Academic literature on the topic 'Mass media – European Union countries'
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Journal articles on the topic "Mass media – European Union countries"
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Toczyski, Piotr. "Pan-European institutions and new media: pan-European or counter-pan-European media usage?" Postmodern Openings 12, no. 1 (March 19, 2021): 223–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/po/12.1/256.
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Technically, online space seems to be connective beyond national borders and could serve for mass communication between Europeans, both European Union citizens and candidate countries’ citizens. With high internet penetration rates and Web 2.0 tools availability never before had there been such huge potential of growth in communication. Does it mean that European information society emerges? Or contrary: does it seem that pan-European institutions use online tools in non-pan-European or even counter-pan-European ways? Illustrations from Poland's first ten years after EU accession suggest misusing online space fixed website as exemplified by Europa.eu.
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Muratova, Nozima. "Mass Media in State Strategic Programs of Information Society Development in Different Countries." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 4 (April 1, 2022): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i4.259.
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This article analyzes approaches to the development of the information society in the strategic government programs of different countries and includes an analysis of concepts and strategic approaches, as well as the development of national information infrastructures in a number of Western (USA and European Union) and Asian countries (China, Malaysia and South Korea).
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Grill, Christiane, and Hajo Boomgaarden. "A network perspective on mediated Europeanized public spheres: Assessing the degree of Europeanized media coverage in light of the 2014 European Parliament election." European Journal of Communication 32, no. 6 (August 21, 2017): 568–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323117725971.
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The European Union has become an active political player in the political realm, raising the question about the European Union’s linkages with all aspects of political life reflected in national Europeanized public spheres. This study offers empirical evidence on the extent to which mass media support, challenge or even ignore political representatives in European Union affairs, and thus legitimize, respectively delegitimize European Union governance. The analysis is based on large-scale content analyses of print, TV and online news gathered before and after the 2014 European Parliament election in Austria ( N = 6432). Semantic networks show that national media focus on the European Union’s legislative body, the implications of the European Union’s exclusive competences on the nation state and on well-established European Union member countries. In doing so, national Europeanized public spheres constituted by the media legitimize the European Union’s governance in these areas while other aspects of European integration are ignored.
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Statham, Paul, and Ruud Koopmans. "Political party contestation over Europe in the mass media: who criticizes Europe, how, and why?" European Political Science Review 1, no. 3 (November 2009): 435–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773909990154.
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This study examines political party contestation over Europe, its relationship to the left/right cleavage, and the nature and emergence of Euroscepticism. The analysis is based on a large original sample of parties’ claims systematically drawn from political discourses in the mass media in seven countries: Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, and Switzerland. It addresses questions concerning parties’ mobilized criticisms of European integration and the European Union (EU), specifically: their degree and form; their location among party families and within party systems; cross-national and diachronic trends; their substantive issue contents; whether their ‘Euro-criticism’ is more tactical or ideological; whether claims construct a cleavage; and their potential for transforming party politics. Findings show that a party’s country of origin has little explanatory power, once differences between compositions of party systems are accounted for. Also governing parties are significantly more likely to be pro-European, regardless of party-type. Regional party representatives, by contrast, are significantly more likely to be ‘Euro-critical’. Overall, we find a lop-sided ‘inverted U’ on the right of the political spectrum, but this is generated entirely by the significant, committed Euroscepticism of the British Conservatives andSchweizerische Volkspartei. There is relatively little evidence for Euroscepticism elsewhere at the core, where pro-Europeanism persists. Finally, parties’ Euro-criticism from the periphery mostly constructs substantive political and economic critiques of European integration and the EU, and is not reducible to strategic anti-systemic challenges.
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Hänska, Max, and Stefan Bauchowitz. "Can social media facilitate a European public sphere? Transnational communication and the Europeanization of Twitter during the Eurozone crisis." Social Media + Society 5, no. 3 (July 2019): 205630511985468. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056305119854686.
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Asking whether social media can plausibly facilitate a European public sphere, this article provides the first operationalization and empirical examination of Europeanization of social media communications. It maps the geospatial structure of Twitter activity around Greece’s 2015 bailout negotiations. We find that Twitter activity showed clear signs of Europeanization. Twitter users across Europe tweeted about the bailout negotiations and coalesced around shared grievances. Furthermore, Twitter activity was remarkably transnational in orientation, as users interacted more often with users in other European Union (EU) countries than with domestic ones. As such, social media allowed users to communicate with one another unencumbered by national boundaries, to bring into existence an ad hoc, issue-based European public sphere.
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Applebaum, Rachel. "The Friendship Project: Socialist Internationalism in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia in the 1950s and 1960s." Slavic Review 74, no. 3 (2015): 484–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.74.3.484.
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This article examines the evolution of socialist internationalism in the 1950s and 1960s through a case study of cultural relations between the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia. More broadly, it explores attempts by Soviet and eastern bloc officials to integrate their countries into a cohesive “socialist world” by constructing an extensive network of transnational, cultural, interpersonal, and commercial ties between their citizens. Accounts of Soviet-eastern bloc relations during this period tend to focus on the iconic crises in Poland and Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968. Yet in the realm of everyday life, the 1950s and 1960s were the apogee of Soviet-eastern European integration. I argue that in the case of Soviet-Czechoslovak relations, the new version of socialist internationalism that developed during these decades was successful in so far as it shaped the lives of ordinary citizens—through participation in friendship societies, pen-pal correspondences, and the consumption of each other's mass media and consumer goods. As these contacts brought the two countries closer, however, they inadvertently highlighted cultural and political discord between them, which ultimately helped undermine the very alliance they were designed to support.
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Filipović, Aleksa. "Vaccine diplomacy during the COVID-19 pandemic on the example of the Republic of Serbia." SENTENTIA. European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, no. 1 (January 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/1339-3057.2022.1.36731.
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The scale of the global COVID-19 pandemic is unprecedented. The COVID-19 vaccines have not only become an indispensable weapon for countering the pandemic, but also are the attribute of technological and scientific prestige of the countries that developed the vaccines. Although the term "vaccine diplomacy" is not new, it may have become much more relevant during the global pandemic. The goal of this research lies in the analysis of vaccine diplomacy of China, the European Union, and the Russia Federation with regards to the Republic of Serbia during the global COVID-19 pandemic. Description is given to the Serbia's participation in the own vaccine diplomacy on the global scale. The novelty of this research consists in comparative analysis of the efforts of "vaccine diplomacy" of the EU, China, and Russia towards Serbia. The research provides the latest results of the survey on the topic of Serbian citizens and their perceptions of foreign aid received during the COVID-19 pandemic. The conclusion is made that medical aid rendered by China and Russia to Serbia was well received by the Serbian government, government-aligned mass media, and society. However, the financial and medical aid provided by the European Union was neither significantly advertised by the media, nor changed the attitudes of Serbian society towards the EU. At the same time, the Serbian government has engaged in the own vaccine diplomacy in order to strengthen ties with the former allies of Yugoslavia from the Non-Aligned Movement.
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Roman, Vasile. "Strategic Communication as an Augumentativ Factor in Social Resilience." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 198–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0029.
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Abstract The society is in a turmoil neither because globalization, high technology or immigration crises, but rather from the race of regional (China and Russia) or world power (US) to develop a new strategies to influence the countries. Europe is not bypassed by these phenomena because Russia as a regional actor is trying to create new sphere of influence at its periphery (especially in Baltic States, Poland and Romania). Romania, as NATO and European Union member, is one of the Russia’s targets not only because geographically it is in the Russia’s proximity, but because it is an area of American’s interests. Russia is developing a real hybrid war, using all the line of effort: political, economical, but specially the social one. The social field is covered by propaganda, promoted by mass-media, as a tool of political power. To counter-attack Russia’s hybrid war, NATO decided, at the Warsaw Summit to develop some operational lines, one is being strategic communication and the second is related with social resilience. The political, administrative and educational institutions are asked to apply this strategy, to find the way to educate people (almost via mass-media) in what is resilience and more important how it works when it is realized
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KÜHNE, THOMAS. "Great Men and Large Numbers: Undertheorising a History of Mass Killing." Contemporary European History 21, no. 2 (March 29, 2012): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000070.
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Scholarship is not only about gaining new insights or establishing accurate knowledge but also about struggling for political impact and for market shares – shares of public or private funds, of academic jobs, of quotations by peers, and of media performances. Timothy Snyder's Bloodlands fights for recentring contemporary European history.1 No longer, his new book implies, should the centre of that history be Germany, which initiated two world wars and engaged with three genocides; even less should the centre be Western Europe, which historians for long have glorified as the trendsetter of modernity; and the Soviet Union, or Russia, does not qualify as ‘centre’ anyway. Introducing ‘to European history its central event’ (p. 380) means to focus on the eastern territories of Europe, the lands between Germany and Russia, which, according to Snyder, suffered more than any other part from systematic, politically motivated, mass murder in the twentieth century. The superior victimhood of the ‘bloodlands’ is a numerical one. Fourteen million people, Jewish and non-Jewish, in the territories of what is today most of Poland, the Ukraine, Belarus, western Russia, and the Baltic States did not become just casualties of war but victims of deliberate mass murder. Indeed, this is ‘a very large number’ (p. 411), one that stands many comparisons: ten million people perished in Soviet and German concentration camps (as opposed to the Nazi death camps, which were located within the ‘bloodlands’), 165,000 German Jews died during the Holocaust (p. ix), and even the number of war casualties most single countries or territories counted in the Second World War was smaller.
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Neprytskyi, Oleksandr, Łukasz Donaj, and Oleh Romanov. "Reputation of Poland in the Public Opinion of the Countries of Europe at the Beginning of the 21st Century in the Studies of the Institute of Public Affairs." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 37 (2021): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-37-101-107.
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Relevance of the topic of the research is determined by the necessity to systemize the works on the study of the reputation of the Republic of Poland during the period of transformation finalization and negotiations on accession to the European Union, which will allow to use them in the future both for the scientific and research work as well as for the application of best practices of national branding in Ukraine. The aim of the article is to study the content and value of the studies of the Institute of Public Affairs dedicated to the topic of reputation of Poland in the countries of Europe at the beginning of the 21st century. Methodology of the research is based on the combination of general (analysis, synthesis, generalization) and specific (historical-genetic, historical-typological, historical-systemic, sociocultural) scientific methods with the principals of historicism, systematicity, scientificity and verification. The Institute of Public Affairs was one of the leading analytical centers of the Republic of Poland. The studies, conducted by the Institute, have shown what reputation Poland and the Polish had in the public opinion of the countries of Europe during the phase of active negotiations on the country’s accession to the EU. The IPA’s experts analysed the information about Poland provided by the European media. The researchers provided extensive empirical data as well as the analysis of the theoretical aspect of reputation formation and illustrated the functioning and shift of historical stereotypes. Conclusions. According to the results of the studies of the Institute of Public Affairs, at the very beginning of the 21st century the country had a reputation during the negotiations on the accession to the European Union, which was caused by negative stereotypes. This situation could have been rectified (and in the end, it was rectified), as the historical stereotypes are slowly eliminated, however, they are being changed under the influence of contemporary reality. Mass media play a significant role in this process, being the mirror of public mood and an instrument for shaping it. At the same time, a positive image of Poland was formed in the public opinion of Ukraine, however, Ukraine itself had a bad reputation among the population of Poland, which should have served as an implication for the representatives of the Ukrainian governing elites to take the necessary similar steps.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mass media – European Union countries"
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Michailidou, Asimina. "The European Union online the role of the internet in the European Union's public communication strategy and the emerging European public sphere." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2007. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/3055.
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The focus of this thesis is on the vertical Europeanisation of the online public debate and more specifically on the EU's online public communication strategy, i.e. the top-down process of the unmediated, direct, online communication between the EU and the general public. The empirical data has been collected in four stages, namely public communication policy-making; public communication policy implementation online; online public communication policy impact on key Internet audiences; and interviews with key senior Commission officials. The review of the EU public communication documents has shown that the Commission has unambiguously committed to facilitate direct communication with the EU public as part of the process of building the EU citizens' trust towards its institutions and in addressing the issues of transparency and democratic legitimation of the EU's decision-making process, while the Internet is seen as a key tool in facilitating direct communication. However, after monitoring three of the EU's official websites for a year and analyzing the views of 221 Internet users on the EU's Information and Communication strategy online, it has become evident that the Commission has not yet fulfilled these commitments. The interviews with key Commission officials have revealed that behind this gap between policy and online implementation lie: a) an institutional culture which conflicts with the aims of the Commission's public communication strategy; and b) constant institutional restructuring in the last six years. Very recently the Commission has begun to address some of the shortfalls in the online implementation of its public communication strategy, yet there is no indication that the results of the online debate regarding the EU's future will be incorporated in the decision-making process, while further study is required in the future in order to assess any change in the institutional culture in relation to its public communication strategy.
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Dihel, Nora Carina. "Temporary movements of services providers from Central and Eastern European Countries into the European Union /." [Bucureşti] : Ed. DBH, 2005. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013195171&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Winterstein, David P. "Language and media in the promotion of the Breton cultural identity in the European Union /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6170.
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García-Perrote, Forn Ma Elena. "Proceso penal y juicios paralelos." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/386469.
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El principio de publicidad de las actuaciones judiciales se encuentra consagrado como un derecho fundamental en el artículo 24.2 de nuestra Constitución. Este derecho no es de carácter absoluto y se encuentra sometido a ciertas limitaciones previstas legalmente. La publicidad del proceso penal implica que tengan conocimiento de las actuaciones, no solo los propios interesados, sino también extraños al proceso. Esta actividad de difusión de la noticia, garantía de funcionamiento del Poder Judicial en una sociedad democrática, se efectúa principalmente por los medios de comunicación. El problema se produce cuando se informa sobre un hecho noticiable que se encuentra sub iudice y los Mass Media, a través de un “juicio paralelo”, pretenden, de forma continua y sesgada, examinar y valorar el proceso judicial, las pruebas y las personas implicadas en los hechos y asumen así el papel de juez e inducen a éste a un veredicto anticipado de culpabilidad o inocencia ante la opinión pública. Esta actividad colisiona con posiciones subjetivas de los individuos, que también tienen la consideración de derechos fundamentales como son los derechos a: (i) un proceso justo; (ii) un juez imparcial; (iii) la presunción de inocencia y (iv) recibir y comunicar información.
Con esta tesis doctoral se ha procedido a estudiar dicha problemática así como las respuestas que la legislación, la jurisprudencia y la doctrina dan, en nuestro Ordenamiento jurídico y en derecho comparado, para conciliar estos derechos fundamentales con los intereses mediáticos de le prensa, así como las garantías previstas legalmente en el ámbito penal, civil y contencioso- administrativo para la salvaguarda de los mismos. En la parte final del trabajo se apuntan posibles soluciones al problema de los “juicios paralelos” que puedan dar respuesta al interés general de la sociedad en su pretensión de obtener una justicia eficaz en la represión del delito a la vez que respetuosa con los derechos de todos los ciudadanos que se pueden ver involucrados en el proceso judicial.El principi de publicitat de les actuacions judicials es troba consagrat com un dret fonamental en l’article 24.2 de la nostra Constitució. Aquest dret no és de caràcter absolut i està sotmès a determinades limitacions previstes legalment. La publicitat del procés penal implica que tinguin coneixement de les actuacions, no només els propis interessats, si no també estranys al procés. Aquesta activitat de difusió de la notícia, garantia del funcionament del Poder Judicial en una societat democràtica, és realitzada, principalment, pels mitjans de comunicació. El problema es produeix quan s’informa d’un fet que és notícia i que es troba sub iudice, i els mass media, mitjançant un “judici paral·lel”, pretenen de forma continuada i esbiaixada examinar i valorar el procés judicial, les proves i les persones implicades en els fets, assumint el paper de jutge, induint a un veredicte anticipat de culpabilitat o innocència a aquest en front de l’opinió pública. Aquesta activitat topa amb posicions subjectives dels individus que també tenen la consideració de drets fonamentals com són els drets a: (i) un procés just; (ii) un jutge imparcial; (iii) la presumpció d’innocència i (iv) rebre i comunicar informació. Amb la present tesis doctoral s’ha procedit a estudiar la referida problemàtica així com les respostes que la legislació, la jurisprudència i la doctrina donen en el nostre Ordenament Jurídic i en dret comparat, per tal de conciliar aquests drets fonamentals amb els interessos mediàtics de la premsa, així com les garanties previstes legalment en l’àmbit penal, civil i contenciós – administratiu per a la salvaguarda dels mateixos. En la part final del treball s’apunten possibles solucions al problema dels “judicis paral·lels” que poden donar resposta a l’interès general de la societat en la seva pretensió d’obtenir una justícia eficaç en la repressió del delicte a la vegada que respectuosa amb els drets de tots els ciutadans que es puguin veure involucrats en el procés judicial.
The principle of publicity of judicial actions is set forth as fundamental right in article 24 of the Spanish Constitution. Nevertheless, this is not an absolute right: it has some legal limitations. The publicity of the criminal procedure implies that not only those directly affected by the procedure know the state of acts but third people. Information disclosure, which serves as a warranty of the functioning of the judicial system, is done in a democratic society by the media. The problem arises when mass media start a parallel trial while reporting on case which is still sub iudice, assessing and judging with a biased viewpoint the procedure, its participants and the evidences submitted, assuming the judge’s role and, therefore, trying to induce him/her to an anticipate judgement before the public opinion. Such activity collides with the position of the defendant, who has his/her own fundamental rights such as the right to (i) a fair trial; (ii) an impartial judge; (iii) the presumption of innocence and (iv) receive and communicate certain information. In the present thesis, the problem of parallel trials and the collision of rights have been studied taking into account the solutions provided by Law, case law and scholars both of Spanish Legal System and comparative Law in order to reconcile such fundamental rights with media’s interest and also the legal guarantees for defendants in civil, criminal and administrative procedures. In the final part of this thesis, there are some possible solutions to the problem of parallel trials which try to give an answer to society’s general interest to find an efficient justice system in punishing crimes which also respects the rights of all citizens which may be part of the process.
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RUIZ, SOLER Javier. "Is Twitter the new coffee house? : the contribution of the European political Twittersphere to the European public sphere and European demos." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63305.
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Defence date: 12 June 2019Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor); Prof. Giovanni Sartor, European University Institute; Prof. Luigi Curini, University of Milan; Prof. Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Lund University
A Public Sphere and a demos are intrinsic key elements of any democratic society. The literature has pointed out that social media platforms can play an important role in developing direct interactions between users and creating a sense of community. Can Twitter contribute to the emergence of a transnational networked European Public Sphere and European demos? This thesis examines the contribution of the European Political Twittersphere to this question. I divide the question into three articles. In each I use a different theoretical framework and methodological approach to two datasets of two issue publics (the Schengen agreement and the transatlantic trade partnership, TTIP) collected through the public Twitter Streaming API from August 2016 to April 2017. In the first article I explore the actor level of the networks created from the Twitter data. I investigate whether these Twitter networks constitute networked publics where non-elite actors receive attention and play an important role by the number of mentions and retweets. In the second article I explore the question of the constitution of European transnational networks. To do so, I geolocate the accounts involved in the two networks to identify the type of interactions the users establish, whether national or transnational. In the third article I analyse the content of these networks by extracting what sentiments the users express for the topics, and whether they see themselves and the topics as national or European. The three articles capture three features of the European Political Twittersphere. First, the results indicate the presence of transnational European networks. Second, built from the bottom-up where non-elite actors receive most of the attention. And third, composed of a multilingual demoi where the users see themselves and the topics as European. However, although these mapped Twitter networks contribute to some extent to transnational interaction and a sense of community, the deliberative quality of these networks is low.
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Bajnoczki, Csongor. "Europe’s Parallel Media Universe: Cross-national analysis of populist media oppression in the EU." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1527895414688351.
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Djordjevic, Ljubica. "Serbien und die EU : Staatsreform und europäische Integration /." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016296403&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Schumacher, Tobias. "Die Europäische Union als internationaler Akteur im südlichen Mittelmeerraum : "Actor Capability" und EU-Mittelmeerpolitik /." Baden-Baden : Nomos-Verl.-Ges, 2005. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013090518&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Hilmes, Christian. "Die Europäische Union als Partei völkerrechtlicher Verträge : zugleich ein vergleichender Blick auf die primärrechtlichen Bestimmungen über das auswärtige Unionshandeln nach Nizza 2001 und Rom 2004 /." Baden-Baden : Nomos, 2006. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=015476686&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Seiter, Corina. "Vergleich historischer Währungsunionen und Zentralbankensysteme als Lehrstück für die Europäische Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion /." Berlin : Dissertation.de, 2002. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=009800656&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
Full textBooks on the topic "Mass media – European Union countries"
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Zhang, Li. News media and EU-China relations. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
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Hans-Jörg, Trenz, ed. The politicization of Europe: Contesting the constitution in the mass media. New York: Routledge, 2012.
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Europe, anyone?: The "communication deficit" of the European Union revisited. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2012.
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1961-, Harrison Jackie, and Wessels Bridgette, eds. Mediating Europe: New media, mass communications and the European public sphere. New York: Berghahn Books, 2009.
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Understanding media policies: A European perspective. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
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Moragas Spa, Miquel de, 1943- and Garitaonaindía Garnacho Carmelo, eds. Decentralization in the global era: Television in the regions, nationalities and small countries of the European Union. London: John Libby, 1995.
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Simon, Goldsworthy, ed. Public relations for the new Europe. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.
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Türkei und europäische Identität: Eine wissenssoziologische Analyse der Debatte um den EU-Beitritt. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2008.
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Regulating convergence. New York: Peter Lang, 2010.
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Europe's digital revolution: Broadcasting regulation, the EU and the nation state. London: Routledge, 2001.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Mass media – European Union countries"
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Goban-Klas, Tomasz, and Pål Kolstø. "East European Mass Media: The Soviet Role." In The Soviet Union in Eastern Europe, 1945–89, 110–36. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23234-5_7.
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de Wilde, Pieter. "The Plural Representative Space: How Mass Media and National Parliaments Stimulate Pluralism through Competition." In The Challenge of Democratic Representation in the European Union, 117–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230355828_7.
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Todino, Michele Domenico, Giuseppe De Simone, Simon Kidiamboko, and Stefano Di Tore. "European Recommendations on Robotics and Related Issues in Education in Different Countries." In Makers at School, Educational Robotics and Innovative Learning Environments, 255–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77040-2_34.
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AbstractThis short paper describes the preliminary phase in an innovative line of research comparing educational robotics in Italy and other countries, from the perspective of media education, and based on the European Parliament recommendations to the Commission on civil law rules on robotics. More specifically, all decision processes that affect digital citizenship should have the support of children and teenagers. For these reasons, this paper looks at the work of a group of Italian high school students in the fifth year of upper secondary school, who formulated a SWOT analysis to highlight their attitudes to robotics issues in relation to the European Union recommendations. This research started in 2018 and will be repeated this academic year with Italian and Congolese students—from the Institut Supérieur des Techniques Appliquées—with a qualitative analysis to establish student attitudes to robotics issues. Qualitative analysis was selected because the SWOT analysis is already divided into information categories, revealing a variety of concepts that are grouped together from the collected data. These results will be compared with any obtained in future years in Italy and other countries, to find further potential patterns.
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Bakir, Vian, and Andrew McStay. "Defending the Civic Body from False Information Online." In Optimising Emotions, Incubating Falsehoods, 205–46. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13551-4_8.
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AbstractWe have established that false information online harms the civic body, driven by the economics of emotion and the politics of emotion. What should be done about this? Multi-stakeholder solutions have been proffered by various countries’ governmental inquiries into disinformation and fake news, and by supranational bodies including the United Nations, European Union and Commonwealth. This chapter assesses seven solution areas: namely, (1) coercive and non-coercive government action, (2) cybersecurity, (3) digital intermediaries/platforms, (4) advertisers, (5) professional political persuaders and public relations, (6) media organisations and (7) education. As well as being intrinsically difficult areas to solve individually, let alone in concert, the chapter concludes that such solutions merely tinker at the edges as they do not address a fundamental incubator for false information online: namely, the business model for social media platforms built on the economics of emotion.
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Guerra, Simona, and Hans-Jörg Trenz. "15. Citizens and Public Opinion in the European Union." In European Union Politics, 219–32. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198806530.003.0015.
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This chapter provides an overview of trends in public opinion toward the European Union. The chapter also discusses the key factors thought to explain differences in mass opinion regarding the EU. These include political economy and rationality; that is, opinions stemming from calculations about the costs and benefits of the EU; perceptions of the national government (domestic proxies); the influence of political elites; political psychology, including cognitive mobilization (attentiveness to politics) and concerns about the loss of national identity; and finally, the role of the mass media in driving opinions regarding the EU.
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Guerra, Simona, and Hans-Jörg Trenz. "15. Citizens and Public Opinion in the European Union." In European Union Politics, 219–31. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198862239.003.0015.
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This chapter provides an overview of trends in public opinion towards the European Union (EU). The chapter also discusses the key factors thought to explain differences in mass opinion regarding the EU. These include political economy and rationality; that is, opinions stemming from calculations about the costs and benefits of the EU; perceptions of the national government (domestic proxies); the influence of political elites; political psychology, including cognitive mobilization (attentiveness to politics) and concerns about the loss of national identity; and, finally, the role of the mass media in driving opinions regarding the EU.
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Guerra, Simona, and Lauren M. McLaren. "25. Public Opinion and the European Union." In European Union Politics. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198708933.003.0025.
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This chapter examines trends in public opinion toward the European Union. Through the mid-1980s, EU member governments and bureaucrats were interested in limited public involvement in the integration process. With the introduction of the Single European Act and later the Constitutional Treaty and the Lisbon Treaty, member states began selling their varying visions of a renewed European project that would contribute to the further economic and political development of the EU integration process. The chapter first considers general perceptions of the EU before assessing the key factors that are believed to account for differences in mass opinion regarding the EU. These include rational utilitarianism, perceptions of the national government, political psychology factors such as cognitive mobilization and concerns about the loss of national identity, and the role of mass media in shaping attitudes towards the EU. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the level of trust towards EU institutions.
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Morgan, David. "British News Coverage of the European Union." In The European Parliament, Mass Media and the Search for Power and Influence, 24–38. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429434723-4.
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Gattermann, Katjana. "Media Personalization in Domestic Political Contexts." In The Personalization of Politics in the European Union, 58–78. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198798712.003.0004.
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Abstract Chapter 4 investigates the extent to which media personalization is conditional upon domestic political and institutional contexts. To do so, it analyses media personalization with respect to news coverage involving the European Commission and the Parliament in national newspapers from seven European countries between 1992 and 2019. Media personalization is operationalized as individualization, that is, an increasing focus on individual politicians at the expense of either institution, and presidentialization in terms of an increasing focus on the Commission President vis-à-vis the Commission. The chapter cannot confirm any universal trend towards greater media personalization in the news coverage of either institution. Domestic media systems—rather than electoral systems and politicization of EU affairs in domestic contexts—appear to be responsible for cross-country differences in personalization. The chapter concludes that these findings have consequences for the likelihood that European citizens become aware of individual politicians in EU politics.
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Çakır, Vedat, and Sibel Ozkan. "EU Media Policies in the Context of Media Pluralism and Turkey's Consistency." In Handbook of Research on Social and Economic Development in the European Union, 500–509. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-1188-6.ch029.
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Media pluralism is one of the basic principles of EU media policies, which enables the protection of cultural diversity and the representation of different voices in the media. One aim of media pluralism is to provide a cultural flow between all member and candidate countries that make up the Union, giving right of representation to each component, while the other is to ensure that the different voices in the countries are heard. However, this economy-centered audio-visual policy, which is based on the free circulation of television broadcasts within the Union, has been criticized for increasing the commercialization, not supporting public service broadcasting enough, and for being inadequate against the concentration in the sector. This chapter examines steps taken when reviewing the legislation on media pluralism in the EU and the reflection of Turkey's media policies and media pluralism in the application of these policies.
Conference papers on the topic "Mass media – European Union countries"
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Huth, Margaux Antonia, Bea Meyer, Franz Tscheikner-Gratl, and Andrea Cominola. "Post-pandemic intended use of remote teaching and digital learning media in higher education. Insights from a europe-wide online survey." In SEFI 50th Annual conference of The European Society for Engineering Education. Barcelona: Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/conference-9788412322262.1312.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has had a transformational and potentially long-lasting impact on higher education institutions, with the rapid shift to “Emergency Remote Education”. Two years after the begin of the pandemic, institutions are either returning to presence formats with different speed or converging towards hybrid formats, begging the question what remains of the newly acquired skills and experience with remote teaching and digital learning media? Here, we present the findings of the first European-Union-wide survey on the potential longterm impacts of COVID-19 on higher education, evaluating over 800 responses from students and faculty members of higher education institutions located in 17 different European countries. Our survey – developed in the context of the ide3a university alliance (http://ide3a.net/) highlights possible differences between students and instructors in their attitude toward retaining digital teaching formats and media, examines which formats have increased in use over the course of the pandemic, and investigates which of them are intended to be kept and consolidated post-pandemic. The tools and formats examined in this survey include tools for communication and collaboration, formats of didactic activity, as well as assessment formats. Survey responses reveal that all evaluated tools and format have significantly increased in use during the pandemic and most of them are intended to be used at lower frequency in the future, while still at significantly higher frequency than before the pandemic. Moreover, attitudes toward long-term use of remote teaching and digital learning media seems to be comparable between students and faculty members, except regarding some tools
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Marinescu, Roxana. "USING NEW MEDIA AND TECHNOLOGIES IN FOREIGN LANGUAGE EDUCATION FOR PLURILINGUAL COMMUNICATION AND DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP." In eLSE 2013. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-13-267.
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This paper focuses on outlining some effects that the use of new media and technologies in foreign language education has on both plurilingual communication and on democratic citizenship. At the moment in the European Union there are 27 member states and 23 officially acknowledged languages. With increasingly mobile European citizens and a growing number of immigrants from non-European countries, Europe faces the challenge of providing equal opportunities to all citizens and, at the same time, ensuring that their linguistic and cultural heritage will be preserved. This paper starts from the necessity stated in some European documents that the European citizen should learn at least two foreign languages, English being in practice one of those, for better or worse. Also foreign language education is viewed in connection with citizenship rights and intercultural communication, for a European citizen fully equipped for flexible work contexts in a time of increased mobility. With 'language rights' viewed as part of 'human rights' and with Europe a multilingual area, the plurilingual European citizens should be able to make effective use of all their educational strategies in order to enhance their chances in social and economic life. European educational policies should thus take into consideration the inclusion of new media and technologies in formal education, as well as the impact they have on the informal education of European citizens, and should evaluate the extent to which the use of these e-tools affects language learning in the context of multilingualism. This paper also briefly presents an overview of the results of a small scale survey conducted within the Bucharest University of Economic Studies among first-year students by means of a questionnaire and informal discussions. The survey focuses on how they use the new media in formal and informal language learning, especially English language learning.
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ZAWOJSKA, Aldona. "THE PROS AND CONS OF THE EU COMMON AGRICULTURAL POLICY." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.158.
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The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) of the European Union has generated a great deal of attention and controversy among research community, practitioners and the wider population. The aim of this study is to overview and to discuss the thoughts and comments on the CAP which have been addressed by both its proponents and its opponents in the scientific publications, political commentaries, official reports, pubic opinion surveys and social-media-based public forums. While on the one hand, recent public opinion poll (Eurobarometer 2016) indicated broad support among EU citizens for the CAP; on the other hand, other sources give some strong arguments in favour of reducing or even scrapping the CAP. The CAP supporters (including European Commission itself) highlight, among others, the benefits of this policy (environmental; cultural; social vitality; food variety, quality and security; maintaining of rural employment, etc.) for all European citizens and not only for farmers, while CAP opponents stress its unfairness both to non-farmers (e.g. huge financial costs of its policy for taxpayers) and small farmers (large farmers benefit most), heavy administrative burden for farmers as well as the CAP’s destructing impact both on the EU states’ agriculture systems and developing countries’ agricultural markets. The CAP is basically the same for all EU member states but the EU countries differ considerably in terms of their rural development. According to some views, the CAP does not fit the Central and Eastern European countries. It represents a failure of the EU to adjust adequately from an exclusively Western European institution into a proper pan-European organization.
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Chicioreanu, Teodora daniela, and Catalin Amza. "ART TEACHERS READY FOR THE AUGUMENTED REALITY?" In eLSE 2021. ADL Romania, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-21-122.
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Most of the people, at least in developed countries, have access to mobile learning devices. It seems, in the new nomadism, it is difficult to differentiate between workers and learners. Many of the mobile full-time workers are, also, part-time students studying at home or online. Many of the adult students in day-time courses are, also, mobile part-time workers. Technology is and will be used to provide attractive digital to the tablet and smartphone users. The new trend: the augmented reality. The Augmented Reality (AR) is a variation of the virtual media or of the virtual reality allowing the user to see the real world, with overlapping virtual objects or completed with real objects. The AR is an imagined layer overlapping the real world, visible by means of devices such as computers, smartphones, tablets, display glasses and other devices allowing the users to recognise these media which can consist of images, videos, and sounds. As the tablet and smartphone use spread, the augmented reality started being used more and more in every-day life, but also in the educational environment. Are the teachers ready, however? We hereby present, in the first part of this paper, a comparative study based on data obtained within the JOYAR project - Joyful adult training using augmented reality financed by the European Union, data revealing both the degree, and the level of involvement of adults in 6 countries in using new technologies for educational purposes, as well as a possible list of key-competencies required for successfully applying them. Furthermore, we present - in the second part - the advantages of integrating this technology in the teaching activity, but also practical classroom examples, rendering the lessons more animated and much easier to understand; The AR usefulness is limited only by our imagination
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Heyes, Alan. "The UK Government’s Global Partnership Programme: Its Achievements Over the Past Five Years and Challenges Ahead." In The 11th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2007-7099.
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Through the Global Partnership the UK continues to make a significant contribution to improve national and global security. Over the past year the UK has continued to implement a wide range of projects across the breadth of its Global Partnership Programme. As well as ensuring the Programme is robust and capable of dealing with new challenges, the UK has cooperated with other donor countries to help them progress projects associated with submarine dismantling, scientist redirection, enhancing nuclear security and Chemical Weapons Destruction. The Global Partnership, although only five years old, has already achieved a great deal. Some 23 states, plus the European Union, are now working closer together under the Global Partnership, and collectively have enhanced global regional and national security by reducing the availability of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) materials and expertise to both states of concern and terrorists. Considerable progress has already been made in, for example: • Improving the security of fissile materials, dangerous biological agents and chemical weapons stocks; • Reducing the number of sites containing radioactive materials; • Working towards closure of reactors still producing weapon-grade plutonium; • Improving nuclear safety to reduce the risks of further, Chernobyl style accidents; • Constructing facilities for destroying Chemical Weapons stocks, and starting actual destruction; • Providing sustainable employment for former WMD scientists to reduce the risk that their expertise will be misused by states or terrorists. By contributing to many of these activities, the UK has helped to make the world safer. This paper reports on the UK’s practical and sustainable contribution to the Global Partnership and identifies a number of challenges that remain if it is to have a wider impact on reducing the threats from WMD material.
Reports on the topic "Mass media – European Union countries"
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml, and Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.
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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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Zhytaryuk, Marian. Ukraine in the international press in 1930 (on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo»). Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2022.51.11413.
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In the article of Professor Maryan Zhytaryuk, it is implemented the systematization of publications in the international press of 1930 about Ukraine on the materials of the Lviv newspaper «Dilo». Important political issues, in particular: Bolshevism in Soviet Ukraine, the massacre of the Ukrainian intelligentsia (Union for the Liberation of Ukraine), the interpretation of the «Ukrainian political problem» in European countries were singled out and generalized. The topicality of the article subject follows from the need to supplement the materials on the study of the «Ukrainian question», from the understanding that the interwar period, mainly in the 30s of the twentieth century, is a concentrated historical and political period, that is represented on newspaper and magazine columns. During the decade (30s of the twentieth century) – there were thousands of them. For example, in the newspaper «Dilo» only in the first three months of 1930 we can find more than 100 publications on international subjects. Therefore, the author narrowed the research materials to translated materials in the genres of press round-up, review, digest of publications in the foreign press. The purpose of the article is to focus on Ukrainian issues in the international press based on translations and comments on foreign publications in the newspaper «Dilo» in 1930. The task of the publication is to comprehend the identified texts in the context of geopolitical construction on the eve of World War II; to supplement the history of Ukrainian and foreign journalism and its source base. In the article the author uses the method of scientific study of primary sources found in the special funds of the Scientific Library of LNU. I. Franko, in particular, the bundles of the newspaper «Dilo» for 1930. 252 publications were processed, some of which - in several submissions. Based on scientific summarizing, 15 publications on political issues with the keyword «Ukraine» were selected on the basis of translated sources from foreign media (scientific research method). Actually with the purpose of understanding the raised issues (conceptual analysis) and of preparing some certain conclusions and generalizations (methods of synthesis, induction and deduction) the problem-thematic analysis was used.