional digital development centers as a subject for managing the development of the SME institute. The objectives of the study are to study the current state and the dependence of the development of small and medium-sized businesses on exogenous and endogenous factors, substantiate an adequate set of direct and indirect measures of state support for their interaction with big business within global chains with a high level of added value. The research methodology consists in the use of dialectical, positivist, structuralist and other methodological approaches, and within their framework the following methods of scientific knowledge - historical, ascent from the abstract to the concrete, the unity of logical and historical, comparative analysis, etc. The research is based on statistical data and scientific publications posted in the official mass media. The results of the work are reflected in the form of an analysis of the initial statistical information characterizing the current state of small and medium-sized enterprises in the domestic economy, a generalization of the problems that hinder the successful development of the SME institute and promising scientific and innovative directions of its development in the system of global value-added production chains. Conclusions The modern foreign practice of the functioning of SMEs testifies to the unlimited potential of their social and economic opportunities, in connection with which the positive experience of foreign states should be used in domestic practice, taking into account the peculiarities of the economic development of Russian regions. To this end, it is advisable to develop the necessary set of measures within the framework of state scientific and innovative programs for the innovative development of small and medium-sized businesses in the Russian Federation.
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BROZIC, LILIANA. "INTERNATIONAL SECURITY COMMUNITY AT THE CROSSROADS." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2016/ ISSUE 18/2 (June 30, 2016): 11–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.18.2.00.
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For some time already, the international security community has been at a crossroads and looking for new right directions. The established operational guidelines have changed, and in some areas, it seems that they simply no longer exist. There are many factors which have had an effect on the relatively high level of security we have witnessed in the last few years. The financial crisis, which started to show its teeth in 2008 and 2009, has seriously changed the European armed forces, their structure, organization and development. Many comforted themselves that this does not constitute a significant problem, since we are relatively safe. Public opinion surveys in Slovenia revealed that most of all, people feel threatened by natural disasters and socio-economic situation. However, gradually but relatively quickly, everything has changed. In the spring of 2014, Crimea held a referendum on its annexation to the Russian Federation. The rattling of weapons began, provoking different reactions in the international community and resulting in altered relations between NATO and Russia. These changes were also discussed at the July NATO Summit in Warsaw. Two years earlier, in 2012, the media increasingly reported on the soaring migration problems in the Mediterranean Sea and difficulties suffered by Italy due to those phenomena. By the end of last year, migrations from the Southeast reached unimaginable proportions and gave a profound shock to the foundations of the European Union. Some terrorist attacks in European cities, which were said to be organized and carried out by migrants, had a significant impact on the altered understanding of the new (in)security. Some experts adopted a scientific approach to the new understanding of safety. The Defence Research Centre of the Faculty of Social Sciences, for example, published the results of a survey on the opinions of the Slovenian public regarding safety, which was carried out in 2015/2016. Among other things, the findings show that the recent migrant crisis has affected the Slovenian public, which perceives mass migrations as well as illegal and economic migrants as an important reason of concern. The authors of the survey observed a marked increase in the acceptance of the idea that in the protection of borders from illegal crossings, the Police are assisted by the Slovenian Armed Forces. A significantly high number of people also agreed with the idea that the armed forces should help in the fight against terrorism which, before the occurrence of mass migrations, was unthinkable. According to the authors of the survey, in the last three years, the support of the Slovenian public to the participation of Slovenia in international operations and missions has also grown by more than 20 percent. In addition, the proportion of the public which supports proposals to increase the defence budget has gone up. But will it actually increase, and how soon? We are still waiting for the new European defence strategy. We are anticipating new solutions, agreements between the decision-makers, etc. In the meantime, different authors went through various experiences. Some of them have decided to share them with our readers. In his article Fourth Generation Warfare: Geopolitical Framework to Slovenian Security (Part 1),Viktor Potočnik explores the issue of how geopolitics impacts the global security situation, what are the contemporary security risks and how they can affect Slovenia. In ensuring national security, the Slovenian Armed Forces play an important role. Consequently, Potočnik raises the question of whether they have a sufficient level of readiness to withstand potential risks, and presents the facts which he believes can have a key influence on the Slovenian national security. Cyber threats represent one of the most modern forms of security threats. In the previous issue of the Contemporary Military Challenges, Vinko Vegič provided the definition of cyber threats. This issue continues this theme with the article NATO and Cyber Deterrence, written by Staša Novak. According to her, NATO is de facto already pursuing certain elements of cyber deterrence based on strong defence, declaratory policy and responsive measures. However, responsive measures are not NATO offensive cyber capabilities, but the possibility of a collective defence response to a cyber attack, which implies a response with all available means. The increased number of migrants on their way to a better future has surprised many people in the Balkans, although numerous institutions and individuals had warned of this possibility before. Some experiences and responses of Slovenia’s neighbour, Hungary, are presented in an article by József Padányi and László Földi, titled Lessons Learned for the Hungarian Defence Forces from the Deployment of Engineer Obstacles during the 2015 Europe-Wide Mass-Migration Emergency. The article focuses mainly on the activities of the Hungarian armed forces. Metodi Hadji-Janev and Marija Jankuloska point out that the region of South- Eastern Europe has witnessed some examples of terrorist attacks and observe that the use of drones for countering global terrorism proved to be effective. Their article The Challenges of Drone Usage by Southeast European Countries examines the possibilities of their use in the home region. In his article titled Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and the International Fight against It, József Kis-Benedek discusses the origins of this phenomenon and its manifestations in various Middle East countries, as well as the response of those countries and other international actors who share an interest in this part of the world. He also calls attention to the question of the Kurds and the emergence of volunteer fighters who are coming to Syria and Iraq to fight. The Battalion Battle Group and the evaluation of its training is the subject of the article titled Battle Group Training Cycle, in which Aleš Avsec compares the methods of training of these units in the Slovenian Armed Forces with the training of similar units in the United States of America. Is it even possible to compare two countries which are that different?
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Brosius, Anna, Erika J. van Elsas, and Claes H. de Vreese. "Trust in the European Union: Effects of the information environment." European Journal of Communication 34, no. 1 (November 20, 2018): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323118810843.
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Over the past decade, the European Union has lost the trust of many citizens. This article investigates whether and how media information, in particular visibility and tonality, impact trust in the European Union among citizens. Combining content analysis and Eurobarometer survey data from 10 countries between 2004 and 2015, we study both direct and moderating media effects. Media tone and visibility have limited direct effects on trust in the European Union, but they moderate the relation between trust in national institutions and trust in the European Union. This relation is amplified when the European Union is more visible in the media and when media tone is more positive towards the European Union, whereas it is dampened when media tone is more negative. The findings highlight the role of news media in the crisis of trust in the European Union.
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Peruško, Zrinjka, and Dina Vozab. "Mediatized participation in European media systems." Central European Journal of Communication 11, no. 2 (November 9, 2018): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.11.2(21).3.
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This article explores patterns of mediatized participation of European citizens and the way they differ across different media systems, in a multilevel, cross-national comparative research design. Mediatized participation is operationalized as audience practices on the Internet. The media system is conceptualized through the theoretical model of digital mediascapes, which applied to 22 European Union countries produced three clusters/media systems. The audience data are from representative online surveys in 8 eastern and western European countries N = 9532 collected by the authors and their research partners. Factor and cluster analyses were performed showing types and patterns of mediatized participation. Hierarchical multiple regression analysis and ANOVA were performed to relate the individual level variables to the macro-level clusters of digital media systems. The article shows audiences in the more mediatized, Western cluster are more engaged in participatory practices in comparison to audiences in the Eastern/Southern cluster of European countries which show more extensive information consumption practices.
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Adamus-Matuszyńska, Anna, Krystyna Doktorowicz, and Piotr Dzik. "Logo as a Tool of European Union Countries’ Destination Branding." Zarządzanie Mediami 9, no. 4 (December 31, 2021): 597–626. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23540214zm.21.033.14576.
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Developing a coherent and comprehensive brand of a country is of vital importance for a destination in the contemporary global world. There seems to be a recognizable gap in the literature regarding the application of visual signs practiced in country branding. The subject of the study: The research identifies the logos of the European Union countries used in place branding. The purpose of the study is the exploration of the logo content from the senders’ perspective, i.e., the structures and organizations responsible for the country branding. There are many reasons why logos are used in place branding practice. The authors decided to focus on the logo as a form of controlled and projected message communicated via media and ICT. Cognitive gap: The research conducted so far has focused on the reception of logos by the recipients. The presented research attempts to examine the visual message contained in logos from the senders’ perspective. Research methods and data collection techniques: The content analysis method was used to study the visual identity of the countries. The authors collected logos and scrutinised them using Beyrow and Vogt as well as Mollerup’s taxonomy. The results of the study illustrate how governmental institutions, which are responsible for country branding, portray countries using visual identity on the Internet, social media, and their own media.
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Economou, Athina, and Christos Kollias. "Terrorism and Political Self-Placement in European Union Countries." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 21, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 217–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2014-0036.
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AbstractStudies have shown that citizens’ risk-perceptions and risk-assessment are affected by large scale terrorist acts. Reported evidence shows that individuals are often willing to trade-off civil liberties for enhanced security particularly as a post-terrorist attack reaction as well as adopting more conservative views. Within this strand of the literature, this paper examines whether terrorism and in particular mass-casualty terrorist attacks affect citizens’ political self-placement on the left-right scale of the political spectrum. To this effect the Eurobarometer surveys for 12 European Union countries are utilized and ordered logit models are employed for the period 1985–2010 with over 230,000 observations used in the estimations. On balance, the findings reported herein seem to be pointing to a shift in respondents’ self-positioning towards the right of the political spectrum.
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Butyrina , M., and Y. Harkavenko. "Mediatisation of alternative energy issues in European mass media." Communications and Communicative Technologies, no. 21 (November 26, 2021): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/292101.
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The study presents the results of content monitoring of the European press on the subject of alternative energy. The data collected from the current newspaper articles and selected by keywords “alternative energy sources”, “diversification of energy sources”, “energy transition” and “energy markets” are summarised. Trends, problems and prospects of energy transition are revealed. Both pan-European trends and the dynamics of transition in specific countries (Germany, France and Great Britain) are presented. It is noted that the triangle of sustainable development, which is “economy — ecology — society”, needs a powerful media component to ensure public discussion and social approval of the latest energy technologies. It has been proved that the energy turn provides sufficient information support for society to adapt to alternative energy sources and allows key actors to make informed policy decisions.
The role of solutions journalism in the implementation of sustainable development goals, including the transition of the society to renewable energy, is pointed out. It is noted that solutions journalism, as a new direction of media activity, corresponds to the interpretive contextual function of journalism, which provides coverage of productive precedents for solving social problems in different countries. The role of the media in popularisation of such precedents is shown. The tools of solutions journalism used in the European countries are indicated, namely engaging the expert community, providing positive forecasts, appealing to the productive experience of other countries, covering the political side of the issue and opportunities for savings through the transition to alternative energy sources, and promotion of green technologies.
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Hajdu, Miklós, Boróka Pápay, Zoltán Szántó, and István János Tóth. "Content analysis of corruption coverage: Cross-national differences and commonalities." European Journal of Communication 33, no. 1 (January 18, 2018): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323117750673.
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The article presents and summarizes some results from extensive cross-national content analysis of media coverage of corruption. The authors examined a sample containing 12,742 articles published in France, Hungary, Italy, Latvia, Romania, Slovakia and the United Kingdom from 2004 to 2013. A limited number of studies have been done thus far to reveal how the media deals with corruption cases in certain countries, and cross-national comparative analyses are exceedingly scarce. The core focus of the study is to reveal the significant differences in the corruption cases covered by the media according to the countries under analysis. We assume that some differences exist between the media coverage of corruption in the new and the old European Union member states and also that by classifying countries into groups based on their perception of the level of the corruption, some dissimilarities will be revealed between them. We conclude that the distinction between countries based on whether they are old or new European Union members does not wholly determine the nature of reporting on international or national corruption cases, for example, Italy was more similar to the old European Union member states in this sense. Considering the level of institutionalization of corruption cases, Italy appears to be more similar to the other old European Union members, but we should clarify that differences based on this feature of the cases are not clearly highlighted in the interaction model. However, if we use the variable perceptions of corruption to classify countries, we find that countries with a ‘cleaner’ environment (the United Kingdom, France) place more focus on reporting corruption cases in the international arena.
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Mat Enh, Azlizan, Muhamad Khaider Bustami, Hasrina Mustafa, Mohd Shazwan Mokhtar, and Nur Solehah Mohd Ashri. "The Malaysian Palm Issue in the European Union Press Report." Jurnal Komunikasi: Malaysian Journal of Communication 38, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 118–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17576/jkmjc-2022-3801-07.
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This article explores how the European media reports on the Malaysian palm oil to consumers in the European Union countries. The European newspapers allegedly mentioned that palm oil brings extensive damage and affects the environment, cutting down of forests, animal extinction and child labour. The consistent role and influence of the European media in reporting and giving a bad sentiment regarding the disadvantages of Malaysian palm oil to the European consumers have successfully launched an anti-palm oil campaign among the consumers. This matter has also caused a decrease in the export of palm oil into the European Union and indirectly affected the fate of 600,000 palm oil producers in Malaysia. This article uses the literature review approach on the resources such as the European Union newspapers which have a high number of readers in their respected countries such as the Guardian and BBC (United Kingdom), Gazeta Wyborcza and Super Express (Poland), The Brussel Times, Metro and Gazet Van Antwerpen (Belgium) to analyse the role of media in this matter. The results found that the issue of palm oil in the news reports propagated by the European media on the drawbacks of Malaysian palm oil did not happen as reported. In truth, the actual purpose behind their act was to ‘protect’ their real agenda, which is to replace palm oil with their soybean crops. The issues that were touted by the newspapers have given a bad image to the Malaysian palm oil industry. Keywords: European Union, Malaysian palm oil, MPOB, MPOC, biofuel.
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Bałandynowicz-Panfil, Katarzyna. "Media, informacja a szczepienia przeciw COVID-19." Media Biznes Kultura, no. 2 (11) (December 22, 2021): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25442554.mbk.21.023.15164.
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The fourth wave of the COVID-19 pandemic is another significant confession for European societies. Despite extensive efforts, a safe level of population resilience has not been achieved in most countries. Previous actions and government programs aimed at persuading as many people as possible to accept vaccinations. Full availability of free vaccination has brought different levels of participation in fully vaccinated people across the European Union. This article presents the preliminary results of research on the role of the media in shaping pro-vaccination attitudes in Poland, based on a critical analysis of the literature on the subject, statistical data and an empirical research. The differences in attitudes towards vaccination against the SARS-CoV-2 virus in individual European Union countries have multifaceted conditions. These include factors of a social, political and cultural nature. Information plays an important role, shaping social attitudes in the discussed issue. One of the primary sources of this information is media – both traditional and digital. It is therefore worth defining the strength of media in the fight to build population resilience in the face of a pandemic.
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Sardelić, Julija. "The Exclusion of Roma and European Citizenship." Current History 120, no. 824 (March 1, 2021): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.824.100.
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Some 10-15 million members of the Roma minority live in Europe; an estimated 6 million are citizens of the European Union. It was not until the 1990s that European Union institutions began treating Roma as an ethnic minority deserving of human rights protections. Concerns about mass migration of Roma from Eastern European countries where they face severe discrimination was one of the reasons the EU included protections for Roma among the conditions that candidate countries had to meet to qualify for consideration in its most recent rounds of enlargement. Those EU efforts have overlooked similar discrimination and neglect in western member states.
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Bonfadelli, H. "Mass Media and Biotechnology: Knowledge Gaps Within and Between European Countries." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edh056.
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Yakova, Tamara. "Mass Media and Conflicts: Media-Geographical Studies." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 10, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 680–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2021.10(4).680-697.
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This article presents the results of media geographical studies of publications of American and European mass media covering conflicts and crises of different levels and scales (global, international, regional, and local). Through the prism of media-geographical views on the processes of media reality formation, the author examined mass media approaches of different countries on the topic of coverage. The research methodology included media metric analysis, rank analysis (rank distributions of the popularity of semantic categories for Internet audiences around the world), quantitative and qualitative content analysis of media texts and analysis of publications according to the criteria of the theory of peaceful journalism. The results of the rank analysis illustrated the possibilities of using this method to study the mental landscapes of different countries and regions. Special attention was paid to the interpretation of meanings and their transformation in space and time, as well as to the spatial analysis of big data (based on Google Trends statistics) with an emphasis on the dynamics of changes in media behavior and media consumption of Internet audiences in different time periods. The empirical basis for content analysis was made up of publications of online versions of 10 American and European mass media in English, German and French of 2020. The main result of the study: the majority of media texts — about 80 % — do not contribute to the search for ways of peaceful settlement of conflicts (they abound in emotionally colored vocabulary, negative markers, categorical assessments, journalists do not make attempts to deeply analyze the situation, synthesize different positions and search for creative non-violent ways to resolve contradictions). Mass media publications often become a source of increasing tension in society, the parties of conflicts are represented as antagonists in media texts, journalists fail to establish a connection between them and bridge the gap between their interests. The results of a comparative analysis of media texts according to the criteria of the theory of peaceful journalism allowed us to classify the main approaches for the mass media conflicts covering and develop a number of proposals and recommendations to use in journalistic practice.
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Zvozdetska, Oksana. "Combating Disinformation in the European Union: Legal Aspects." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 9 (December 28, 2021): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2021.9.245-262.
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Today, both Ukraine and European countries are subject to disinformation and foreign intervention in their domestic policies. Each democracy no matter its geography experiences its distinct vulnerabilities and respectively, reactions to foreign interference. It should be stated, the immediate responses to such challenges in most Western countries have been rare and sluggish, hampered by legal constraints and bureaucracy, and furthermore, they lacked a real political awareness of the problem or proof of its further impact. Foreign actors are increasingly using disinformation strategies to influence public debate, stir controversy and interfere in democratic decision-making. Responding to these new challenges, the European Commission has introduced a set of actions and tools to better regulate the digital ecosystem of the media and its participants, in particular, the formation and improvement of the legal framework to combat disinformation in the European information space. The researcher’s focus revolves around the European Union’s comprehensive approach to vigorous combating misinformation. The research data prove that since 2015, the EU has adopted a number of regulations to counter this information threat and the potential effects of foreign interference. In particular, in 2016 the EU adopted a document “Joint Framework on countering hybrid threats, a European Union response”, and “Action Plan against Disinformation”, respectively in 2018. These documents provide a baseline for understanding the diverse types of challenges other countries face and how they are addressing them. Consequently, a number of initiatives and projects of the European institutions, and the first worldwide self-regulatory “EU Code of Practice on Disinformation” issued in 2018 on a voluntary basis, have become main pillars of the EU. The Code identifies issues related to ensuring the transparency of political advertising, strengthening efforts to close active counterfeits. accounts, enabling users to report misinformation and access various news sources, while improving the visibility and reliability of authoritative content; enabling the research community to monitor disinformation on the Internet through access to these platforms, compatible with the confidentiality signed by the largest Internet platforms and social media (Google, Facebook, Twitter and Mozilla) in the framework of WMC self-regulation activities. It should be noted that the implementation of the “European Union Code of Practice on Countering Disinformation” has yielded ambiguous fruits. Self-regulation was the first logical and necessary step, but few stakeholders were fully satisfied with the process or its outcome, significant challenges remain for building trust through industry, governments, academia and civil society engagement.
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Mititelu, Roxana Adriana, Bogdan Florian Amzuică, Alina Chiriac, and Ileana Nișulescu. "Fiscal morality and the underground economy in countries of the European Union and the USA." Technium Social Sciences Journal 36 (October 8, 2022): 275–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v36i1.7473.
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The research was conducted to explore fiscal morality and underground economy of European countries and the US. The study was based on the assumption that the growth rate of an economy has a significant influence on tax compliance. In addition, the research investigated the effect of other factors on tax compliance of various countries. The factors included life expectancy, GDP growth rate, expenditure on education, and proportion of people living below the median income. Tax revenue was used to represent the level of tax compliance. The nations considered for this study included Germany, Italy, France, UK, and the US. Data was obtained from the World Bank Database, for the period 1971-2020. The findings depicted that economic growth was negatively associated with tax revenue. However, life expectancy, education expenditure, and poverty levels had a positive association with tax revenue. The regression models indicated that Italy had the most suitable model for estimation of tax compliance of fiscal morality among the selected countries.
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Jain, Rajendra K. "India, the European Union and Human Rights." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 73, no. 4 (November 8, 2017): 411–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928417731640.
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Growing media attention and international criticism about human rights violations in the wake of the resurgence of insurgency led India to make major policy changes in its attitude towards human rights and begin to discuss human rights with the European Union for the first time in 1990. This article critically examines Indian perceptions of the EU’s approach towards human rights since the 1990s to the present. It evaluates Indian responses to the inclusion of human rights provisions in trade agreements and criticism of the ‘one size fits all’ model of the Europeans for the promotion of human rights. It explores the sources of Indian scepticism about the international human rights regime and criticism of Western countries’ selectivity in enforcing human rights. In the ultimate analysis, the responsibility for initiating and implementing the multitude of structural, economic, social and political reforms necessary to improve human rights implementation must be taken by Indians themselves. External players can only play a supportive role and their capacities to bring about fundamental change are necessarily limited.
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Ruiz-Soler, Javier, Luigi Curini, and Andrea Ceron. "Commenting on Political Topics Through Twitter: Is European Politics European?" Social Media + Society 5, no. 4 (October 2019): 205630511989088. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119890882.
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The aim of this study was to explore social media, and specifically Twitter’s potential to generate a European demos. Our use of data derived from social media complements the traditional use of mass media and survey data within existing studies. We selected two Twitter hashtags of European relevance, # schengen and # ttip, to test several theories on a European demos (non-demos, European democracy, or pan-European demos) and to determine which of these theories was most applicable in the case of Twitter topics of European relevance. To answer the research question, we performed sentiment analysis. Sentiment analysis performed on data gathered on social media platforms, such as Twitter, constitutes an alternative methodological approach to more formal surveys (e.g., Eurobarometer) and mass media content analysis. Three dimensions were coded: (1) sentiments toward the issue public, (2) sentiments toward the European Union (EU), and (3) the type of framing. Among all of the available algorithms for conducting sentiment analysis, integrated sentiment analysis (iSA), developed by the Blog of Voices at the University of Milan, was selected for the data analysis. This is a novel supervised algorithm that was specifically designed for analyses of social networks and the Web 2.0 sphere (Twitter, blogs, etc.), taking the abundance of noise within digital environments into consideration. An examination and discussion of the results shows that for these two hashtags, the results were more aligned with the demoicracy and “European lite identity” models than with the model of a pan-European demos.
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Balendr, Andrii V., Vasyl O. Korolov, Oleksandr V. Adamchuk, Anatolii V. Iakymchuk, Serhii V. Sinkevych, and Ihor H. Bloshchynskyi. "BORDER GUARDS’ DISTANCE LEARNING DEVELOPMENT IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES." Information Technologies and Learning Tools 71, no. 3 (June 29, 2019): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.33407/itlt.v71i3.2749.
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The research reveals the peculiarities of the Distance Learning (DL) development in the framework of border guards training in the European Union (EU) countries. Theoretical and practical concepts, modern stage and peculiarities of border guards’ DL development were substantiated in the article. The special attention was paid to possibilities of educational web platforms, which are widely utilized in the training of personnel of the border guard agencies, namely: Web Platform Virtual Aula of the FRONTEX Agency; E-Net Web Platform of the CEPOL (The European Police College); EU Coast Guard Functions Training Portal (CGFTP); ILIAS Learning Platform of the EU Mission EUBAM (EU Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine); Connect & Learn platform of the UNHCR (The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees); Global eLearning Program of the UNODC (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime). The authors have also conducted the comparative analysis of DL courses of educational platforms with border guard components in the EU countries, which showed that the platform with the biggest number of border guard-oriented courses is Virtual Aula platform of FRONTEX Agency. Suggestions and proposals on DL development and prospective directions based on the experience gained during DL introduction into the system of the border guards’ training system supported by the survey results are given in the conclusion of this article in order to facilitate the improvement of border guards’ DL systems in the EU countries. The prospects of the border guards’ DL system development are based on 5 key factors: aligning all DL training courses to the Sectoral Qualification Framework and Common Core Curricular for border guarding: unification of the skills and knowledge of European border guards; enhanced use of the Internet and social media; introduction of common educational web-platforms; organizing specialized training for the specialists in DL use and management, and developing common eLearning tools and programs.
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Mayrhofer, Petra. "Visual Representations of “the Russian” in European Remembrance Cultures." East Central Europe 43, no. 3 (December 3, 2016): 298–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04303002.
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The post-communist transformation in Eastern Europe was marked by visual changes through iconoclastic actions and attempts to erase the visibility of the former communist system that was synonymous with the influence of the Soviet Union. Images of the removal and destruction of monuments have found their way into collective memory through their circulation in mass media, textbooks, films, exhibitions, and museums. This article explores the visual representation of “the Russian”1 in various European memory cultures in combination with the visual remembrance of the transformation that started in 1989. It aims to examine how images published in quality mass media in 2009 depict public memory twenty years later.
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Ospanova, Bakyt, Houman A. Sadri, and Raushan Yelmurzayeva. "Assessing EU perception in Kazakhstan's mass media." Journal of Eurasian Studies 8, no. 1 (January 2017): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2016.08.002.
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This paper explores the mass media perception of the European Union (EU) in Kazakhstan by utilizing the content analysis of the major mass media outlets. The authors examine news reports and periodical articles from four major national Kazakh newspapers using three measurement points. The first measurement point covers the early 1990s when Kazakhstan declared independence and began to establish its foreign relations. The second measurement point covers the periods before and after introduction of the EU Strategy for Central Asia (2006–2008). The third measurement point covers the years (2011–2013) associated with implementation with the EU Strategy and assessing its results. Our main findings suggest that Kazakhstan's mass media positively perceives the role of the EU in the region. Moreover, they tend to portray the EU mainly as an economic powerhouse. Our findings support some suggestions by similar studies of the EU's external perception.
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Milutinovic, Irina. "Media pluralism in competitive authoritarian regimes - a comparative study: Serbia and Hungary." Sociologija 64, no. 2 (2022): 272–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc2202272m.
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This paper explores media pluralism in two European former communist countries, which have regressed to electoral authoritarianism in recent years, after a period of democratic transition and partial consolidation - the Republic of Hungary and the Republic of Serbia. The aim of the study is to describe similarities and differences in the media policies of these countries regarding media pluralism, and to explain social and political context that generates the growing risk for media pluralism. Descriptive comparative methods were used, based on the original set of data quantified within the annual national MPM reports. The reference time frame covers 2020 and 2017. The risk assessment indicators for media pluralism were compared in three areas: normative protection, political independence and media market plurality. The research finds that competitive authoritarian regimes? methods for free, independent and pluralistic media suppression have been intensively used in both countries regardless of membership status in the European Union.
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Markovic, Daniel. "The youth in the European labour market. Is it lost generation?" SHS Web of Conferences 51 (2018): 01001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185101001.
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Young people, school leavers, graduates and those who have not completed education, belong in many countries of European Union among the disadvantaged in the labour market. Because of that, they often face serious social situation. This paper focuses on the situation of young people in the labour market in the European Union, for whom the term lost generation is used in the media. It is investigated whether the concept of a Lost Generation is an adequate name for the situation or it is just journalistic hyperbole. The paper is a systematic review. It includes a meta-analysis component which involves using statistics. The methods of analysis of statistical data, synthesis of researched findings and monitoring of press and media are used.
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Tokmenko, O. P. "European Union and Council of Europe’s language trends." PROBLEMS OF SEMANTICS, PRAGMATICS AND COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS, no. 36 (2019): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2663-6530.2019.36.01.
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It is estimated that in a few years, 1.5 billion people – a quarter of the total world population – will speak English. And majority will speak a second or third language (only for 400000000 English becomes in their native language). Three quarters of world correspondence and 80 % of e-mail on the Internet are now in English. However, the study of one language does not take place at the expense of another national, regional or minority language, which are equally important in the conditions of development and enrichment. The article highlights the peculiarities of introducing language policy trends of the European Union and the Council of Europe in globalization context at maintaining and protecting European linguistic diversity, not only acquiring the English language as linguafranca in international communication. The Council of Europe and the European Union emphasize the importance of linguistic diversity and plurilingual skills at all levels of education, and the mass media should be the source of informal language learning via entertaining and educational programs and movies with subtitles. The media are important for shaping people's attitudes towards other languages and cultures. The documents of the European Union and the Council of Europe determine that the media should provide people who do not speak many languages with newtechnologies and translation. In a globalized world, cultural diversity will become even more important as means of preserving human values. Learning a language means learning how to get closer to others. Learning a foreign language means equipping oneself with intellectual means to meet the real and the unknown, personal enrichment for knowing other cultures and their worldview. Therefore, the fundamental principles of the European Union and the Council of Europe in the field of language policy are the preservation and protection of European diversity, which should lead not only to the acquisition of English, but also to other European and world languages by all the inhabitants of Europe, simultaneously studying different regional languages.
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Kuźniar-Żyłka, Katarzyna. "Media Literacy and Development of Human and Social Capital in the European Union." Oeconomia Copernicana 4, no. 4 (December 31, 2013): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/oec.2013.032.
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Together with the growing level of the digitalization in the field of multimedia, also convergence of media, information and digital literacy have been growing up. In case of the traditional mass media, it was important to have skills to use the media content in a critical, aware and selective way. Nevertheless, in the era of the Internet and extended availability of information in the digital form, the importance of information and digital technologies literacy also grows. It regards to some extent the technical ability to use particular technological solutions, but also forming aware and active consumers and authors of the media content. The main goal of this paper is researching the relation between forming the media literacy as a component of human capital, and the realization the European Union’s targets in the area of building a knowledge-based economy. On the basis of the subject-matter literature and other source materials a hypothesis, which classifies the media education as a key process during creating a single European information space, shall be verified. In the first part of the paper, the author concentrates on presenting the dependence between human, personal and social capital. Next, on the basis of the European definition of media literacy, the author examines capabilities of achieving progress in the field of media education in terms of the present European audiovisual policy.
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Ryazantsev, Sergey V., Svetlana V. Rusu, and Viktoriya A. Medved. "FACTORS OF MIGRATION IN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES DURING THE 2015-2016 CRISIS." Scientific Review. Series 1. Economics and Law, no. 4 (2020): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.26653/2076-4650-2020-4-02.
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The article examines the key socio-economic aspects of the migration crisis and highlights the main causes of mass migration to the European Union from Africa, the Middle East and Eastern Europe. The main characteristic of the economic situation in these countries is given and the significant problems faced by the donor States of migrants in the last few years are studied. Among the problems highlighted: high population growth rates, pressure on the environment by residents of Africa and the Middle East, limited access to resources, food and fresh water; the problem of unemployment; the problem of poverty and social inequality; high competition in the labor market; low salaries; difficult economic situation and problems in the financial sector. It is noted that these problem were the main cause of mass migration to Europe. Based on a detailed study of official statistics, special attention is paid to the level of unemployment and poverty, GDP level, the population growth rate, as well as the level of wages in Africa, the Middle East and Eastern Europe. These indicators are compared to indicators in the countries of Eastern Europe. Their analysis shows that the standards of living in these regions is below average, that is why residents are forced to leave these countries for the European Union in search of a better life for themselves and their relatives. Among the countries that are of the greatest interest to migrants are: Germany, Great Britain, Ireland and so on.
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Abreu, Georgina, and Marcin Kleban. "Crisis discourses." Diacrítica 33, no. 1 (November 19, 2019): 199–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/diacritica.476.
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Taking the whole European Union (EU) as background, the present study discusses the way a corpus of English language media articles has represented the 2009-2016 crisis and austerity policies in Poland and Portugal, the home countries of the authors. The selected corpus comprises 68 articles from mainstream English language media, namely the newspapers The Financial Times, The Guardian, The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and the economics magazine The Economist. The theoretical framework draws on the Bakhtinian notions of polyphony and heteroglossia, as well as on Gramsci's theory of hegemony. It thus juxtaposes and interprets the different voices and conflicting meanings within crisis discourses, relating them to issues of power and ideology. The Conclusion shows that despite rhetorical diversity, common politically contingent voices were identified which underpin the discourses dominating the crisis narrations in these two economically and geographically distant countries of the European Union.
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AZROUT, RACHID, JOOST VAN SPANJE, and CLAES DE VREESE. "When News Matters: Media Effects on Public Support for European Union Enlargement in 21 Countries." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 50, no. 5 (May 30, 2012): 691–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2012.02255.x.
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Stiopkin, Andrii. "Institutionalization of the Policy of Counteracting Disinformation in the European Union." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 10 (July 28, 2022): 196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2022.10.196-208.
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The article analyzes the institutional processes of ensuring the counteraction to the disinformation influences of the Russian Federation in the European Union, starting from the beginning of the Crimea anexia in 2014. The information space of the EU countries is vulnerable, as the information component in democratic states is critical for functioning of the political system and adequate communication between society and the authorities. Having analyzed the institutional mechanisms and normative documents of the EU, as well as the reaction to the disinformation campaigns of certain countries, the EU has gradually formed intergovernmental institutions to combat disinformation. We note that the responsible civil position of social networks, providers and electronic media contributes to the fight against disinformation expressed in joint resolutions and acts of self-censorship and thorough check of news, advertisers. Public activists, experts and journalists on volunteer basis have created a backbone of the tools to counter disinformation, which confirms the advantages of democratic civil society.
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Lehmann, Kai. "Crisis?: What (Type) of Crisis? The overlapping problems of the European Union." Revista de Sociologia e Política 22, no. 50 (June 2014): 33–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678-987314225004.
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It is common today, even in the European media, to treat the current crisis of the European Union almost exclusively as an economic crisis. The present article pretends to show that such a focus is not only wrong but is indeed dangerous for the future development of the European Union as a whole. The article will argue that the present economic crisis simply aggravated – and a lot – a crisis of legitimacy through which the European Union has been passing for some time. Showing that the anti-European tendencies which are spreading throughout the countries of the continent threaten the very future of the European project, the article will make suggestion on reforms for the future development of the EU, alerting to the necessity to finally elaborate once again a coherent argument for the continuation of the European integration process which puts the European population at the heart of the political process instead of just austerity.
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Khokhlov, I. "Supranational Developments in the European Union: Changeable Balance of the Public Opinion." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2014): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-3-60-73.
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The article is devoted to the consideration of socio-cultural state of the European community during the period of crisis and mass manifestations of protest. In spite of the current instability in the world the EC continues to maintain its “acquis” (the composition of the membership, single currency etc.). This article contains a periodization that reflects tendencies in the trends of public opinion under the influence of internal and external factors. Countries are ranked according to the level of their social and economic development, which allowed to analyze the dependence of public opinion in support of the EC upon the state of the economy. For instance, in the Mediterranean countries that use to be “euroenthusiasts” the level of support became lower than the average for the EC.
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Apostol, Ana-Maria, and Mari-Isabella Stan. "Comparative study on the analysis of digital governance in Romania and Bulgaria." Technium Social Sciences Journal 24 (October 9, 2021): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v24i1.4842.
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Digital government boosts countries' economic growth and brings important benefits. This way, it involves the use of communication and information technologies by the public sector to improve the delivery of services and information by encouraging citizens to participate in the decision-making process and the holding government accountable in an effectively transparent way. Digital government offers new opportunities for more convenient and direct citizen access to government and the delivery of government services directly to citizens. This paper aims to provide an analysis of Romania and Bulgaria's digital governance compared to the European Union, highlighting the evolution of digitisation in recent years. Although they joined the European Union at the same time, the applicability and timeliness of digital technologies differ from country to country, with Romania and Bulgaria always compared to each other in their evolution over the years.
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Bednář, Milan. "Political Budget Cycles in the European Union: New Evidence of Fragmentation." Acta Oeconomica 69, no. 4 (December 2019): 523–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2019.69.4.3.
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This paper deals with the possible existence of political budget cycles (PBCs) within the European Union (EU). I use panel data for 28 EU countries from 1995 to 2016 and provide estimates based on dynamic panel regressions. I employ a system-GMM estimator complemented by the Principal Component Analysis (PCA) to limit the number of instruments. The specifications include structural budget balances related to the potential GDP, thereby limiting the initial endogeneity. These measures capture the true motivation behind fiscal policies. The results suggest that the EU member states exhibit PBCs: (i) the intervention occurs in the year before elections and (ii) the structural budget balance to the potential GDP ratio is lower by −0.41 percentage points a year before elections. In addition, I have investigated the EU fragmentation in terms of the PBCs and selected 8 countries’ characteristics correlating to the existence of these cycles. These include lower GDP per capita, post-communist background, low tax burden, high perceived corruption, low levels of media freedom and internet usage, lower number of directly voted-in legislative officials, and a low parliamentary voter turnout.
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PEŠEC, MOJCA. "CHINA, SECURITY CHALLENGE FOR THE EUROPEAN UNION." KONCEPT KREPITVE ODPORNOSTI DRUŽBE/THE CONCEPT OF STRENGHTENING THE RESILIENCE OF SOCIETY, VOLUME 22/ISSUE 4 (October 23, 2020): 15–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.22.4.1.
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Povzetek Strateško tekmovanje Evropske unije s Kitajsko je postalo povsem resnično. Kitajski vpliv v Evropi je ekonomski in geopolitičen. Kitajska je postala gospodarski tekmec, ki si prizadeva prevzeti vodilno mesto na področju razvoja tehnologij, želi pa tudi uveljavljati svoj model družbene ureditve in vladanja. Močnejša kitajska ekonomska prisotnost, kulturne in medijske aktivnosti ter dejavnosti vojaške diplomacije so orodja, s katerimi Kitajska uveljavlja svoj vpliv v odnosih z državami v Evropski uniji in v tistih na njenem obrobju. Najpomembnejši izzivi v odnosih med Kitajsko in Evropo so neuravnoteženost naložb v korist Kitajske, prevzemanje evropskih podjetij, predvsem tistih, ki upravljajo strateško pomembno infrastrukturo, ter povečana dejavnost kitajskih oboroženih sil v mednarodnem okolju. Ključne besede Evropska unija, Kitajska, strateško tekmovanje, varnostni izzivi. Abstract The European Union's strategic competition with China has become a reality. China's influence in Europe is both economic and geopolitical. China has become an economic competitor striving to take the lead in technology development, but it also wants to assert its model of social order and governance. China's stronger economic presence, cultural and media activities, and military diplomacy activities are tools with which China is asserting its influence in relations with countries in and around the European Union. The most important challenges in China-Europe relations are the imbalance of investment in favour of China, the takeover of European companies, especially those that manage strategically important infrastructure, and the increased activity of the Chinese armed forces in the international environment. Key words European Union, China, strategic competition, security challenges.
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Kunz, Rahel, and Julia Maisenbacher. "Women in the neighbourhood: Reinstating the European Union’s civilising mission on the back of gender equality promotion?" European Journal of International Relations 23, no. 1 (July 26, 2016): 122–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066115621120.
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The European Union has launched its New European Neighbourhood Policy as a reaction to a ‘changing neighbourhood’. A key novelty in the New European Neighbourhood Policy is the special role attributed to gender equality promotion as an important ingredient of Europeanisation. The literature has so far focused on assessing whether and to what extent neighbourhood countries adopt and implement European Union gender equality norms. Bringing together the feminist and postcolonial literature on gender equality promotion and European identity formation, this article resituates the New European Neighbourhood Policy within the broader debate regarding processes of European identity formation and Europe’s relations with Others. We combine the concept of delineating gendered and racialised coding with the concept of contrapuntal reading to analyse key official European Union documents alongside the voices expressing themselves through new (social) media. This allows us to highlight silences and exclusions within New European Neighbourhood Policy narratives, to resituate these narratives in their historical context, and to render visible the diversity of competing and interrelated narratives related to gender equality promotion. We read the recent focus on gender equality promotion in the New European Neighbourhood Policy as an expression of the ambivalence of European Union identity building: at a moment when neighbouring countries move closer to Europe, either adopting the acquis communautaire or going through democratisation processes, they are placed at a spatial and temporal distance outside Europe. Our analysis highlights the persistence of colonial practices of Othering and hierarchical Self–Other definitions that are reproduced through current New European Neighbourhood Policy policies. Yet, we suggest that this moment might also present an opportunity to render visible and take seriously the co-constitutive relationship between the European Union and its Others, which could point to alternative forms of interaction and identity building.