Journal articles on the topic 'Mass media – Censorship – Australa'
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1
Roe, Amanda. "Graphic Satire and Public Life in the Age of Terror." Media International Australia 113, no. 1 (November 2004): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411300108.
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This paper investigates media representations of international insecurity through a selection of newspaper cartoons from some of the major daily Australian broadsheets. Since 2001, cartoonists such as Bruce Petty, John Spooner and Bill Leak (in The Age and The Australian) have provided an ongoing and vehement critique of the Australian government's policies of ‘border protection’, the ‘war on terror’ and the words of mass distraction associated with Australia joining the war in Iraq. Cartoonists are often said to represent the ‘citizen's perspective’ of public life through their graphic satire on the editorial pages of our daily newspapers. Increasingly, they can also be seen to be fulfilling the role of public intellectuals, defined by Richard A. Posner as ‘someone whose place it is publicly to raise embarrassing questions, to confront orthodoxy and dogma, to be someone who cannot easily be co-opted by governments and corporations’. Cartoonists enjoy an independence and freedom from censorship that is rarely extended to their journalistic colleagues in the print media and it is this independence that is the vital component in their being categorised as public intellectuals. Their role is to ‘question over and over again what is postulated as self-evident, to disturb people's mental habits, to dissipate what is familiar and accepted, to re-examine rules and institutions’ (Posner, 2003: 31). With this useful — if generalised — definition in mind, the paper considers how cartoonists have contributed to debates concerning international insecurity in public life since 2001.
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Ahmad, Araz Ramazan. "Which Governments May Control the Mass Media: Iran and Kurdistan as a Case Study?" Journal of Economic Development, Environment and People 4, no. 2 (June 24, 2015): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26458/jedep.v4i2.109.
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Abstract This paper is the comparative study in order to discover the motives of using censorship on Media. The main argument of this study is to determine the "Using of Censorship on Media in different government states” Consistently, the study depends on document analysis method and academic sources as well.Correspondingly, the study focuses on Media and democracy and then Mass Media in Iran and Kurdistan region of Iraq. Finally, the law of press in Iran and Kurdistan will be analysis to know the key elements of censorship in both governments.
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Olshevskaya, Oksana. "Factors that Influence Freedom of Speech and Self-censorship in Mass Media in Contemporary Russia." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 6 (January 1, 2015): 110–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2013.6.7404.
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An attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia. The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia.
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Fokina, V. V. "Mass media as actors of world politics." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(28) (February 28, 2013): 61–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-1-28-61-65.
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The article is devoted to the questions about mass media as non-governmental actors of world politics. The author notes the main activities of mass media in world politics, researches the state information policy, models of the relations of the state with mass media. The role of political censorship and propaganda in interaction with the international public opinion is considered especially.
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Gabilliet, Jean-Paul. "Freedom of Speech and Un-Consecrated Mass Media." Tocqueville Review 24, no. 1 (January 2003): 77–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.24.1.77.
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Neither freedom of speech nor censorship are absolute values. Freedom of speech may be defined as a relative reality, a right granted — or not denied — by political power on a case-by-case basis for the dissemination of various contents defined by two main criteria: their degree of cultural 1egitimacy orc onsecration in the community and the type of audiences they are supposed or expected to reach.
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Dyczok, Marta. "Was Kuchma's censorship effective? mass media in Ukraine before 2004." Europe-Asia Studies 58, no. 2 (March 2006): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130500481386.
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Privalov, S. A. "Prohibition of Censorship as a Guarantee of Freedom of Mass Media in Russia and Germany." Vestnik Povolzhskogo instituta upravleniya 21, no. 3 (2021): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1682-2358-2021-3-13-20.
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The prohibition of censorship as a fundamental legal guarantee of constitutional freedom of the media in Russia and Germany is considered. The author carries out a comparative analysis of the understanding of the essence of censorship in domestic and German constitutional law, as well as the features of state-legal regulation of relevant social relations arising from such an understanding.
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González-Quiñones, Fidel, and Juan D. Machin-Mastromatteo. "On media censorship, freedom of expression and the risks of journalism in Mexico." Information Development 35, no. 4 (August 25, 2019): 666–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666919866266.
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We present a classification of the types of censorship of media to frame the various issues that journalism and freedom of expression face in Mexico, which mainly include the role of the State in preventing or enforcing censorship, the monopoly of a few corporate groups that control most of the mass media and dictate fixed editorial lines throughout all of them, the effect of violence on journalism and the issues that are emerging around the freedom of expression in social media.
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Zhou, Yining. "Internet Censorship in the Digital Divide." Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no. 3 (2017): 340–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04503006.
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The tentative study explores why information and communication technology (ICT) does not show effective power in increasing Chinese worker activism publicity with the digital divide framework. I conducted in-depth interviews with worker activism participants that are motivated to adopt ICT for mobilising and gaining public awareness and support for their collective actions. The study found that in addition to strategic skills and motivations, perceived importance of the media in activism as well as media censorship and users’ coping strategies are influential in preventing them from effectively using ICT for activism. A typology is accordingly developed to position workers’ perception of adopting the Internet and mass media in activism. The two constructs are then incorporated into a revised pyramid model of the digital divide to describe two advanced divides when people already have access, skills and motivations to use ICT for political pursuits in societies with media censorship.
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Bik, Olesya. "Preserving human mental health through control of pathogenic text in mass media by means of indexing and marking." Mental Health: Global Challenges Journal 1, no. 1 (March 3, 2019): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32437/mhgcj.v1i1.6.
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Subject of this research paper is problem of pathogenic text as method for manipulating human consciousness and its dissemination through mass media, which due to their specific, make such manipulation most effective. Mass media have mastered metaphoric language, which can flawlessly influence readers’ imagination.
We need to separately highlight our interest in text-based mass media (printed or blogs) versus audio-visual mass media (broadcast and digital), where flow of negative information seems to be magnitudes larger. In particular, paper touches specifics of written information perception.
Paper describes different negative consequences of pathogenic information consumption for human mental health, such as: lack of creative activity, depression, ambivalence, development of adrenaline addiction, etc.
In this paper, we analyze existing solutions of the problem of negative impact of pathogenic information, implemented in various countries and communities, substantiating their deficiencies in today’s realities, especially considering opposition to censorship and governmental limitations.
We see resolution for the pathogenic text influence on human consciousness in person herself, in her self-awareness and ability to independently assess situation and make decisions. One of approaches to protecting society from pathogenic text without censorship, could be marking of pathogenic level of each specific article or publication. We also suggest not to limit markings to “pathogenic” or “non-pathogenic” labeling, but show percentage of text pathogenicity. By informing consumer of level of negative impact by particular text, we give him/her opportunity to decide about necessity or desire to read this text.
We propose automatic classification method based on Bayesian filters (Himmelblau, 1970), (Yerazunis, 2003).
Keywords: mental health, informational warfare, mass media, information, consciousness, influence, protection, text classification.
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Hasan, Ezhan. "Why Regimes Repress: The Factors that Lead to Censorship of Social Media." American Journal of Undergraduate Research 16, no. 3 (December 29, 2019): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33697/ajur.2019.028.
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Social media have made it easier to create mass political action. Prominent examples include the Arab Spring movements, which took place in regions where information was previously tightly controlled by authoritarian regimes. Fearing radical change, several regimes have repressed social media use, but not all authoritarian regimes have taken the same measures. Previous research suggests that regime leadership is motivated to ensure its own survival but also influenced by a strong independent media and the need for citizens to vent grievances. To understand the relationship of these factors to social media repression, this research conducts a comparative process-tracing case study of Iran, Turkey, and Venezuela from 2004 to 2017, using a hypothesis-testing approach. It concludes with discussion of the findings for the nature of regime response to the role of social media in protest. KEYWORDS: Internet; Media; Protest; Authoritarian; Iran; Turkey; Venezuela; Comparative; Case-Study
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Bajwa, Amir Mehmood, Mudassar Hussain, and Maham Arif. "Portrayal of Pakistan Electronic Crimes Act in Leading Liberal Dailies of Pakistan." Global Digital & Print Media Review V, no. II (June 30, 2022): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gdpmr.2022(v-ii).10.
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The content analysis is used to quantitatively analyze the portrayal of the Pakistan Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) in leading English language dailies of Pakistan, Dawn, The News International and Express Tribune, for three (3) months, from 22 February 2022 to 22 May 2022. The News International seems to portray Pakistan Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) more when compared with Dawn and Express Tribune. All three newspapers emphasize freedom of expression, and no newspaper adopts the-stance toward censorship or regulation of media. However, The Expression Tribune does hint at the need for censorship in one news article. The Dawn newspaper also emphasizes the voice of opposition and legal proceedings.The study is likely to have implications for the socially responsible role of mass media in contexts of factual news and the emerging issue of fake news by the inclusion of diverse voices. Unfortunately, the selected newspapers did not show cultural pluralism.
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Asadi, Mehdi, Foad Pour Arian, Hussein Abadian, and Mohammad Hasan Raz Nahan. "Police Department and Press Censorship in the First Pahlavi Era." Asian Social Science 12, no. 11 (October 13, 2016): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v12n11p54.
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<p>The press as the most important mass media and as a tool for directing public opinion in the First Pahlavi Era faced many ups and downs. Alteration in the political system, the tendency toward dictatorship government and the implementation of pseudo-modernist programs affect the existence of press. In this period, the press had to write in congruence and in sync with the government programs, otherwise they were no longer survival. The synchronization of press with the government programs and the censorship of public opinion, against the government were entrusted to the Police Department. The press censorship, contrary to common view, was not done in a systematic and specified framework and structure and, depending on the King’s view, the civilian statesmen, staffs and police chiefs were different. The present article tries to analyze the way of implementation of censorship policy and the extent of penetration and interference of police department in this case through using descriptive and analytical method.</p>
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Sarıtaş, Ahmet, and Elif Esra Aydın. "Elections and Social Media." International Journal of Social Ecology and Sustainable Development 6, no. 1 (January 2015): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsesd.2015010105.
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Today, using of the internet extended social media by individuals habitually enables both the business firms and politicians to reach their target mass at any time. In this context, internet has become a popular place recently where political communication and campaigns are realized by ensuring a new dimension to political campaigns. When we examine the posts and discussions in the social media, we can say that they are converted into open political sessions. As there are no censorship in such channels, individuals have a freedom to reach to any partial/impartial information and obtain transparent and fast feedback, and with this regard, political parties, leaders and candidates have a chance to be closer to electors. In this study, it is aimed to give information about the social media, present what medium has been used for election campaigns from the past until today and besides, by considering the effects of effective and efficient use of social media and new trends related to the internet by politicians, together with their applications in the world, to make suggestions about its situation and application in Turkey.
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Al-Mashikhi, Mohammed. "The Effecting Factors in The Mass Media in the Sultanate of Oman: A field study on Omani Journalists." Journal of Arts and Social Sciences [JASS] 8, no. 1 (February 1, 2017): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jass.vol8iss1pp115-138.
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The Effecting Factors in The Mass Media in the Sultanate of Oman: A field study on Omani Journalists This study aimed to look into the most important factors that affect the media in Oman; such as the Press and Publications Law (1984), Finance and Advertising as well as social environments such as cultural aspects. In order to answer the study questions, the researcher applied a questionnaire to more than 200 media professionals to find out journalists’ attitudes towards obstacles affecting media content in newsrooms within media establishments in the country The study concluded that; the Press and Publications law control all mass media content. Findings from the questionnaire points that this law is no longer suitable for the media in Oman, which has witnessed some development in recent years. Journalists’ self-censorship is one of the most serious problem affecting the development of the Omani media The study reveals a lack of adequate salary of broadcasters and journalists The study also points that local newspapers dedicate more space for advertising rather than cultural articles. The study found that social environments such as cultural aspects, perspectives towards media professionals do not create a good media-working environment in Oman.
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Aldgate, Tony. "I Am a Camera: Film and Theatre Censorship in 1950s Britain." Contemporary European History 8, no. 3 (November 1999): 425–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399003069.
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Although the processes of censorship as exercised over the stage and screen in 1950s Britain shared similar characteristics, there were vital differences in the way in which the governing authorities construed the audiences who frequented these entertainment media. Because cinemagoers constituted a mass audience and were considered to be more impressionable, the criteria of ‘quality’ applied by the British Board of Film Censors differed markedly to those put into effect for the theatre by the Lord Chamberlain's Office. The reception afforded both the play and film of I Am a Camera reveals the subtlety of approach adopted by the censors in each instance.
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Gilbert, Gregory. "View Magazine and the Mass Visual Culture of World War II." Arts 9, no. 2 (March 26, 2020): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9020041.
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Shortly after the bombing of Pearl Harbor in December of 1941, the American government impressed upon the media industry and corporate advertising the cooperative need to boost morale and enlist nationalist support for the war effort. Public opinion was shaped through an active campaign of visual propaganda and media censorship in which the social trauma of war, in particular, representations of death and destructive disorder, was erased from official news reports. However, avant-garde art and writing in View magazine during the early 1940s can be analyzed as a radical form of counter-discourse that challenged the media’s representation of the war. View had been founded in 1940 by the poet Charles Henri Ford, who vowed to create a magazine devoted to what he called the “new journalism”, a form of international reporting by poets and visual artists that would provide visionary critical insight on the forthcoming political catastrophe in Europe. Lacking their own publishing forum, a number of Surrealist émigrés and American adherents of Surrealism gravitated towards View. As this article will examine, Surrealist imagery and prose in View evoked a profound sense of the bodily trauma and physical destruction omitted from mass media, subverting the government’s highly sanitized and ideologically manipulated representations of World War II.
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Urrutia, Alejandro. "The Credible Voice in Pedro Lemebel’s Oeuvre: Identity, Gender and Censorship." Interlitteraria 22, no. 1 (September 7, 2017): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2017.22.1.12.
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Abstract. The oeuvre of the recently deceased Chilean writer Pedro Lemebel (1952–2014) can be described as an expression for systematically persecuted, repressed, censored minoritarian voices, both during the Chile of the dictatorship, that is during the 1970s and 1980s, as well as afterwards, in democratic Chile, that is from the 1990s onwards. These voices build discourses where gender, class or ethnic identity become the narrative axis in Lemebel’s work. His novels, chronicles, performances and short stories have been extensively distributed by alternative media such as independent community- and Internet-based television and radio channels starting in the 1990s under the democratization period post-Pinochet. In this paper, I will analyze the construction of an idea of the author throughout the Lemebelian oeuvre. This author/narrator construction is related to Jon Helt Haarder’s concept of “performative biographism” to identify the set of interventions made by the author/creator in the reading process, i.e. those interferences created by the writer as a public persona and channeled through mass media that orient the reading process (Haarder 2007: 72–82). I am particularly interested in exploring how this figure of the author achieves credibility. I build the analysis mainly upon the concepts from cultural narratology, queer theory and postcolonial studies.
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Sabirova, Zuhra R. "Эпигенез средств массовой информации в Башкирской АССР в 1950–1980-е гг." Oriental Studies 13, no. 3 (December 24, 2020): 560–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-49-3-560-571.
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Introduction. The article examines the development of Soviet mass media between the 1950s and 1980s through the example of the Bashkir Republic. Goals. The paper seeks to show the mentioned period was characterized by the most consistent and qualitative development of mass media. To facilitate this, the following objectives be tackled: analysis of the gradual development of television, radio and newspapers; identification of differences in the development of mass media; clarification of common features inherent thereto. Materials and Methods. The work analyzes archival materials, and employs methods of historicism, synthesis, alternative, and multidimensional approach to study the problem; the problem-chronological principle proved as instrumental. Results. The paper shows the then difficulties in radio, television and print media, and the measures taken by local party and Soviet authorities to improve the material, technical and personnel aspects, eliminate the problems of ‘feedback from the population’; the latter’s participation in the preparation of programs and publications. The article pays attention to the policy of the Soviet state aimed at supporting the republic’s print media, expanding the network of television and radio broadcasting, in particular, allocation of budget funds for the construction of new relay lines, repair of existing ones, and improvement of the network of service organizations, etc. This resulted in that the whole territory of the republic got covered with mass media networks. It also facilitated broader propaganda and agitation, faster distribution of information about changes at national and regional levels, creation of the illusion those media sources were essentially democratic. The work describes the reform of the media, introduction of new programs, and related changes in political censorship. Scientists, public and party figures, writers, poets — the population — took an active part in the preparation of programs and publications. This increased completeness and distribution levels of the media. However, during this period people still tended to keep an eye on the policy of the Party / state, and censorship of topics was as actual, which made the participation of Bashkir ASSR’s residents in that work somewhat illusory, although it did successfully expand (and strengthen) all ties between an individual — and the republic, city, or factory he / she worked at. The mentioned years witnessed a high demand for discussions over technical innovations, new methods of work, development of social infrastructure and housing, exchange of experiences between the Bashkir ASSR and other Soviet republics. Therefore, in those years, the number of documentaries, radio programs ‘from fields’ and ‘from workshops’ — and readership circulation — significantly increased, new printing agencies were established both in urban and rural areas. Conclusions. The paper concludes that despite all travails and vicissitudes it is in the 1950s – 1980s that mass media achieved their maximum social comprehensiveness and breadth.
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Robie, David. "Review: The struggle for media freedom amid jihadists, gaggers and ‘democratators’." Pacific Journalism Review 21, no. 2 (October 31, 2015): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v21i2.133.
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Robie, D. (2015). The struggle for media freedom amid jihadists, gaggers and ‘democratators’. Pacific Journalism Review, 21(2): 197-199. Review of The New Censorship: Inside the global battle for press freedom, by Joel Simon. New York: Columbia University Press, 2015. 236 pp. ISBN978-0-231-16064-3.One of the ironies of the digital revolution is that there is an illusion of growing freedom of expression and information in the world, when in fact the reverse is true. These are bleak times with growing numbers of journalists being murdered with impunity, from the Philippines to Somalia and Syria. The world’s worst mass killing of journalists was the so-called Maguindanao, or Ampatuan (named after the town whose dynastic family ordered the killings), massacre when 32 journalists were brutally murdered in the Philippines in November 2009.
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Mysliwietz-Fleiß, Daniela. "«Die fesselndsten Arbeitsstätten» in der illustrierten (Unternehmens-)Presse." Zeitschrift für Unternehmensgeschichte 66, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zug-2020-0024.
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Abstract The second half of the «long» 19th century appeared to be a period of both rapid economic and medial change in western societies. Large corporations, that often seemed obscure to the public in their complexity and with their mass-production, emerged. Mass production, alongside a less rigid censorship and an enlarged readership also had an impact on the press market, as more and more differentiated media products came into being, the most prominent among them being the illustrated magazine with its multimodal character. As large-scale organizations had a special need of translating their purposes to the public but were in need of public support at the same time, it seems rather natural that alongside other methods they looked for these media products for support or tried to apply their characteristics to own means of communication. Therefore, the presence of corporations within illustrated magazines as well as the presence of illustrated magazines within corporations is to be examined more closely.
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Dmitriyeva, Natalya M., and Irina I. Prosvirkina. "Semantic shifts in verbalization of the ethical concept “boon” in electronic mass-media." Russian Language Studies 17, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 502–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2618-8163-2019-17-4-502-514.
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The relevance of the article is conditioned by the specific role of the Internet space nowadays. The authors analyze the changes of ethical semantics of the concept “boon” on the material of lexical units in modern electronic mass-media compared with the semantic field represented in explanatory dictionaries. On the material of explanatory dictionaries of Old Church Slavonic and Russian languages the authors conducted a diachronic analysis, described ethical semantic components of the concept, pointed out always actual meanings “kindness”, “gifts of the Holy Spirit”, “love”, “mercy”, “benefaction”. The novelty of the article is in pointing out the changes in the name of the concept - lexeme “boon”. The authors showed that abstract senses are increasing in its semantics - “everything, that is good”. But in the end of the XXth ethical senses actualize again, the senses which were characteristic for the concept in Old Russian period and were ideologically deactualized in the beginning and in the middle of the century. The analysis of modern electronic mass-media, which greatly influence national consciousness nowadays, showed that in this material the lexeme “boon” appears to be semantically incomplete, realizes additional function and only historically reminds us of one of the most important concepts of Russian language worldview. Therefore, we need “ethical censorship” in relation to the words verbalizing significant concepts of Russian mentality. The results of the research can be used in creating texts of different styles and genres for mass-media, in teaching Russian (as a non-native and native language), in releasing forensic linguistic expertise.
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Burdiak, Vira. "The Impact of European Integration Development on Media Transformation in the Republic of Bulgaria." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 7 (December 23, 2019): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.47-62.
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The article analyzes the current state of the mass media of the Republic of Bulgaria and the changes that have taken place in this area during the period of preparation and membership of the state in the European Union. The author emphasizes that in the process of European integration, the media played a key role, reflecting all social processes, the impact of European integration on the social and political life of the country in particular. The democratization of the society has contributed to a major transformation of the media system and methods of its management. The state was able to synchronize its media legislation with European norms and standards, which has created a positive dynamics of development in the media market, especially in the segment of TV and radio broadcasting. The process of Bulgaria’s preparation and accession to the EU has had a positive impact on the country’s media policy and media law. Currently, the main priority of Bulgaria’s foreign policy is the process of European integration and the media play a direct role in it. Joining the EU has allowed Bulgaria to achieve greater internal stability; use opportunities for the development of democratic institutions, including the media system. The Republic of Bulgaria has not yet reached the standards of the European information policy in the field of ethnic issues, but after joining the EU there are tangible positive changes in the improvement of this sphere. Commercial media have appeared in Bulgaria, which dissociated themselves from the state, changed their profile, looking for their audience. Due to the concentration of media ownership and increased investment in the media market of Bulgaria, the competition between commercial media has grown and there is now a tendency to commercialize media content. This has led to the spreading of a hybrid model of the press and its tautological audiovisual production. “Classical” censorship gave way to property censorship, which significantly limited the variety of media content and formats. A significant drawback at the level of the media system is the weak regulatory support for the transition to digital distribution of information.
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B.O., Osude. "Mass Media and Democratic Stability in Nasarawa State a Study of Nasarawa Broadcasting Service (1999-2006)." African Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research 5, no. 2 (June 5, 2022): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajsshr-lqkr42lz.
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The research investigated the relationship between the mass media and democratic stability in Nasarawa State using Nasarawa Broadcasting Service as a case in point. The research thus examined the impact of the mass media on democratic stability in Nasarawa State. Methodologically, survey research design was adopted where the study utilized both primary and secondary sources of data collections. Under the primary sources of data collection, the study utilized both questionnaires and oral interviews while the secondary sources of data was the review of textbooks, periodicals, internet sources, monographs and other unpublished materials relevant to the study. The study was anchored on social responsibility theory as a framework of analysis. The findings of the study revealed that the role of mass media in the stability of democracy in Nasarawa State has not been as desired arising largely as a result of the constraints to it. It is evident from the study that so many factors and forces have militated against its operations such as inadequate budgeting allocation or poor funding, victimization of journalists, poor remuneration, serious censorship of NBS programme by the government, bias nature of station, inadequate professionals and many others problems. The study therefore on the basis of the above recommends amongst other things required funding that will address the operational challenges of the Nasarawa Broadcasting Service for effective promotion of democracy.
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Vaišnys, Andrius. "Lithuania's Demarcation of Information from Poland's Solidarity Movement in 1980-1981." Studia Medioznawcze 22, no. 2 (May 4, 2021): 908–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33077/uw.24511617.sm.2021.2.650.
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The aim of the article: Despite the fact that everything we know in Polish history about the emergence of Solidarity [Polish: Solidarność], Polish trade unions, in 1980-1981, and the conflict with the communist totalitarian regime is described in sources as ‘the Polish Crisis’, the question remains open about the contemporaneous deepening communication crisis of the communist government in Lithuania, whose history had long – until the middle of the 20th century – been very closely linked to the development of Poland. From 1951 to 1989, Lithuania was separated from Poland by a double barbed-wire Soviet border barrier without any border crossing points. Nevertheless, the author proposes delving into what type of information control measures the Soviet regime used in influencing the Lithuanian people by undermining their interest in the workers’ strikes and the expanding trade union movement in Poland 40 years ago, trying to set Lithuanians against Polish society, and also how the media in the West helped renew the dialogue between Lithuanian and Polish diaspora organisations. Research methods: The author performed a content analysis of KGB documents in the Lithuanian Special Archives and examined the content of the Lithuanian SSR mass media and the mass media of the Lithuanian diaspora in the United States. Results and conclusions: The Soviet concept of security that was implemented by the repressive structure of the KGB was largely associated with the restriction of information, censorship and self-censorship of the population. However, it was also associated with the recruitment of Lithuanian citizens into ongoing cooperation with the secret service to collect data about Polish people who were ‘disloyal’ to the regime and transfer information to the security service of communist Poland, so the content of these reports must be disclosed. Cognitive value: Thus, the article provides the broader context, in which the content of the propaganda press is only one element of the system that controlled the public space.
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Kowalski, Paweł. "Development and Function of Maps in the Transmission of Press Information in Poland." Miscellanea Geographica 11, no. 1 (December 1, 2004): 311–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mgrsd-2004-0034.
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Abstract In view of changing political and economical situation in Poland during the last 150 years, the role and development of press maps in transmission the information is being addressed. Maps published in the newspapers, to a large extent reflected the main topics addressed by the press as well as features of transmission policy of the time. The number of maps published substantially increased during the times of military conflicts and political changes. The press maps, together with the maps addressing criminal and lately common terrorist’s activities, played the most important role among all published maps. Besides providing the information and allowing understanding the background of the events, in some cases the press maps played educational role and in other cases, through the mass media they became accessible to the general public. The early 1990s brought a gradual increase in number of maps published. The political changes in Poland after 1989 resulting in, among others, the introduction of market economy, suppression of censorship and state mass media monopoly, did have significant impact on the development of Polish press and indirectly also on journalistic cartography. Furthermore the use of computers revolutionized the processes of preparing maps.
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Jastramskis, Deimantas. "Žiniasklaidos laisvės ribojimo aplinkybės Lietuvoje." Informacijos mokslai 67 (January 1, 2014): 120–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2014.0.3100.
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Straipsnyje nagrinėjami teisinės, politinės ir ekonominės aplinkos veiksniai, ribojantys žiniasklaidos laisvę Lietuvoje. Analizuojama 2012–2013 m. situacija, įvertinant ankstesnių metų teisines, politines ir ekonomines aplinkybes, turinčias įtaką analizuojamo laikotarpio žiniasklaidos laisvės padėčiai Lietuvoje.Straipsnyje teigiama, kad žiniasklaidos laisvę Lietuvoje riboja teisės aktuose numatytos teisės laisvai gauti ir skleisti informaciją neužtikrinimas žiniasklaidos veikloje, perdėtai griežtos teisės aktų (ypač Baudžiamojo kodekso) normos, reglamentuojančios atsakomybę už netinkamą raišką viešojoje erdvėje, nepakankamas informacijos šaltinio atskleidimo reglamentavimo apibrėžtumas. Pagrindiniai politiniai veiksniai, ribojantys žiniasklaidos laisvę, yra susiję su politiniu žiniasklaidos pajungimu, naudojant žiniasklaidos nuosavybės bei finansavimo svertus. Ekonominiai veiksniai, turintys didžiausią įtaką žiniasklaidos laisvės varžymui: nepakankamas žiniasklaidos organizacijų ekonominis pajėgumas, valstybės finansinė politika žiniasklaidos subjektų atžvilgiu, žiniasklaidos organizacijų nuosavybės ir rinkos dalies koncentracija, žiniasklaidos organizacijų nuosavybės ir veiklos skaidrumo stoka, menkos žurnalistų ir redaktorių socialinės garantijos.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: žiniasklaida, laisvė, teisinė aplinka, politinė aplinka, ekonominė aplinkaFactors of limitation of media freedom in LithuaniaDeimantas Jastramskis SummaryThe analysis presented in this article reveals what factors of legal, political and economic environment reduce the media freedom in Lithuania.The Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania stipulates that everyone has a right to hold opinions and freely express those, to obtain and disseminate information, whereas censorship of mass information is prohibited. The right to collect, obtain and publish information is stipulated by laws. However, journalists not always are able to access public records through clear administrative procedures in a timely manner.There are articles determining libel and defamation in the Lithuanian Penal Code (journalists and other citizens can be punished by fines or become imprisoned for up to two years). Although penalties for „irresponsible journalism” are applied only in exceptional cases, libel and defamation articles in the Penal Code stimulate self-censorship of some journalists.There are no special legal acts in Lithuania that would restrict the ownership concentration of the media organisations or the parts of the market that they occupy. Due to insufficient restriction on the property concentration in media, the legal environment (in relation to the independent media variety) is not assessed as very favourable.In Lithuania some editorial office owners (as well as editors) may support some political forces and consequently, the media administered by them disseminate quite biased political content. This is very obvious in the regional municipalities, where a large part of the local media is financially dependent on politicians and the main shareholders of the local media are also politicians. In connection to the political-financial influence on editorial offices self-censorship of journalists is a part of daily routine in some media organizations.There is an excessive concentration of media ownership in the hands of private interests that can be linked to the powerful societal actors. Highly concentrated groups that control organizations both in the media market and other fields of economy limit the variety of the media content on the national, regional and local levels.Since the property relations of the Lithuanian media subjects are only partially publicised and internal norms of behaviour and rules of the editorial offices are usually not developed, the management transparency of the media organisations is quite low.The economic pressure on the journalists is huge. Also one of the measures of reducing the journalist social benefits is a widespread practise not to enter into labour or authorship contracts, but rather to force them to work as freelancers on the basis of certificates issued by the State Tax Inspectorate.The analysed legal, political and economic factors of intervention in the media work process shows that the media independence from external actors is not ensured but the situation cannot be assessed as extremely critical from this point of view.
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Malik, E. N. "Formation of Social and Political Potential of Young People in Conditions of Internet Socialization." Administrative Consulting, no. 8 (October 26, 2022): 94–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2022-8-94-107.
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The purpose of this study is to comprehensively understand the role of mass media in the formation of political consciousness and socio-political guidelines of modern youth. The opportunities of electronic media to increase the degree of interactive participation of the younger generation in social and political life are revealed. The main risks and threats posed by networked information and communication technologies have been identified through systematic analysis. In the course of the study, the author substantiates that the political consciousness and behavior of modern youth is formed with the growing influence of the mobilization component of the global Network, i.e., “mediatization” and “internetization” of social life. It is argued that the problems of hygiene of media policy, media literacy and improving the information culture of young people remain relevant, given the new challenges of world politics. The propaganda of destructive models of socio-political activity, extremism and terrorism on social networks, as well as the lack of censorship of a significant part of the Internet information space, remains a social problem. It is justified that media educational technologies to increase media literacy and media culture of young citizens contribute to the implementation of their socio-political subjectivity and initiative. Legislative measures aimed at creating an effective and operational mechanism to suppress the dissemination of illegal and destructive information in social media are indicated.
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Saro, Anneli. "Nõukogude tsensuuri mehhanismid, stateegiad ja tabuteemad Eesti teatris [Abstract: Mechanisms, strategies and taboo topics of Soviet censorship in Estonian theatre]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.4.02.
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Abstract: Mechanisms, strategies and taboo topics of Soviet censorship in Estonian theatre
Since theatre in the Soviet Union had to be first of all a propaganda and educational institution, the activity, repertoire and every single production of the theatre was subject to certain ideological and artistic prescriptions. Theatre artists were not subject to any official regulations regarding forbidden topics or ways of representation, thus the nature of censorship manifested itself to them in practice. Lists of forbidden authors and works greatly affected politics related to repertoire until the mid-1950s but much less afterwards. Research on censorship is hampered by the fact that it was predominately oral, based on phone or face-to-face conversations, and corresponding documentation has been systematically destroyed.
This article is primarily based on memoirs and research conducted by people who were active in the Soviet theatre system. It systematises the empirical material into four parts: 1) mechanisms of censorship, 2) forms and strategies, 3) counter-strategies against censorship and 4) taboo topics. Despite the attempt to map theatre censorship in Estonia after the Second World War (1945–1990), most of the material concerns the period from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s. This can be explained by the age of the respondents, but it can also be related to the fact that the Soviet control system became more liberal or ambiguous after the Khrushchev thaw encouraged theatre artists and officials to test the limits of freedom.
The mechanisms of theatre censorship were multifaceted. Ideological correctness and the artistic maturity of repertoire and single productions were officially controlled by the Arts Administration (1940–1975) and afterwards by the Theatre Administration (1975–1990) under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture. Performing rights for new texts were allocated by the Main Administration for Literary and Publishing Affairs (Glavlit): texts by foreign authors were approved by the central office in Moscow, and texts by local authors were approved by local offices. The third censorship agency was the artistic committee that operated in every single theatre. Nevertheless, the most powerful institution was the Department of Culture of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Estonia, whose influence on artistic issues had to be kept confidential by the parties involved. On top of all this, there was the hidden power and omnipresent network of agents of the Committee for State Security (KGB). Some audience members also acted as self-appointed censors. The network and system of censorship made the control system almost total and permanent, also enforcing self-censorship.
Forms of censorship can be divided into preventive and punitive censorship, and strategies into direct and indirect censorship. Soviet censorship institutions mostly applied preventive censorship to plays or parts of productions, but hardly any production was cancelled before its premiere because that would have had undesirable financial consequences. Punitive censorship after the premiere was meant for correcting mistakes when the political climate changed or if a censor had been too reckless/lenient/clever, or if actors/audiences had started emphasising implicit meanings. Preventive censorship was predominantly direct and punitive censorship indirect (compelling directors to change mise en scènes or prescribing the number of performances). Indirect censorship can be characterised by ambiguity and allusions. A distinction can be made between preventive and punitive censorship in the context of single productions, but when forbidden authors, works or topics were involved, these two forms often merged.
The plurality of censorship institutions or mechanisms, and shared responsibility led to a playful situation where parties on both sides of the front line were constantly changing, enabling theatre artists to use different counter-strategies against censorship. Two main battlefields were the mass media and meetings of the artistic committees, where new productions were introduced. The most common counter-strategies were the empowerment of productions and directors with opinions from experts and public figures (used also as a tool of censorship), providing ideologically correct interpretations of productions, overstated/insincere self-criticism on the part of theatre artists, concealing dangerous information (names of authors, original titles of texts, etc.), establishing relationships based on mutual trust with representatives of censorship institutions for greater artistic freedom, applying for help from central institutions of the Soviet Union against local authorities, and delating on censors. At the same time, a censor could fight for freedom of expression or a critic could work ambivalently as support or protection.
In addition to forbidden authors whose biography, world view or works were unacceptable to Soviet authorities, there was an implicit list of dangerous topics: criticism of the Soviet Union as a state and a representative of the socialist way of life, positive representations of capitalist countries and their lifestyles, national independence and symbols of the independent Republic of Estonia (incl. blue-black-white colour combinations), idealisation of the past and the bourgeoisie, derogation of the Russian language and nation, violence and harassment by Soviet authorities, pessimism and lack of positive character, religious propaganda, sexuality and intimacy. When comparing the list of forbidden topics with analogous ones in other countries, for example in the United Kingdom where censorship was abolished in 1968, it appears that at a general level the topics are quite similar, but priorities are reversed: Western censorship was dealing with moral issues while its Eastern counterpart was engaged with political issues.
It can be concluded that all censorship systems are somehow similar, embracing both the areas of restrictions and the areas of freedom and role play, providing individuals on both sides of the front line with opportunities to interpret and embody their roles according their world view and ethics. Censorship of arts is still an issue nowadays, even when it is hidden or neglected.
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Sussman, Leonard R. "The MacBride Movement: Old ‘New Order’ leads to the new." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 50, no. 2-3 (October 1992): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001654929205000202.
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‘The MacBride Movement’ was the culmination of the campaign by the Non- aligned Movement to secure a better share of the global communications flows, while improving coverage by the dominant Western news media of Third World information and political objectives. The Soviet bloc, for its own Cold War objectives, joined the Nonaligned's bid for some ‘new world information and communication order’. With the MacBride Commission's report in 1980, following the relatively moderate Mass Communication Declaration at Unesco in 1978, the Nonaligned Movement's drive for NWICO reached its peak. This was the result, I maintain, mainly of 1) the changed global geopolitics, demonstrated spectacularly in 1989–91, and 2) the opportunities for diversity of information flows provided by the new communications technologies. They had already demonstrated they could generate and sustain political revolutions in the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The paper traces the ‘Hegelian dialectic’ of events preceding and during the rise of the MacBride Movement: the ‘old order’ (Thesis, or Western dominance) from 1946 to 1976, the old ‘new order’ (Antithesis, or Nonaligned-Soviet challenge) from 1976 to 1989, and the new ‘New Order’ (Synthesis, or coming age of ISDN) from 1989. ISDN, integrated systems of digital networks – the networking of networks, worldwide – provides 'small’ communications capabilities (telephone, fax, copier, computer, radio particularly FM) tied to the long-distance lines (satellites, fiber optics, computer links). The cost of linkage will drop dramatically as each new facility is mass-distributed, and as competition – especially system competing against system – reduces the cost to the citizen. There are, indeed, dangers in mass linkage. The Orwell warning is appropriate. But this paper argues that competition and government regulation (replacing censorship in many places) will prevent the monopolization by commercial interests, as diverse communication machines in the hands of citizens will prevent government monopolies. As a consequence, there were mainly winners in the decade-long debates in Unesco over NWICO. The developing countries are beginning to receive aid in building communication infrastructures, Western coverage of their news is improving, and developing-world citizens will increasingly have access to the domestic as well as international information flows. The West, meanwhile, has ended the bitter debates over NWICO, and the perceived threat of new forms of media censorship from governments or intergovernmental organizations.
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Khas'yanova, Arzy Dilyaverovna. "The first private newspaper of the Taurida Governorate– "Crimean Leaflet"." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2021): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.2.35565.
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This article examines the establishment of private periodical press of the Taurida Governorate in the late XIX century. The object of this research is the first private newspaper – “Crimean Leaflet”. The author explores the socioeconomic processes and censorship conditions, which affected the emergence of the Crimean private periodicals. An overview is given to the historiography and sources used in this work. The first part of the article studies the sociopolitical and cultural-historical prerequisites for the emergence of mass media in the governorate. The second part examines the process of opening and operation of the newspaper, its outline, biography of the publisher, as well as composition of the editorial board. The third part reveals the subject matter of the published materials and the peculiarities of interaction of the newspaper with the provincial administration and censorship authorities. The author also analyzes the reasons why the newspaper was shut down. In conclusion, the author reviews the role of the newspaper in formation of private provincial press, and its impact upon public relations in the Taurida Governorate. The scientific novelty consists in introduction into the scientific discourse of previously unstudied archival materials, as the historiography virtually had no records on the newspaper and the personality of the publisher. This work contributes to studying the development of private press in the Taurida Governorate, as well as reveals certain details of state policy with regards to provincial press in the late XIX century.
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RUIZ MOLLEDA, JUAN CARLOS, and ÁLVARO MÁSQUEZ SALVADOR. "LA PAISANA JACINTA Y LOS LÍMITES A LA LIBERTAD DE EXPRESIÓN EN MEDIOS DE COMUNICACIÓN MASIVA." YachaQ Revista de Derecho, no. 10 (December 30, 2019): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.51343/yq.vi10.382.
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El presente artículo analiza la demanda de amparo interpuesta por ciudadanas cusqueñas contra el programa de televisión La Paisana Jacinta, así como la sentencia de primer grado emitida recientemente por el Poder Judicial. Bajo un enfoque constitucional e internacional, se cuestiona la caracterización pública de Jacinta en relación con las obligaciones de los medios de comunicación masiva en el Perú. Por último, se analizan los límites de la libertad de expresióny la censura previa, en aparente contradicción, en nuestra legislación y jurisprudencia.
This article analyzes the lawsuit filed by female citizens of Cusco against the television show La Paisana Jacinta, as well as the judgment issued recently by the Judiciary. Under a constitutional and international approach, the public characterization of Jacinta in relation to the obligations of mass media in Peru is questioned. Finally, we analyze the limits of freedom of expression and prior censorship, both in apparent contradiction, in our legislation and jurisprudence.
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Kindrachuk, Nadia. "The Oppression of Ukrainian National Identity by the Soviet Mass Media: Political and Ideological Censorship 60’s and 70’s of the Twentieth Century." Historia i Polityka, no. 28 (35) (September 18, 2019): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2019.018.
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Barysheva, Elena V. "‘Obligatory and Preliminary Review of All Broadcasts Plans and Scripts.’ Running Commentary and Broadcasts on Celebratory Demonstration as a Means of Shaping Soviet Values in 1920s-1930s." Herald of an archivist, no. 2 (2018): 406–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-2-406-422.
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This article studies radio broadcasts of celebratory demonstrations of workers in 1920-30s as a form of ideological influence on the public consciousness. Audio-culture, as a most wide-reaching and accessible form of mass media, had a significant impact on the audience from 1918 to 1920-30s. Radio played an important role in the solution of ideological tasks, rendering figurative and verbal influence on the masses in the Soviet Union. Explaining and spreading the changes that took place in the life and the politics of the nation, the radio created a unified space of communication. Running commentary as a communication had its rules and limitations, which had developed in the first decades of the Soviet power. Discourse stereotypes had in due course resulted in emergence of a ritualistic form of reporting similar to demonstrations and parades themselves. The genre developing, many clich?s and hackneyed phrase appeared that were to impress propaganda slogans and appeals on the listeners and to inspire emotions. Now these slogans were accessible to everyone, as reproducers were installed in the streets of cities and villages and pervaded communal flats. Event reporting intensified the emotional state of the audience, giving an impression of true popular enthusiasm. In radio reports from official festive events, message of the power inducing socio-political consolidation of the society was obvious. The research analyzes drafts of a radio program script on festive demonstration of November 7, 1939 stored in the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art (Yu. K. Olesha fond). The writer’s notes indicate that the preliminary censorship and self-censorship did not allow for improvisation.
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Andrusyshyn, Julia, and Valeria Barannik. "INFORMATION TERRORISM AS A CONTEMPORARY THREAT TO THE INFORMATION SECURITY OF MAN, SOCIETY AND THE STATE." Information Security of the Person, Society and State, no. 31-33 (December 20, 2021): 6–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.51369/2707-7276-2021-(1-3)-1.
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The article discusses the content and characteristics of information terrorism as a threat to national and international security in contemporary circumstances. The relevance of the topic stems from the fact that information is currently considered a strategic resource, and deliberate manipulation of public opinion and the commission of terrorist acts to that end has become one of the most dangerous manifestations of hybrid confrontation in the contemporary international arena. Due to the impossibility of clear distinction with ordinary computer crimes and domestic manipulation in mass media, the concepts of «information terrorism» and «cyberterrorism» do not have a clear interpretation. Therefore, information terrorism is viewed in a broad sense (manipulation of public consciousness to create tension, instability, chaos aimed at achieving political or economic objectives in the interests of terrorists) and in narrow terms (cyberattacks on critical government infrastructure information systems to disable them, which can lead to economic, environmental and other disasters). The general characteristics of information terrorism (organized form of violence, psychological influence, drawing attention to a particular problem, demonstrative nature) are defined and specific characteristics inherent only in terrorist acts in the information sphere: (secrecy, size, synchrony, remoteness, internationality and publicity) are singled out. The methods of information terrorism are described, which are aimed at influencing people’s consciousness on a large scale and at imposing their will on society and State institutions through the use of disinformation, propaganda, diversification of public opinion, psychological pressure, rumours, manipulation, intimidation. The forms of information terrorism are described: in particular: information-psychological (media-terrorism) and information-technical (cyberterrorism). It is noted that media terrorism / media killer activity involves the organization of special media campaigns to create an atmosphere of civil disobedience, public distrust of the actions and intentions of the government and its law enforcement agencies by using a number of models of communicative influence (nationalist, religious, inciting model). Cyberterrorism is presented as a socially dangerous activity with the use of computers and telecommunication networks to harm or commit actions / threats that threaten society and lead to other serious consequences, through the use of the following methods: APT-attacks, malware, DoS / DDoS-attacks, unauthorized access, ransomware. It is summarized and concluded that today virtual space and mass media are widely used by various terrorist-oriented groups for their own purposes, because accessibility, the absence of censorship, the large potential audience of users, the speed with which information is disseminated and the complexity with which it is presented and received are all contributing to the spread of information terrorism in today’s world. The threat of terrorism through the use of media and cyberspace is a complex challenge of our time. The danger of such terrorism lies in the absence of geographical and national borders, since terrorist acts can be carried out from anywhere in the world, as well as in the difficulty of identifying the identity of the terrorist in the information space and establishing his whereabouts, because cyber and media attacks are carried out by hackers indirectly through the use of computer technology. Therefore, in view of the further development of technology and mass media, the issue of countering information terrorism will be particularly relevant.
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Platt, Sarah V. "Periodismo ciudadano en su máxima expresión." Diálogos Latinoamericanos 17, no. 25 (December 25, 2016): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dl.v17i25.112899.
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In recent years blogs have positioned themselves as an important tool forpublic communications, capable of impacting, influencing and transformingpopular culture. Some scholars consider Internet’s traditional functioningmodel where one could clearly differentiate among content providers andusers, to have been transformed, and nowadays, this distance has beensignificantly reduced. One of the factors that has produced this shift hasbeen first of all, the World Wide Web, and secondly, the increasingpopularity of the blogosphere. Both platforms represent forums wherecitizen collaboration and participation is encouraged. In this analysis we willfocus on the power of blogs, considered to be the medium with the greatestgrowth in the history of mass communication. We will use Yoani Sanchezand her blog, Generacion Y as a case study to show how these versatileplatforms of personal expression- in this case in opposition to the Castroregime- has turned into an important element of the alternative blogosphere,not only in her native country, but mostly abroad. According to Sanchez, “Iform part of a phenomenon in an embryonic stage that is able to transforminto an alternative force for the official Cuban media”"1. The socio-politicalcontext of Cuban in which Generacion Y comes into play is particularlyinteresting because of the fact it has been able to withstand even whileconfronting two major obstacles: the incredibly low connectivity rate thatCuban citizens face, as well as censorship and punishment on behalf of theCastro government. Generacion Y, therefore, represents more than a spacewithin the alternative Cuban blogosphere. As winner of numerous prizesand distinctions- among them the prestigious Ortega y Gasset Prize forDigital Journalism in 2008- this blog is an example of freedom of speechand digital citizen journalism in which the author has been able to expressher social uncertainties by using this powerful technological tool in order tocapture the reality surrounding her, as well as impacting, influencing andmarking a milestone for cyberculture and the future of mass media in Cubaand the rest of the world.
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Cai, Rong. "Restaging the Revolution in Contemporary China: Memory of Politics and Politics of Memory." China Quarterly 215 (August 15, 2013): 663–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741013000763.
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AbstractThis article focuses on the adaptation of the Red Classics – a collection of literary and cinematic works depicting the Communist armed struggle produced in the PRC between 1949 and 1966 – for contemporary Chinese television. Using the controversy over the remake of Tracks in the Snowy Forest (Linhai xueyuan 林海雪原) as a case study, it explores the complexity of restaging the Communist revolution in the post-Mao reform era. Competition in the media industry compels TV producers to re-package Communist history for fragmented contemporary audiences – those who are familiar with the original Red Classics as well as those who grew up in the reform era and who are far removed from the revolutionary legacy. Adaptation of the Red Classics is a sensitive issue. By focusing on the sexual desires and individual interests muted in the original Red Classics in order to cater for the tastes of younger viewers, the remakes offer alternative readings of history and have incurred government censorship. Opposition to the adaptations has also come from a distinct mnemonic community, the Red memory group, whose members came of age in either the 1960s or during the Cultural Revolution and who absorbed the Red Classics in their formative years. The interplay of state politics, collective memory and commercial imperatives ultimately makes the repackaging of the revolution for contemporary mass entertainment a multifaceted and highly contentious issue.
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Graham, Roderick, and Brian Pitman. "Freedom in the wilderness: A study of a Darknet space." Convergence: The International Journal of Research into New Media Technologies 26, no. 3 (October 18, 2018): 593–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354856518806636.
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Mass media and journalistic accounts of Darknets have focused disproportionately on their criminogenic aspects. Moreover, research has focused mainly on the Darknet technology Tor. We wish to expand scholars’ knowledge of Darknets by exploring a different Darknet technology, Freenet. Using a combination of content analysis and grounded theory, this research asked three progressively complex questions. First, we asked: What are the types of content and the distribution of content on Freenet? Our findings show that Freenet fosters a singular distribution of content, with a high ratio of blogs (or flogs), child pornography, empty links, and Web 1.0 websites that archive information. We assumed that this content is not discrete points of data but instead produce sociologically interesting phenomena. Therefore, we ask: What are the content patterns on Freenet? Four patterns were identified. Freenet is (1) an archive of deviant data resistant to censorship, (2) a space dominated by content associated with masculinity, (3) a nonmarket space where commercial exchange is nonexistent, and (4) an empty space with many requests not returning information, and many flogs abandoned. We asked a third question: How does the analysis of Freenet inform current understandings of hacker culture? Freenet, we suggest, can be understood as a type of digital ‘wilderness’. It is a singular Darknet space, supporting a distinct set of hacker practices.
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Wandyszew, Walentyn N. "Karl Popper about Totalitarianism: Ideas and Practices." Humanistyka i Przyrodoznawstwo, no. 21 (August 18, 2018): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/hip.406.
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The aim of this article is to present the abovementioned events in Ukraine showed how the understanding o f them and experiencing o f the particular crisis situation can lead to the conditions when people start protesting against the ongoing socio-economic and political changes. Certainly, cultural, ethnic and religious identities have considerable importance. The author shows that Karl Popper was a witness of birth, adoption and death o f the totalitarian states o f the twentieth century, based on fascism and communism. He, as a thoughtful and observant scientist, fundamentally and profoundly studied the essence of Plato’s totalitarianism in Charmides. The scientific principles and scrupulosity o f Karl Popper also manifested in the fact that he repeatedly revised his study Open Society and Its Enemies, which was published in 1945, during more than two decades. Present media, subordinated to the creators o f new concepts and meanings and to the invisible fathers of netocracy, have already captured many of the commanding heights o f public life. And the modern censorship is focused not on blocking some messages or content, but on the promotion o f such messages and meanings, which deprive the consumer from the ability to know what is happening in the banking sector and infrastructural spheres of public life. Values o f the consumer society, still being imposed to a mass society, today, do not meet the spirit o f time. Thus, the world is still in between the past and the future, because authoritarianism and totalitarianism remain unresolved phenomena and these phenomena are aggressive and disguise themselves actively, using media resources. It is evident that the ruling elite o f the Russian society has set out to restore the former empire.
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Sułkowski, Bogusław. "„Społeczne ramy kultury” czterdzieści lat później. Pięć modeli komunikacji kulturowej." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 55, no. 2-3 (May 10, 2011): 5–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2011.55.2-3.1.
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Forty years ago Antonina Kłoskowska built up a universal paradigm of three social frames of culture. They included: frame one, i.e. local production of symbolic processes, close to folk culture; frame two — understood as a network of local institutions of culture; frame three — involving a radiation of pan-local centers, in particular a reception of contents transmitted by mass media. A basic sociological criterion of differentiating between these categories includes a type of contact, and adjacency of sender and recipient of symbolic communication. Currently, following years of development of digital means of communication, computer networks and fiber optic technologies, audio-visual systems, mobile telephones, etc. a proposal of frames of culture must be examined again. New media shape new vehicles of expression (e.g. hypertext), but most importantly they inspire specific social relations. Discussion over cultural framework is also triggered by accelerated processes of economic and social transformation, advanced globalization, increase of living standards and dissemination of consumption attitudes, changes in leisure activities of the middle class. In more narrowly understood domain of institutional and professional culture one witnessed the processes of European deregulation and release of culture from state, which in Eastern Europe was accompanied by abolition of censorship and a different model of culture distribution, which is controlled by market and cultural (creative) industry rather than by central government. As a result, the nature of direct communication among people is subject to ongoing transformation. We witness more and more indirect cultural communication (off-line and on-line). Modified and broadened proposal of social frames of culture includes five rather than three paradigms, namely: the culture of indirect communication, the culture of associations and volunteers; the culture of local institutions (public and private), mass culture versus pop culture, cyber-culture, culture of network community. One has to underline that in the new reality of our civilization we can still use analytic principles of Kłoskowska’s typology. First, we can treat spiritual culture as a phenomenon of autotelic semiosis with pragmatic definition of sign; second, while describing social functioning of culture we can use a sociological criterion of contact and adjacency.
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Vicki Dwi Purnomo and Kelik Endro Suryono. "The Collapse of the New Orde Regime Resulted in Changes in Indonesia's Economic Policy." Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Formosa 1, no. 5 (December 30, 2022): 395–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.55927/jpmf.v1i5.2230.
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The reform era or the post-Suharto era in Indonesia began in 1998, to be precise when President Soeharto resigned on May 21 1998 and was replaced by the then vice president, BJ Habibie . This period was founded bya more open socio-political environment. Issues during this period included the push for democracy and a stronger civilian government, elements of the military trying to maintain influence, growing Islamism in politics and society in general, and demands for greater regional autonomy . The reform process resulted in a higher degree of freedom of speech , in contrast to the widespread censorship during the New Order . As a result, political debate has become more open in the mass media and artistic expression has increased. Events that have shaped Indonesia in this period include a series of terrorist incidents (including the 2002 Bali bombings ) and the 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami . Using the knife of deconstruction of critical legal theory and socio-legal methodology with statutory, historical, conceptual and legal political economy approaches, three questions are raised, firstly the role of law in the market reform agenda which underlies the idea of limiting the role of the state in the economy; second, how is the role of the state in the economy being debated in the MPR and; third, what are the implications of the market reform agenda for the results of changes to the economic constitution.
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Prepotenska, Maryna, Inna Pronoza, Svitlana Naumkina, Tetiana Khlivniuk, Olha Marmilova, and Oksana Patlaichuk. "Totalitarian and Democratic Rhetoric as an Indicator of the Relations of Power in the Contemporary Information Society." Postmodern Openings 13, no. 1 Sup1 (March 14, 2022): 350–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/po/13.1sup1/431.
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The article is devoted to study of totalitarian and democratic types of rhetoric. The classical dichotomy of rhetorical influence has been discovered: monologic use of rhetoric as a verbal weapon through propaganda, demagoguery, populism, creation of the image of an enemy, division of society (totalitarian type of rhetoric) and dialogical use of rhetoric as consolidating communication, truth-seeking, social consent and understanding (democratic type of rhetoric). It is shown that the trigger of democratic and totalitarian regimes is the existential of freedom. The active influence of the postmodern rhetoric of the information age in its performativity in the acquisition of snack culture is determined, which significantly strengthens the manipulative strategies. Totalitarian tendencies of digital rhetoric are found in information warfare technologies (network trolling, mobbing, hype, hatering, holy waring, click-baiting, sockpuppeting), in the processes of censorship, ambivalence and negativism of information, spreading fake news, igniting conflicts in mass media. Militarization of vocabulary and spread of obscene language in ordinary communication as factors of compensatory aggression of the population, the danger of excessive information transparency of people’s private lives are noted. Democratism of the digital rhetoric is manifested in such phenomena as the direct creation of e-democracy, access of citizens to e-voting, e-services, e-petitions, overcoming digital inequality, the ability to communicate with officials and public officers live on TV and radio, in social networks. Democratic principles of rhetoric, especially in Ukraine as a state of “transitional democracy” should be supported by quality education, fostering critical thinking and activity of civil society.
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Pečiulis, Žygintas. "Sovietinės televizijos diskurso daugialypumas: oficialumo ir nuoširdumo drama." Informacijos mokslai 63 (January 1, 2013): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2013.0.1588.
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Straipsnyje analizuojama sovietinio laikotarpio Lietuvos televizija. Pateikiamas Vakarų ir Rytų Europos audiovizualinės masinės komunikacijos istorinės raidos kontekstas, visuomeninių ir valstybinių transliuotojų funkcijų lyginamoji analizė. Pasitelkus sovietmečio dokumentus, televizijos laidų tekstus, televizijos darbuotojų prisiminimus, atskleidžiama audiovizualinės masinės komunikacijos priemonių vieta sovietinėje sistemoje, pateikiamos svarbiausios ideologinės klišės, analizuojamas cenzūros ir asmeninės cenzūros veikimas, televizijos darbuotojų santykio su sistema problema.Reikšminiai žodžiai: audiovizualinė masinė komunikacija, televizija, sovietinės Lietuvos televizija, ideologinės klišės, cenzūra, pranešimo stilistika.Multiplicity of Soviet television discourse: formality and sincerity dramaŽygintas Pečiulis SummaryInformation dosage during the Soviet period was based on noble purposes. Closed borders and information control were the ways to keep the system and persuade society. Peculiarities of society, such as the official doctrine and its treatment on the personal daily level or adaptation and rebellion dilemma determined the formation of multiple television discourses. The documents, memories, scripts of the time allow to reveal the television discourse multiplicity in soviet Lithuania and the intentions of the originators of such discourses. Modern media fall into stagnation, in a strictly regulated environment. However, the pomp of communism coincides with the dynamism and innovation of television. Television was used to promote the principal ideological postulates: internationalism, socialism, the cult of the proletariat and communism, the failure of capitalism, depreciation of independent Lithuania, atheism. The language was pompous, characterized by a combination of belletristic and bureaucratic styles, attention to the correctness. There were plenty of phrases reminiscent of fairy tale and myth phraseology. Key words: audio-visual mass communication, television, the soviet Lithuanian television, ideological clichés, censorship, communication style.
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BILIC, Laura. "The Acting Teachers – The Usual Students." Theatrical Colloquia 12, no. 1 (May 15, 2022): 150–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35218/tco.2022.12.1.13.
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During the last 10 years the field of Acting has witnessed an unprecedented development in Romania – now it encompasses teaching, personal development, sometimes even therapy; it has blended well with the visual field in Installations and, due to pandemic situation, it has engulfed the virtual medium. Therefore, Acting has changed – nowadays, the purpose of an Acting School is not that of forging masters of Acting, but of guiding and supporting the discovery and designing of the unicity, creativity and personality of each and every artist. Romanian theatre has fought many battles along the way – that with censorship, that with mass media and now a completely new and insidious challenge – the fight with the present sanitary situation. Nowadays, the theatres, either conventional or unconventional, are closed due to various reasons: the political wage of war, the conflict between the vaccine followers and the vaccine opponents, the gulf between the majority parties and the minorities, various restrictions and our own personal fears. Thus, nowadays artists should prove, once more, their amazing capacity of adapting themselves to these conditions. And, if our times are confusing for artists, they are even more bewildering for the Acting teachers. An Acting teacher that is a former graduate of a 4 year course of study in a form of 5-6 fellow mates, that, most likely, has a job as an actor in a National Theatre, is supposed now to teach in Bologna system to a double number of students than the one he was used to (and that even online) and to prepare them for a very crowded and diversified market place. So, what is to be done on part of the Acting teacher?
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Vasylchenko, O. "On the question about opposition to the information component aggression of the Russian Federation." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 4(48) (January 29, 2021): 59–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2020.4(48).233229.
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Ukrainian law guarantees freedom of speech and expression. This is in line with international and regional instruments (Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Declaration of Human Rights) to which Ukraine is a party. Unfortunately, Ukraine is no exception, due to the conflict with the Russian Federation. The Revolution of Dignity of 2014 and the subsequent illegal activities of the neighbouring state (annexation of Crimea, occupation of the territories in the South-East of Ukraine) affected the legislative and regulatory framework of Ukraine regarding freedom of speech and freedom of expression. In order to counter aggression, the state has adopted a number of laws aimed at counteracting foreign interference in broadcasting and ensuring Ukraine’s information sovereignty. The implementation of these laws has been criticized for being seen by NGOs as imposing restrictions on freedom of expression and expression. However, censorship and selfcensorship create another serious restriction on freedom of speech and the press. The Law on Transparency of Mass Media Ownership, adopted in 2015, provides for the disclosure of information on the owners of final beneficiaries (controllers), and in their absence – on all owners and members of a broadcasting organization or service provider. In 2019, Ukraine adopted a law on strengthening the role of the Ukrainian language as the state language, which provides for language quotas for the media. According to the Law on Language, only 10% of total film adaptations can be in a language other than Ukrainian. Ukraine has adopted several laws in the field of information management to counter foreign influence and propaganda. According to the report of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, for the period from January 1, 2017 to February 14, 2018, the State Committee banned 30 books published in the Russian Federation. Thus, for the first time faced with the need to wage an “invisible” war on the information front, Ukraine was forced to take seriously the regulation of the media and the market. By imposing a number of restrictions on a product that can shake sovereignty and increase the authority of the aggressor in the eyes of citizens, the legislator, guided by the needs of society, also contributes to the promotion of Ukrainian (for example, by introducing quotas).
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Lisnevska, Alina. "The screen performance as an instrument of propaganda (on the example of Ivan Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna», 1933)." Integrated communications 25242644 (2019): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-2644.2019.7.10.
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The myth-making processes in the communicative space are the «cornerstone» of ideology at all times of mankind’s existence. One of the tools of the effective impact of propaganda is trust in information. Today this come round due to the dissemination of information on personalized video content in social networks, including through converged media. New myths and social settings are creating, fate of the countries is being solved, public opinion is being formed. It became possible to create artificially a model of social installation using the myths (the smallest indivisible element of the myth) based on real facts, but with the addition of «necessary» information. In the 20–30 years of the XX century cinematograph became the most powerful screen media. The article deals with the main ideological messages of the Ukrainian Soviet film «Koliivshchyna» (1933). In the period of mass cinematography spread in the Soviet Ukraine, the tape was aimed at a grand mission – creation of a new mythology through the interpretation of the true events and a con on the public, propaganda of the Soviet ideology. This happened in the tragic period of Ukrainian history (1933, the Holodomor) through the extrapolation of historical truth and its embodiment in the most formative form at that time – the form of the screen performance. The Soviet authorities used the powerful influence of the screen image to propagate dreams, illusions, images, stereotypes that had lost any reference to reality. I. Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna» demonstrates the interpretation of historical events and national ideas, the interpretation of a relatively remote past through the ideology of the «Soviet-era». The movie is created as a part of the political conjuncture of the early 1930s: the struggle against Ukrainian «bourgeois nationalism» and against the «Union of Liberation Ukraine», the repressive policies against the peasants, the close-out of the «back to the roots» policy. The movie, on the one hand, definitely addresses to the Ukrainian ideas, on the other hand it was made at the period of the repressions against the Ukrainian peasantry. In the movie «Koliivshchyna», despite the censorship, I. Kavaleridze manages to create a national inclusive narrative that depicts Ukrainian space as multi-ethnic and diverse, but at the same time nationally colorful.
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Threats, Megan, and Keosha Bond. "HIV Information Acquisition and Use Among Young Black Men Who Have Sex With Men Who Use the Internet: Mixed Methods Study." Journal of Medical Internet Research 23, no. 5 (May 7, 2021): e22986. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/22986.
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Background HIV disproportionately affects young Black men who have sex with men (YBMSM) in the United States. eHealth holds potential for supporting linkage and engagement in HIV prevention and care and the delivery of HIV information to YBMSM. Objective This study aims to investigate HIV information acquisition and use among YBMSM who use the internet. Methods A web-based self-administered survey and semistructured interviews were conducted. The survey findings informed the development of the interview guide. Descriptive statistics were used to characterize the survey sample, and interview data were analyzed thematically using modified grounded theory methodologies. Results Among the internet sample (N=83), the average age was 29.2 (SD 3.5) years, 41% (n=34) of participants self-reported living with HIV, 43% (n=36) were HIV-negative, and 15% (n=13) were unsure of their HIV status. Most participants (n=79, 95%) acquired HIV information through the internet while using a mobile phone. Web-based HIV information was intentionally sought from consumer health information websites (n=31, 37%), government health information websites (n=25, 30%), and social media (n=14, 17%). Most men incidentally acquired HIV information via advertisements on social media sites and geospatial dating apps (n=54, 65%), posts on social media sites from their web-based social ties (n=44, 53%), and advertisements while browsing the internet (n=40, 48%). Although the internet is the top source of HIV information, health care providers were the most preferred (n=42, 50%) and trusted (n=80, 96%) source of HIV information. HIV information was used to facilitate the use of HIV prevention and care services. The qualitative sample included YBMSM across a range of ages and at different points of engagement in HIV prevention and care. Qualitative findings included the importance of the internet as a primary source of HIV information. The internet was used because of its ease of accessibility, because of its ability to maintain anonymity while searching for sensitive information, and to mitigate intersecting stigmas in health care settings. Participants used HIV information to assess their risk for HIV and AIDS, support their skill building for HIV prevention, inform patient–doctor communication, and learn about HIV prevention and treatment options. Men expressed concerns about their diminishing access to online spaces for HIV information exchange among YBMSM because of censorship policies on social media sites and the stigmatizing framing and tone of mass media HIV-prevention advertisements encountered while using the internet. Conclusions YBMSM in this sample had high utilization of eHealth for HIV information acquisition and use but diminished access to their preferred and most trusted source of HIV information: health care providers. Future eHealth-based HIV interventions culturally tailored for YBMSM should aim to reduce intersectional stigma at the point of care and support patient–provider communication. The findings demonstrate the need for community-informed, culturally tailored HIV messaging and online spaces for informational support exchange among YBMSM.
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Marjanen, Jani, Ville Vaara, Antti Kanner, Hege Roivainen, Eetu Mäkelä, Leo Lahti, and Mikko Tolonen. "A National Public Sphere? Analyzing the Language, Location, and Form of Newspapers in Finland, 1771–1917." Journal of European Periodical Studies 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/jeps.v4i1.10483.
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This article uses metadata from serial publications as a means of modelling the historical development of the public sphere. Given that a great deal of historical knowledge is generated through narratives relying on anecdotal evidence, any attempt to rely on newspapers for modeling the past challenges customary approaches in political and cultural history. The focus in this article is on Finland, but our approach is also scalable to other regions. During the period 1771–1917 newspapers developed as a mass medium in the Grand Duchy of Finland within two imperial configurations (Sweden until 1809 and Russia in 1809–1917), and in the two main languages – Swedish and Finnish. Finland is an ideal starting point for conducting comparative studies in that its bilingual profile already includes two linguistically separated public spheres that nonetheless were heavily connected. Our particular interest here is in newspaper metadata, which we use to trace the expansion of public discourse in Finland by statistical means. We coordinate information on publication places, language, number of issues, number of words, newspaper size, and publishers, which we compare with existing scholarship on newspaper history and censorship, and thereby offer a more robust statistical analysis of newspaper publishing in Finland than has previously been possible. We specifically examine the interplay between the Swedish- and Finnish-language newspapers and show that, whereas the public discussions were inherently bilingual, the technological and journalistic developments advanced at different pace in the two language forums. This analysis challenges the perception of a uniform public sphere in the country. In addition, we assess the development of the press in comparison with the production of books and periodicals, which points toward the specialization of newspapers as a medium in the period after 1860. This confirms some earlier findings about Finnish print production. We then show how this specialization came about through the establishment of forums for local debates that other less localized print media such as magazines and books could not provide.
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Dudek-Waligóra, Gabriela. "Propaganda jako termin naukowy polskiej politolingwistyki." Studia z Filologii Polskiej i Słowiańskiej 53 (December 24, 2018): 12–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sfps.2018.002.
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Propaganda as a scientific term for Polish political linguisticsThe purpose of the article is to provide definitions of the concept propaganda and to explain the reasons for its controversial status as a scientific term describing contemporary political texts. In lexicographic works and in the literature in the field of political linguistics, propaganda is not understood unambiguously. Polish researchers define propaganda as the spreading of some views, particular political beliefs or attitudes, as well as attempts to influence behaviour by means of persuasive and/or manipulative nature. Propaganda has negative connotations associated with its flourishing in authoritarian regimes, where it was accompanied by censorship and government control of the mass media. In Polish political linguistics, the analyzed phenomenon refers predominantly to the socialist language, but polemical voices are also heard, emphasizing the inherent entanglement of politics and propaganda and the presence of propaganda in democratic regimes, where it serves the purposes of gaining and retaining power. The term propaganda is thus not neutral and as such, according to the author, should not be used as a scientific term. Propaganda jako termin naukowy polskiej politolingwistykiCelem artykułu jest przedstawienie definicji pojęcia propaganda i wyjaśnienie powodów jego dyskusyjnego statusu jako terminu naukowego określającego współczesne teksty polityczne. W opracowaniach leksykograficznych oraz w literaturze z zakresu politolingwistyki propaganda nie jest rozumiana jednoznacznie. Polscy badacze definiują propagandę jako upowszechnianie G. Dudek-Waligóra Propaganda jako termin naukowy polskiej politolingwistyki 24 jakichś poglądów, postaw czy idei, a także jako wywieranie wpływu, którym towarzyszą środki natury perswazyjnej lub/i manipulacyjnej. Propaganda ma negatywne konotacje związane z jej rozkwitem w systemach totalitarnych, gdzie towarzyszyły jej cenzura i rządowy monopol na środki masowego przekazu. Omawiane zjawisko na gruncie polskiej politolingwistyki odnosi się przede wszystkim do języka socjalistycznego, ale istnieją również głosy polemiczne, wskazujące na nierozerwalność polityki i propagandy oraz na obecność propagandy w ustroju demokratycznym, w którym służy ona zdobyciu i utrzymaniu władzy. Termin propaganda nie jest więc neutralny, dlatego zdaniem autorki nie powinien być terminem naukowym stosowanym dla nazywania bieżących wypowiedzi polityków.
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Г.А., ЗАСЕЕВ,. "FORMATION OF THE SYSTEM FOR REGULATION OF SOVIET PRESS." Известия СОИГСИ, no. 46(85) (December 19, 2022): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.46698/vnc.2022.85.46.007.
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В статье рассматривается процесс формирования специальных институтов регулирования деятельности СМИ на начальном этапе существования советской власти в России. Актуальность работы заключается в том, что современная историография не уделяет должного внимания теме становления большевистской печати в период становления Советской власти. Существует необходимость пересмотра истории становления и развития системы органов регулирования советской печати на основе современной методологии и с учетом достижений отечественной и зарубежной историографии. Большевики уделяли большое внимание тому, как будет функционировать их сеть распространения СМИ. Большие надежды они возлагали на массовую периодику как на почти безупречное средство пропаганды. Говорится о начальном этапе становления советской печатной периодики, начиная с периода, когда она находилась в нелегальном статусе, вынуждена была издаваться за пределами Российской империи, анализируются основные постановления, принятые Советским правительством в отношении массовых печатных периодических изданий. Различные документы и постановления большевистского правительства ясно показывают, что новая власть проводила политику полной централизации в средствах массовой информации. Постановления советского правительства помогают хорошо понять логику РКП(б) и ее руководителей в разработке законов и подзаконных актов, которые были направлены на контроль над средствами массовой информации в реалиях нового советского государства. Также анализируются различные положения, выдвинутые главным идеологом большевистской партии В.И. Ленин о задачах советской партийной печати. Уделено внимание вопросу борьбы Советской власти с массовой газетной периодикой враждебных партий, открыто выступавших против молодого государства и проводивших антиреволюционную агитацию. Приводятся примеры того, как РКП(б) боролась с антинародной агитацией и преступной деятельностью, совершаемой через периодические издания. В статье рассказывается об образовании и деятельности Российского телеграфного агентства и других советских организаций, занимавшихся распространением информации. Особое внимание уделено деятельности органов цензуры, а также органов, которые отвечали за распространение газет на всей территории РСФСР. Исследование выполнено на основе общеисторических методов и с учетом принципов историзма, системности и объективности. В ходе исследования сделан вывод о значимости для советского руководства специальных органов регулирования печати, осуществляющих жесткий контроль над производством и распространением социально значимой информации. The article discusses the process of formation of special institutions for regulating the activities of the media at the initial stage of the existence of Soviet power in Russia. The relevance of the work lies in the fact that modern historiography does not pay due attention to the theme of the formation of the Bolshevik press during the formation of Soviet power. There is a need to revise the history of the formation and development of the system of regulatory bodies of the Soviet press based on modern methodology and taking into account the achievements of domestic and foreign historiography. The Bolsheviks paid great attention to how their media distribution network would function. They pinned great hopes on mass periodicals as an almost perfect means of propaganda. The article tells about the initial stage of the formation of Soviet printed periodicals, starting from the period when it was in an illegal status and had to be published outside the Russian Empire. The article deals with the main resolutions adopted by the Soviet government in relation to mass printed periodicals. Various documents and resolutions of the Bolshevik government clearly show that the new government pursued a policy of complete centralization in the media. The decrees of the Soviet government help to understand well the logic of the RCP(b) and its leaders in the development of laws and regulations that were aimed at controlling the media in the realities of the new Soviet state. It also analyzes various provisions put forward by the main ideologist of the Bolshevik party V.I. Lenin on the tasks of the Soviet party press. Attention is paid to the issue of the struggle of the Soviet government with the mass newspaper periodicals of hostile parties that openly opposed the young state and carried out anti-revolutionary agitation. Examples are given of how the RCP(b) fought against anti-people agitation and criminal activities committed through periodicals. The article tells about the formation and activities of the Russian Telegraph Agency and other Soviet organizations involved in the dissemination of information. Particular attention is paid to the activities of censorship bodies, as well as bodies that were responsible for distributing newspapers throughout the RSFSR. The study was carried out on the basis of general historical methods and taking into account the principles of historicism, consistency and objectivity. In the course of the study, a conclusion was made about the importance for the Soviet leadership of special press regulatory bodies that exercise tight control over the production and dissemination of socially significant information.