Journal articles on the topic 'Mass media and propaganda – Arab countries'
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1
Tereshchuk, Vitaliy. "The ways of using mass media to influence the foreign policy agenda in a democratic and non-democratic state." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 379–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.379-385.
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In the article the ways of mass media use to influence the perception of foreign policy by domestic and foreign public are reviewed. In particular, the features of applying such methods of mass media influence on public opinion as informing, priming, and propaganda by democratic and undemocratic countries are examined.
Keywords: Foreign policy, impact on public opinion, mass media, priming, propaganda
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Vasiliev, Aleksey, and Natalia Zherlitsina. "Evolution of the Media in North Africa Countries After the Crisis of the Arab Spring." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 8, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2019.8(1).81-95.
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The subject of the study in this article is the changes that occur in the media and related information and communication technologies in the countries of North Africa after the crisis of the Arab Spring. The media played the vital role in political revolutions and transformations, they informed people of opinions of the activists, criticism of the power, contributed to establishing communication between the activists and ordinary citizens, united protests at the local level to turn them into a strong national movement. The revolutionary changes in the Arab world that began in 2011 brought hope for a more open public sphere. Yet, after 6 years, the results of this process do not seem to be unambiguous. On the way of development of traditional media there are still many obstacles. Among them in most Arab countries, there are numerous social and political taboos, propaganda serving the political power, self-censorship of journalists, their prosecution from the authorities. Theoretical and methodological basis for the article were such methods as comparative method, which allows on the basis of comparison of the situation in different countries of North Africa to identify the typological features of the Arab model of the information society; critical discourse analysis, with the help of which it becomes possible to comprehend information policy in different Arab countries. The relevance and novelty of this research is due to the important role played by the media in modern international politics. The author concludes that the Arab countries have yet to find a balance between the state information policy and the democratic potential of free media.
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Nyiam, Davina. "Strategic Interest and Media: A Global Perspective." PREDESTINASI 13, no. 2 (March 5, 2021): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.26858/predestinasi.v13i2.19536.
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Media has also been used as psychological warfare and a propaganda tool, particularly during times of wars and acts of insurgency. It has been used as a tool while fighting the wars and boosting the morale of the security forces across the nations. Propaganda, although it has existed almost indefinitely, has grown immensely during the past few centuries as a most strategic tool to guard the strategic interests of the nations. The propaganda was bolstered by the invention of the radio. The ability to communicate orally with a large number of people in a very small amount of time also helped the development of propaganda. This form of mass media has been used as the most effective tool with the government agencies to put forth their news and views. Radio has strategically suited governments across the globe to fight psychological wars by airing propaganda into the territories of the neighbouring countries. Since Radio is affordable and speaks in a local language and customs to a very common man, it has definitely an edge over other formats of communication when it comes to the question of guarding the strategic interests of a nation. This research discusses and deals with the strategic interests and the media and how radio has especially been used worldwide as a tool by a number of countries to safeguard their national interests. This chapter touches upon some theories and elements of propaganda, the use of radio during world wars and how countries guarded their strategic interests in the Cold War and Post-Cold War era.
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Elswah, Mona, and Mahsa Alimardani. "Propaganda Chimera: Unpacking the Iranian Perception Information Operations in the Arab World." Open Information Science 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opis-2020-0122.
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Abstract In the past four years, Iranian Information Operations (IOs) have received a lot of scrutiny by social media companies and policymakers. From 2018 to 2021, several accounts on Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram were taken down by tech companies for engaging in coordinated inauthentic behaviour. Despite the heated relationship between Iran and many Arab countries, the Iranian IOs in the Arabic online sphere have received less academic attention over the years. This study fills this gap by being one of the few studies to investigate the Iranian IOs in the Arab world. We analyse more than 9.3 million tweets posted from 2008 to 2020 using the hashed datasets shared by Twitter’s Election Integrity Hub. We found that Iran’s IOs have made the Arab world its primary target—despite the attention the US claims to receive from them. However, these IOs demonstrate very little engagement and reach amongst Arab users, limiting the possibilities of Iran infiltrating the online Arabic sphere, and fostering weak yet unruly Arab counterpublics. This study argues that Iran’s IOs garner their power from being perceived as efficient and dangerous operations that could pollute the public sphere of overseas nations, rather than through actual infiltration through engagement. We understand Iran’s efforts to be preoccupied with old propaganda efforts, through their investment in websites and imitation of news organisations. However, their efforts prove that Iran adopted the tactics of “new propaganda” that depend on creating a perceived atmosphere of distrust and chaos. We contribute to the discussion on information operations by proposing the term “perception IOs”, referring to IOs by governments that aspire to be perceived as effective meddling countries in foreign politics.
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Petrushin, Yuri, and Olga Shilova. "Mass Media as an Instrument of Propaganda Policy During the Civil War in Siberia." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 8, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2019.8(1).72-80.
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The article studies information systems of the main political centres operating in Siberia during the Civil War. The Soviet government, the White movement, the allied forces of the Entente were developing a large-scale propaganda in their struggle for power. The articles studies the methods and forms of confrontation of the political centres, their strong and weak points, as well as the channels of information transfer and means of information dissemination. The role of the information aspect during the Civil War in Siberia has not been studied properly so far. One does not have a complete scientific notion of how mass media were related to different political regimes and allies in Siberia. Therefore, the history of the political centres’ struggle for power needs to be widely researched applying interdisciplinary synthesis. It is necessary to consider the information-propaganda policy of the political centres as a specific activity of the governments of Siberia and allies, and as a significant instrument of implementing a new state ideology. In addition, the article discusses the information propaganda policy of the foreign countries participating in the Civil War, revealing the ideological views imposed by the government propaganda of the political centres. Studying the press, telegraph and printing has allowed to define the specific features of the information policy of the political centres. Controlling mass media, effectively set political propaganda contributed to the government stability. The First World War and, then, the Civil War became the pivot point that helped the political centres realise that mass media are the main allies in a crisis as the role and significance of information in society increases profoundly.
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Marushchak, Anatolii, and Rostyslav Khaba. "The Russian Federation Information Influence (the Czech Republic case study)." Information Security of the Person, Society and State, no. 26 (2019): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.51369/2707-7276-2019-2-1.
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Nowadays the hybrid attacks that use propaganda and fake news and are actively inculcated by the information centers under the control of Russian Federation on the territories of EU countries present serious threat not only to Ukraine in the view of disseminating false information about the events in our country but to the population of EU countries who are the final users of such information as well. On the basis of examples fixed by the European representatives concerning a great number of facts when Russia interfered into the process of elections in France and Germany, hackers attacks on social networks of Great Britain during public discussions and referendum on Brexit, we ascertained that the informational presence of the RF propaganda schemes played the decisive role in choosing the European policy, presaged Brexit and ensured the growth of European populists rating on the eve of the important political processes in a number of countries. The aim of the article is to show the means and methods of Russian information propaganda in EU countries on the example of the Chech Republic. Such methods of Russian information propaganda as strict following the multilingual principle while disseminating the same information to different resources in different countries; active usage of English as a mediator; usage of local internet resources; broadcasting the reiterative stories about the migrants from Arab states, the threat of Islamism for Europe, criticism of Western political elite, military crises in Ukraine; forming the image of Russia as the main opponent of aggressive US policy, the symbol of stability; focusing on the negative news, i.e. on protests, political rows, notorious retirements in EU and Western countries; ignoring the success and achievements etc. have been defined. We came to the conclusion that hybrid war in Ukraine drew attention of not only the European population but of the whole world to political, media and social phenomena that is the information war of Russia vs. Ukraine and in broad aspect – to a modern propaganda of Russia which has already challenged the whole democratic world, with an impact on public opinion formation and views of young people. Key words: hybrid war, misinformation, information influence, information propaganda.
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MUSAIGER, ABDULRAHMAN O., and MARIAM AL-MANNAI. "ASSOCIATION BETWEEN EXPOSURE TO MEDIA AND BODY WEIGHT CONCERN AMONG FEMALE UNIVERSITY STUDENTS IN FIVE ARAB COUNTRIES: A PRELIMINARY CROSS-CULTURAL STUDY." Journal of Biosocial Science 46, no. 2 (June 12, 2013): 240–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932013000278.
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SummaryMass media play an important role in changing body image. This study aimed to determine the role of media (magazines and television) in body weight concern among university females in five Arab countries. A total sample of 1134 female university students was selected at convenience from universities in five Arab countries: Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Oman and Syria. The females' ages ranged from 17 to 32. A pre-tested questionnaire was used to assess the exposure to mass media regarding weight concerns. For the variables on exposure to mass media, girls were divided into two groups: infrequently exposed and frequently exposed. In general, the females who were exposed to mass media had a greater risk of having dieted to lose weight and changing their ideas of a perfect body shape than those who were not exposed or infrequently exposed. The association of exposure to magazines with having dieted to lose weight was only significant among females in Bahrain (p<0.044), Egypt (p<0.001) and Jordan (p<0.001). Exposure to television had a weaker association than exposure to magazines with body weight concerns of females. The association of exposure to television with females' idea of a perfect body shape was only statistically significant in females in Egypt (p<0.019) and Oman (p<0.019). The pressure from mass media on the body weight concern of female university students may lead these women to practise unhealthy weight control diets.
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Al Janabi, Muhannad Al Janabi. "Cracking national integration after the events (the Arab Spring) and its impact On regional stability." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 6 (February 26, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i6.56.
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Since late 2010 and early 2011, the Arab region has witnessed mass protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Bahrain and other countries that have been referred to in the political, media and other literature as the Arab Spring. These movements have had a profound effect on the stability of the regimes Which took place against it, as leaders took off and contributed to radical reforms in party structures and public freedoms and the transfer of power, but it also contributed to the occurrence of many countries in an internal spiral, which led to the erosion of the state from the inside until it became a prominent feature of the Arab) as is the case in Syria, Libya, Yemen and Iraq.
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El-Affendi, Abdelwahab. "Media in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 2 (July 1, 1996): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2323.
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As evidenced by its subtitle, this book is a mighty ambitious work. Theeditors, recognizing the "woeful lack of information on the [Middle East's]media systems," present the book as "the first comprehensive study of thestructure and functions of the mass media in the Middle East." And it tooka lot of hard work, being the "culmination of more than two years ofresearch and writing by 32 mass media scholars from across the MiddleEast and the United States."The books covers twenty-one countries. The Middle East is definedhere as most Arab countries (Morocco, Sudan, Yemen, and Somalia wereleft out) plus Iran, Turkey, Israel, Pakistan, and Afghanistan.There is no question that a serious gap in information exists in the areathe book attempts to cover. It is also safe to say that the researchersinvolved did a great job, assembling in one volume a wealth of infomiationon the structure of the media in the Middle East. One can at a glance gleanup-to-date information about what publications are produced in each country,who owns them, what radio and television channels are available, whattimes they broadcast, what regulations exist, and how the media fit in thefuller picture ...
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Mylchenko, Larуsa. "The Russian influence through mass media as a significant factor of hybrid war against Ukraine." Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 10 (October 28, 2021): 8–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2021.10(303).8-16.
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The article provides an analytical review of domestic and foreign media, considers their impact on various target audiences in the context of a hybrid war against Ukraine. The activity of Russia in the implementation of destructive strategic communications and disorienting influence on the Ukrainian and international community is analysed on the examples of specific narratives.
The use of a systematic and comprehensive approach by the Russian Federation to the information presentation in the information environment remains an effective mean of conducting a hybrid aggression both against Ukraine and against other states, which this country considers as a threat to itself. One of the main components of the target audience for such resources is, first of all, the Russian society, and Moscow's main task is to legitimize Russia's foreign policy and enlist the support of the government's actions among its own citizens. To do this, Russian propaganda uses narratives depicting Ukraine and other countries in a distorted light.
Russia's hybrid war against Ukraine consists of two aspects: kinetic (direct physical actions, such as warfare in the form of shelling, provocative actions with weapons and direct hostilities) and non-kinetic, which includes information warfare in the form of propaganda through the media.
In the case of strengthening the kinetic aspect, non-kinetic methods and measures are intensified, namely the information war, which consists of the spread of fakes, manipulative narratives and propaganda discourses.
The main reason is an intent of the Russian Federation to influence on the target audience in order to prepare the target audience emotionally for the change of its own model of societal behaviour.
The article deals with the analysis of one aspect of the non-kinetic method of warfare — dissemination of media propaganda narratives by the aggressor country, the Russian Federation. Currently, actions of the Russian Federation concerning escalation of the conflict in eastern Ukraine in military terms are directly connected to efforts of the Russian Federation in media.
The analysis of Russian mass media shows, that narratives haven't change its meaning. Moreover, the narratives are supplemented by new messages, which strengthen them and also change their priority. In particular, it happens when newsworthy events within our country allow propagandists to provide information that will strengthen one or another Kremlin narrative. When such newsworthy events do not exist, they will be are created by spreading false information (fakes).
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Yakunin, Kirill, Maksat Kalimoldayev, Ravil I. Mukhamediev, Rustam Mussabayev, Vladimir Barakhnin, Yan Kuchin, Sanzhar Murzakhmetov, et al. "KazNewsDataset: Single Country Overall Digital Mass Media Publication Corpus." Data 6, no. 3 (March 14, 2021): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/data6030031.
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Mass media is one of the most important elements influencing the information environment of society. The mass media is not only a source of information about what is happening but is often the authority that shapes the information agenda, the boundaries, and forms of discussion on socially relevant topics. A multifaceted and, where possible, quantitative assessment of mass media performance is crucial for understanding their objectivity, tone, thematic focus and, quality. The paper presents a corpus of Kazakhstan media, which contains over 4 million publications from 36 primary sources (which has at least 500 publications). The corpus also includes more than 2 million texts of Russian media for comparative analysis of publication activity of the countries, also about 4000 sections of state policy documents. The paper briefly describes the natural language processing and multiple-criteria decision-making methods, which are the algorithmic basis of the text and mass media evaluation method, and describes the results of several research cases, such as identification of propaganda, assessment of the tone of publications, calculation of the level of socially relevant negativity, comparative analysis of publication activity in the field of renewable energy. Experiments confirm the general possibility of evaluating the socially significant news, identifying texts with propagandistic content, evaluating the sentiment of publications using the topic model of the text corpus since the area under receiver operating characteristics curve (ROC AUC) values of 0.81, 0.73 and 0.93 were achieved on abovementioned tasks. The described cases do not exhaust the possibilities of thematic, tonal, dynamic, etc., analysis of the considered corpus of texts. The corpus will be interesting to researchers considering both multiple publications and mass media analysis, including comparative analysis and identification of common patterns inherent in the media of different countries.
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Richter, Carola, Abdulrahman Al-Shami, Sahar Khalifa, Soheir Osman, and Samuel Mundua. "The virus of the ‘others’? Corona and discursive othering in Arab media." Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research 14, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00022_1.
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The spread of fear of the coronavirus and related insecurities around the pandemic have fuelled nationalist and increased exclusionary tendencies in countries all over the world. In North America, for instance, anti-Asian racism increased when former US President Donald Trump dubbed the virus the ‘Chinese virus’. A nationalist agenda has been strengthened in many places, including the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region; and hateful narratives blaming ‘others’ for the pandemic, legitimizing a retreat to the protection of national borders and policies, are being spread in different media outlets. This article comparatively investigates processes of othering with regard to COVID-19 in four MENA countries – Egypt, Iraq, Oman and Yemen – and asks, who is held responsible for the coronavirus crisis in different countries? How is othering revealed in media coverage related to COVID-19? What (in)sensitive language can be identified? The study looks at mass media coverage at the peak of the global lockdown during the spring of 2020. The media analysis reveals a strong emphasis on mostly national identities as articulated lines of demarcation in all four cases. A homogenizing and demonizing othering was detected in particular in the cases of Yemen and Egypt, but also Iraq, when blame was attributed to political adversaries. The Omani case was characterized by a more subtle othering that focused strongly on the importance of citizenship.
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El-Sawy, Amany. "Speaking About The Unspoken: Saudi Culture and Islamic Law in Antony Thomas’s Docudrama Death of a Princess." Al-Raida Journal 42, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32380/alrj.v42i2.1742.
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During recent decades, third world countries, especially Arab nations, have become concerned about their image in Western mass media. Arab commentators claim that coverage of their region “is often one-sided and one-dimensional” (Al-Nowais, H.E.A., 1980), and that their cultural characteristics have been falsely depicted. Such misrepresentation is one factor that leads Western viewers to misunderstand the social and political norms of the Arab world. Islam, as both a religion and a political force in Arab nations, is frequently misinterpreted. The topic that has most recently crystallized concern about the misrepresentation of Arab culture has been the role of women in Islamic societies. This paper tries to examine such misrepresentations, and to highlight Saudi culture and Islamic law, through an analysis of Antony Thomas’s docudrama Death of a Princess.
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Udo, Akpan. "Communication and Crisis Information Campaigns: Perspectives of Constructivism, Conspiracy and Misinformation of Coivid-19 messages in West Africa." Journal of Social Sciences and Management Studies 1, no. 3 (September 20, 2022): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.56556/jssms.v1i3.248.
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The research centers on crisis communication, mass media campaigns, with emphasis on constructivism, conspiracy and misinformation in two West African countries in the corona virus pandemic. The setting is Nigeria and Camerouns, two typical African countries. The objectives were to find out the main media of information from the government, the major theme of covid 19 messages, the perception about covid 19 messages by Africans. The study adopted the ex post facto survey method with a population of 6,269,945 and a sample size of 600 persons. The research applied the media constructivism and information manipulation theories. Findings revealed that 84% of the respondents got covid 19 messages from traditional media of , group meetings, radio and television rather than from social media interface with government agencies. Data further revealed that 96 % of the residents accepted the message of covid 19 control of hand washing more than on social distancing and face-masking. Responses indicated that 81 % of the residents regarded covid 19 messages as mere romours, fake media propaganda and anti – religious campaign from the government. Recommendations are: government should adopt regular group discussions and social media to conveying vital messages rather than reliance on transient old information sources. Additionally, messages must be motivating, convincing and persuasive to influence positive attitude.
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Ismail, Muhammad Marwan, Farah Nadia Harun, Wan Moharani Muhamad, Nurhasma Muhamad Saad, and Zulkipli Md Isa. "THE ARAB SPRING ONLINE NEWS COVERAGE: CORPUS-BASED ANALYSIS OF THE TUNISIAN AND EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION KEYWORDS." International Journal of Humanities, Philosophy and Language 4, no. 14 (June 15, 2021): 52–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijhpl.414004.
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In 2011, the Arab world had become the centre of attention once again after the emergence of the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ in December 2010. This historical event in the modern history of the Arab region has brought significant social and political reform to the Arab world. The wave of Arab uprising begins in Tunisia at the end of 2010, rapidly separated into other neighbouring countries such as Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Syria, Bahrain, and Sudan. Since the early stage of protest, which mainly participated by locals, mass media has comprehensively reported this historical event, which brought down many Arab leaders in power for decades. Thus, Arab Spring has become the headline of many international media outlets, and the media are still discussing the significant impact of the event until now. Hence, the main objective of the study is to examine the event's Arabic online news discourse by focusing on the keywords and prominent social actors in the news reports surrounding the Arab Spring. This will indicate what has been included and excluded or highlighted and marginalised in the news coverage. The data is consist of Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) online news published by four prominent news outlets namely with different origin and background: Al-Arabia of Saudi Arabia, Al-Jazeera of Qatar, BBC Arabic of the UK and CNN of the USA. These well-established news outlets were selected for their comprehensive international coverage aims at various Arabic readers worldwide. The study employs corpus linguistics analytical tools by using corpus data mining software ‘AntConc 3.4’. Then, the quantitative results of corpus data will be analysed using a qualitative approach based on the textual-oriented Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of Fairclough (1992) and Wodak (2001). The result shows that news coverage of the event has highlighted several keywords that indicate the main social actors and main social events of the Arab Spring. These keywords are the shared command features among the news outlets, although each outlet portraying them is significantly different. Finally, the article presents suggestions for other related studies in the future.
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Al Wekhian, Jamil. "Acculturation Process of Arab-Muslim Immigrants in the United States." Asian Culture and History 8, no. 1 (November 2, 2015): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v8n1p89.
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<p class="1Body">While globalization has made this world smaller, interdependent, and heterogeneous, clashes among different cultures became inevitable. Immigrants leave their home country for many reasons, by choice or necessity. The U.S. is considered one of the countries that enjoys its cultural diversity. In the case of Arab-Muslim immigrants, they came to the U.S. either seeking a better life, or fleeing prosecution. They come from completely different culture, language, and religion. This move makes them prone to experience one or more challenges: assimilation, integration, separation, or marginalization. Since assimilation is very hard to achieve, integration is the ideal choice for which scholars aspier. This paper investigates the acculturation process of Arab-Muslim immigrants in the U.S. Results showed a variety of potential barriers exist hindering Arab-Muslim immigrants from successful integration into the United States society. Cultural and religious differences, distinctions in moral and ethical values, perception of gender relations, demonization of the Arab population in mass media, and discrimination are the major factors causing the overall struggles of the acculturation process.</p>
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Dabrovolskas, Audrius. "The Necessity of the Digital Single Market Strategy for Small Media Markets: Case of the Biggest Video-on-Demand Platforms in Lithuania and Estonia." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 12, no. 12 (May 29, 2018): 5–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2017.12.11784.
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This article analyzes the biggest Lithuanian and Estonian video-on-demand (VOD) platforms including Telia, their capabilities for fostering European film production and mass media in general. It is important to accentuate that non-linear TV and VOD services are attracting more and more users in Europe, and it is even considered that VOD could become a strong competitor for theatrical releases in film distribution, while, in the context of mass media, the growth of users might be associated with potential threats of propaganda, which still has its own distribution mechanisms within linear TV. However, the audiovisual content that is being supplied for the users of VOD platforms and TV is also regulated by the Audiovisual Media Service Directive (AVMSD). Without regulation, the users of VOD platforms and TV might face a limited choice of audiovisual content. Therefore, the Digital Single Market (DSM) strategy is aimed at creating a single market in Europe and eliminating the geo-blocking that limits user abilities to use VOD services during travel across borders while also establishing better access to digital goods and services at the same time. Looking from the perspective of the VOD platform, a DSM strategy might bring about a monopolization of VOD services in Europe; in that case, the little markets of the Baltic States would suffer. Another important issue that small media markets come across is related to the level of propaganda that is being transmitted from Russian TV channels that are registered in different EU countries. The article argues, and the research results show, that a DSM strategy and the elimination of geo-blocking do not eliminate the problem of fostering European audiovisual content that is and could be available to the users of VOD platforms in Lithuania and Estonia, and that these measures do not pay significant attention to EU’s consumer protection issues.
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Shaw, Tony. "The Politics of Cold War Culture." Journal of Cold War Studies 3, no. 3 (September 2001): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039701750419510.
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This article examines the relationship between politics and culture in Great Britain and the United States during the Cold War, with particular emphasis on the period from the late 1940s to the early 1960s. The article critically examines several recent books on British and American Cold War cultural activities, both domestic and external. The review covers theatrical, cinematic, literary, and broadcast propaganda and analyzes the complex network of links between governments and private groups in commerce, education, labor markets, and the mass entertainment media. It points out the fundamental differences between Western countries and the Soviet bloc and provides a warning to those inclined to view Western culture solely through a Cold War prism.
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Ufuophu-Biri, Emmanuel, and Lucky Ojoboh. "Social Media as a Tool for Political Resistance: Lessons from the Arab Spring and the Nigerian Protests." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 61–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/ajis.2017.v6n1p61.
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Abstract The popular revolutions that swept across North Africa and the Middle East (NAME) countries, popularly called the “Arab Spring”, removed several sit-tight regimes and threatened to remove some others. Until those revolutions, nobody in the region had the audacity to question the actions of the governments. The mass media in the region had no freedom of operation and could not be used to express opinions or ideas that contradicted government wish or stand. However, the self-immolation of Tarek al-Tayeb Mohamed Bouazizi on 17 December, 2010 in Tunisia and his subsequent death led to an unstoppable torrent of protests across the region. The social media became the tool of communication, organization and coordination during the protests. The social media thus provided the protesters with an alternative voice of expression, which they used to mobilize and organize the protests. This study therefore, examined the role of the social media in the the Arab Spring. The study which is theoretical concludes that the use of the social media was very effective in success of the revolution.The study showed that without the social media, the revolution might not have been successful or might not have taken place at all. The study thus recommends that people should continue to use the social media to protest against oppressive regimes and all forms of oppression.
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Mansour, D., A. Nashwan, H. Abu Rasheed, M. Hararah, H. Nassar, R. Abu Abbas, M. Alnuaimi, and B. Mrayat. "Use of Social Media in Breast Cancer Awareness: GCC Countries’ Experience." Journal of Global Oncology 4, Supplement 2 (October 1, 2018): 30s. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jgo.18.66200.
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Background: Breast cancer is the highest incident cancer among women in the world today as well as in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries. Improving the public awareness is significant in decreasing the overall morbidity and mortality of breast cancer. Social media brings a new dimension to healthcare as it offers a medium to communicate to be used by the public, patients, and health professionals to communicate health-related issues with the possibility of potentially improving health outcomes. According the Arab Social Media Report 2017 , the GCC countries largely dominate the top five spots in terms of penetration rates of key social media platforms among their populations, including Facebook, Twitter, LinkedIn, and Instagram. Social media platforms are now frequently used on a large adoption rate by the public to address health-related issues especially in GCC countries. Compared with the rest of the Arab region, the Gulf countries largely have more balanced age breakdowns of young users who are under 30 and those who are over 30 years old, indicating the maturity of usage across age groups in society. Aim: This paper aims to provide an overview of the available evidence concerning the use of social media platforms in breast cancer awareness campaigns in GCC. Methods: A literature search was conducted using PubMed and Google Scholar databases for articles published between 2010 and March 2018. Several keywords have been used. Search was limited to articles in English and Arabic describing the use of social media platforms in breast cancer awareness campaigns in any of the GCC countries. Results: More than 500 studies have been identified in the initial search. Fifteen articles have been deemed eligible. The majority are discussing the importance of using media (mass and social) as the main source of breast cancer information, however, a multilevel intervention should be considered as many interventions should be used to create culturally appropriate breast cancer awareness campaigns in the GCC countries. Conclusion: Apparently, media have been used to raise breast cancer awareness to promote breast cancer screening programs including self-exam and mammogram, benefits of early detection, and modifiable risk factors. However, social media should not be viewed as a solution to the complexities of behavior change and improved health outcomes; instead, use of social media in health promotion should be valued for its potential to engage with audiences for enhanced communication and improved capacity to promote programs, products, and services. The use of various social media platforms is variable across age, educational, and socioeconomic groups; therefore, breast cancer awareness campaigns utilizing social media should be tailored according to the target group, however public communication in the GCC still considered as a significant challenge due to the cultural diversity and language barriers.
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de la Brosse, Renaud, Nouri Lajmi, and Annelie Ekelin. "Media propaganda and human rights issues: What can be learnt from the former Yugoslavia’s experience in relation to the current developments in the Arab Spring countries?" Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research 8, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr.8.1.21_1.
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Drajat, Aldrie Alman, and Lilawati Kurnia. "Representation of Muslim Women in Manga Satoko & Nada." Urban: Jurnal Seni Urban 2, no. 1 (April 7, 2018): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52969/jsu.v2i1.1.
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Since the beginning of the 21st century, the mass media has been inclined towards constructing a negative image of Islam, which is internalized by the societies in countries where Moslems are in the minority, including Japan. Modern Japanese society is very dependent on the mass media for quick and concise information. The image of Islam internalized by the Japanese society is the one associated with terrorism and backwardness. This paper presents a different representation of Islam as reflected in a Japanese manga Satoko & Nada which focuses on the friendship between a Japanese girl Satoko and an Arab girl Nada in the United States. Visual and verbal analysis on the manga reveals an uncommon image of Moslem women which is not inclined towards excessive self-limitation. The manga shows that Moslem women really have a degree of freedom to express themselves, albeit with some limitation. Besides that, it also features open-minded Moslem women who are not hesitant to welcome modernization. Those characteristics are very different from the popular beliefs about Moslem women as constructed by mainstream mass media. As one of Japanese popular media, manga Satoko & Nada serves as a counter narrative by offering a different image of Moslem women as never shown in common mass media. Mulai dari dekade 2000-an, Media massa mengonstruksi citra Islam yang cenderung negatif dan telah terinternalisasi pada masyarakat di negara-negara non-mayoritas Islam, termasuk Jepang. Masyarakat Jepang modern sangat tergantung pada media massa untuk mendapatkan informasi dengan ringkas dan cepat. Imaji Islam yang terinternalisasi di dalam masyarakat Jepang pun terasosiasi pada terorisme dan keterbelakangan. Dalam makalah ini akan dipaparkan representasi muslim yang berbeda dalam manga Jepang berjudul Satoko&Nada yang menceritakan persahabatan Satoko, gadis yang berasal dari Jepang dan Nada, gadis yang berasal dari Arab di Amerika Serikat. Dari analisis visual dan verbal terlihat konstruksi identitas wanita muslim yang tidak sepenuhnya tertutup. Diperlihatkan bahwa wanita muslim di dalam Satoko&Nada memiliki kebebasan untuk mengekspresikan dirinya walaupun terbatas. Selain itu diperlihatkan pula wanita muslim yang memiliki pemikiran terbuka dan mengikuti arus modernisasi. Karakteristik-karakteristik tersebut sangat berlawanan dengan popular belief mengenai wanita muslim yang telah dikonstruksi dalam media massa. Manga Satoko&Nada sebagai salah satu dari media populer Jepang menyampaikan wacana tandingan mengenai wanita muslim yang tidak pernah terlihat di dalam media massa.
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Aleksieieva, Daria, Maksym Bulyk, and Iryna Gridina. "Propaganda on the temporarily occupied territories Donetsk and Luhansk regions: institutional and organizational mensuration." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 28-29 (2020): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-28-29-143-153.
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The Russian propaganda war against Ukraine is an example of information warfare, which is a reflection of a wide range of non-military instruments that are used to exert pressure and influence over the behavior of the countries. With a skillful combination of disinformation, malicious attacks on large-scale information and communication systems, combined with psychological pressure, it is more dangerous than traditional weapons systems The article deals with the psychological aspect of information warfare, the leading component is the propaganda. Smartened and supplemented with new technologies, it is actively and masterly used by the Russian Federation to manipulate the mass consciousness of the international community, its own population, citizens of Ukraine, the occupied population of the occupied territories. The ideological fundamental theses of Russian propaganda are the "Donbass mythologeme" with the thesis about "civil conflict"; the project of "Novorossiya", which denies the historical belonging of Donbass to Ukraine and the separateness of Donbass, together to justify the "fight against Ukrainian fascism" for the independence of the region and its further integration into Russia. Propaganda tools are a mixture of militarized Russian and Soviet content and symbols in the public sphere, education, youth upbringing, leisure activities, and the like. The brainwashing of the population is based on a centralized information space management system. The main role in its construction is played by the Russian Federation in order to legitimize the occupation policy of the Russian authorities, to create the illusion of independence of decisions and actions of the occupation administration; an extensive media system. The goal of the mental alienation of the population of the temporarily occupied territories from Ukraine is achieved in various ways: the militarization of consciousness, the education of the Soviet Donbas identity, the imposition of historical myths, the creation of a quasi-held attributive simulacrum, and the like. Total control over information resources and communication means provides unlimited opportunities for the occupation administration to carry out propaganda actions, and the length of time makes the task of counter-propaganda extremely difficult.
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Sirait, Ferdinand Eskol Tiar, and Rati Sanjaya. "Case Study in Covid-19 Infodemic in Indonesia." Nyimak: Journal of Communication 5, no. 1 (March 14, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/nyimak.v5i1.2652.
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COVID-19 has been declared as pandemic by WHO. Indonesian government late to give official statement that made public believe in hoax, rumours, gossip, even propaganda that they got from social media and passed from one group to another. As we know, too much information or shortage of information could lead to confusing messages that eventually increase public distrust towards official statement. Consequently, people resort to social media as the only source of information. As a mass-self communication channel, the credibility of information from this source is problematic. Castell’s mass-self communication made this circle become infodemic that hamstring public trust to government. In this research, we do comparative case study on how countries (China and South Korea) tackle communication problems during the pandemic. This research is significant because it could be a reference model of crisis communication strategy when the country faces a pandemic Relying on mass media analysis and literature review, we find that China’s government uses power to control information circulation while South Korea’s generates public’s participation in social media. Indonesia as a democratic country could use this experience to gain public’s trust by doing Coomb’s SCCT for crisis situation. Doing this, Indonesia is expected to be more prepared to for the crisis communication in the future.Keywords: COVID-19, infodemic, crisis communication, case study ABSTRAKCOVID-19 telah dinyatakan sebagai pandemi oleh WHO. Pemerintah Indonesia terlambat memberikan pernyataan resmi yang membuat publik percaya pada hoax, rumor, gosip, bahkan propaganda yang mereka dapatkan dari media sosial dan diteruskan dari satu kelompok ke kelompok lain. Seperti kita ketahui, informasi yang terlalu banyak atau kekurangan informasi dapat menimbulkan pesan yang membingungkan yang pada akhirnya meningkatkan ketidakpercayaan publik terhadap pernyataan resmi. Akibatnya, masyarakat menggunakan media sosial sebagai satu-satunya sumber informasi. Sebagai saluran komunikasi massa-mandiri, kredibilitas informasi dari sumber ini bermasalah. Komunikasi massa yang dilakukan Castell membuat lingkaran ini menjadi infodemik yang melemahkan kepercayaan publik kepada pemerintah. Dalam penelitian ini, kami melakukan studi kasus komparatif tentang bagaimana negara-negara (China dan Korea Selatan) menangani masalah komunikasi selama pandemi. Penelitian ini penting karena dapat menjadi model referensi strategi komunikasi krisis ketika negara menghadapi pandemi Mengandalkan analisis media massa dan tinjauan pustaka, kami menemukan bahwa pemerintah China menggunakan kekuatan untuk mengontrol peredaran informasi sementara Korea Selatan menghasilkan partisipasi publik di media sosial. Pengalaman ini bisa dimanfaatkan Indonesia sebagai negara demokrasi untuk mendapatkan kepercayaan publik dengan melakukan SCCT Coomb untuk situasi krisis. Dengan begitu, Indonesia diharapkan lebih siap menghadapi krisis komunikasi di masa mendatang.Kata Kunci: COVID-19, infodemik, komunikasi krisis, studi kasus
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Roman, Vasile. "Strategic Communication as an Augumentativ Factor in Social Resilience." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 198–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0029.
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Abstract The society is in a turmoil neither because globalization, high technology or immigration crises, but rather from the race of regional (China and Russia) or world power (US) to develop a new strategies to influence the countries. Europe is not bypassed by these phenomena because Russia as a regional actor is trying to create new sphere of influence at its periphery (especially in Baltic States, Poland and Romania). Romania, as NATO and European Union member, is one of the Russia’s targets not only because geographically it is in the Russia’s proximity, but because it is an area of American’s interests. Russia is developing a real hybrid war, using all the line of effort: political, economical, but specially the social one. The social field is covered by propaganda, promoted by mass-media, as a tool of political power. To counter-attack Russia’s hybrid war, NATO decided, at the Warsaw Summit to develop some operational lines, one is being strategic communication and the second is related with social resilience. The political, administrative and educational institutions are asked to apply this strategy, to find the way to educate people (almost via mass-media) in what is resilience and more important how it works when it is realized
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Preus, Maciej. "Zmiany w środowisku bezpieczeństwa regionu Morza Bałtyckiego kreowane przez działania informacyjne Federacji Rosyjskiej. Ryga, Tallin i Wilno wobec presji informacyjnej Moskwy." Gdańskie Studia Międzynarodowe 16, no. 1-2 (November 30, 2018): 41–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7624.
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Along with the intensive dissemination of information and communication technologies, there has been a rapid increase in the availability of information, and even its excess. The specific way of informing on the Internet and social media has started to influence the behavior of its users and on the community and society as the number of Internet users is rapidly growing. With the help of ICT tools, one can create patterns of interpersonal contacts and civic awareness, which can potentially lead to mass surveillance, the use of social engineering for purposes contrary to the objectives of a given society or creating needs and lifestyles. Examples of such activities of the Russian Federation against Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia, although necessarily limited, indicate that the Kremlin's activity is intensifying, well-organized, with the use of both people and automatic communication. Moscow uses traditional and social media directly and indirectly, carefully choosing means of information war - propaganda, disinformation, falsification of reality and discrediting opponents. The message generated by the Kremlin-friendly media creates a new security environment characterized by information chaos, causing the inability to distinguish the truth from falsehood, uncertainty about the intentions of the authorities of their own countries and neighbors, uncertainty about the actual state of affairs. The long-term goal for the Baltic states is to create organizational and administrative chaos in societies and authorities at all levels who, by making decisions on false premises, will destabilize these countries in every aspect.
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Inthiran, Anushia, Saadat M. Alhashmi, and Pervaiz K. Ahmed. "Health Searching Behaviour of Citizens From Countries in the Middle East and North African Region." International Journal of E-Health and Medical Communications 9, no. 2 (April 2018): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijehmc.2018040104.
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Most research studies in health information searching behaviour are conducted in developed countries. Little is known with strong governmental support in healthcare initiatives it is interesting to take note of the general information searching practices of citizens in the Middle East and North African region. In this article, a questionnaire was distributed in a university setting in the United Arab Emirates. Sixty participants consisting of citizens from MENA countries participated in this study. The results indicate citizens from the Middle East and North African region do perform online health searches. However, an equal number of citizens use books and mass media to obtain health information. When online methods are utilised, working adults who have more years of experience searching for health information tend to use more medical type search engines. Undergraduate students were generally new to the process of online health information searching. Online health searching in the MENA region is more of a social and educational activity rather than a private activity.
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Arifianto, Muhammad Lukman, Hanik Mahliatussikah, Nur Anisah Ridwan, Ibnu Samsul Huda, Iqbal Fathi Izzudin, and Nadia Fatchu Ilmi. "Representative Speech Act in Arabic News Discourse: Study on Aljazeera and Al-Ahram." Izdihar : Journal of Arabic Language Teaching, Linguistics, and Literature 5, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/jiz.v5i1.18161.
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Covid-19 pandemic has caused many pros and cons which are mainly represented in the news in the mass media. Therefore, this study aims to observe how the mass media from Arab countries represent their position towards the Covid-19 pandemic through the news they release. In this study, the data is retrieved from Aljazeera and Al-Ahram. To find out their thoughts and opinions regarding the Covid-19 pandemic, the representative speech act framework presented by Yule (1996) and Searle (1979) is used. Meanwhile, the descriptive-analytical method on that news is relied, starting from providing data, classifying, analyzing, and presenting the results of the analysis. The result shows that there are four types of representative speech acts found in the Arabic news discourse, they are statement of fact, assertion, conclusion, and description. The writers represent their thoughts and opinions by choosing certain verbs or cognate objects, either agreeing or disputing some opinions, as well as citing various news sources or events that are considered valid and credible. Moreover, the comparison of the results from the two news sources did not show a significant difference because the language of these two newspapers is the Modern Standard Arabic (MSA).
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Rangel, Francisco, Paolo Rosso, Wajdi Zaghouani, and Anis Charfi. "Fine-grained analysis of language varieties and demographics." Natural Language Engineering 26, no. 6 (March 10, 2020): 641–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1351324920000108.
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AbstractThe rise of social media empowers people to interact and communicate with anyone anywhere in the world. The possibility of being anonymous avoids censorship and enables freedom of expression. Nevertheless, this anonymity might lead to cybersecurity issues, such as opinion spam, sexual harassment, incitement to hatred or even terrorism propaganda. In such cases, there is a need to know more about the anonymous users and this could be useful in several domains beyond security and forensics such as marketing, for example. In this paper, we focus on a fine-grained analysis of language varieties while considering also the authors’ demographics. We present a Low-Dimensionality Statistical Embedding method to represent text documents. We compared the performance of this method with the best performing teams in the Author Profiling task at PAN 2017. We obtained an average accuracy of 92.08% versus 91.84% for the best performing team at PAN 2017. We also analyse the relationship of the language variety identification with the authors’ gender. Furthermore, we applied our proposed method to a more fine-grained annotated corpus of Arabic varieties covering 22 Arab countries and obtained an overall accuracy of 88.89%. We have also investigated the effect of the authors’ age and gender on the identification of the different Arabic varieties, as well as the effect of the corpus size on the performance of our method.
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Lyubimova, Natalya S. "Образ Японии в России – старые элементы в новом оформлении." Вестник антропологии (Herald of Anthropology) 51, no. 3 (September 20, 2020): 153–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.33876/2311-0546/2020-51-3/153-167.
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This article compares the image of Japan in Russia in two periods of time: at the end of XIX – beginning of the XX c. and in modern days. It reviews the images existing in the European part of Russia. Chronological periods were chosen for comparison based on some shared traits: both economical and political relations between the two countries are relatively weak, so the mass-media potential for propaganda is only used at times when a certain political problem becomes relevant (Russan-Japanese war/ the peace treaty problem and the Kuril Islands dispute), while there also is a fashion for Japanese or pseudo-Japanese products (japonisme in art, incl. decorative arts and literature/ Japanese cuisine, cartoons etc.). The image of Japan at the beginning of the XX c. is described based on literature with the use of journalistic and scientific publications. In addition, the author used pulp fiction as a source, which has not been previously done in research by Russian scholars. Analysis of the modern image of Japan is based on the results of a questionnaire survey, conducted via Internet in June 2019, and supplemented by the non-formalized content analysis of the on-line mass media. Image of Japan as special case of an image of the Other has one permanent trait – it is exotic. This exoticism comes from the notion of Japanese traditionalism as well as from perceiving Japan as a futuristic land. Both of these aspects can have negative or positive connotations. The historical part of this research shows how these connotations shift depending on the historical context and views of a particular author. The 2019 survey demonstrated the predominance of positive characterizations in the modern image of Japan and also that mass-media have little effect on this image.
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Mutsvairo, Bruce, and Saba Bebawi. "Journalism Educators, Regulatory Realities, and Pedagogical Predicaments of the “Fake News” Era: A Comparative Perspective on the Middle East and Africa." Journalism & Mass Communication Educator 74, no. 2 (March 13, 2019): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077695819833552.
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From diplomatic spats between Qatar and Saudi Arabia to ubiquitous deceptive “news” updates purportedly sent by the Eritrean government urging all men to marry two wives or risk imprisonment, the future of fact-based reporting appears uncertain as mass media recipients world over become accustomed to consuming “fake news.” Despite the exponential expansion of journalism educators in the Middle East and Africa, several curriculums in these regions have been struggling to cope with the rising dominance of the “fake news” movement. Both regions have a well-documented appetite for conspiracy theories and indeed the power of disinformation and propaganda, which seem to have gathered steam in the wake of deliberate dissemination of hoaxes or sensationalist stories predominantly distributed via social media platforms, potentially posing a threat to the credibility of journalism. This article provides an updated state of affairs on the expansion of “fake news” in the Middle East and Africa arguing after an explorative examination of 10 journalism curriculums that educators need to focus on local contexts when preparing journalism modules. Although it is important to discuss global trends, developments, controversies, debates, and discussions involving the “fake news” movement, we think future journalists from both regions would benefit from media literacy courses that identify the difference between fact and fiction in relation to their own contexts. This is relevant because current pedagogical approaches appear influenced by developments abroad especially in these countries’ past colonial masters.
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Yuce, Serpil T., Nitin Agarwal, Rolf T. Wigand, Merlyna Lim, and Rebecca S. Robinson. "Bridging Women Rights Networks." Journal of Global Information Management 22, no. 4 (October 2014): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jgim.2014100101.
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In recent mass protests such as the Arab Spring and Occupy movements, protesters used social media to spread awareness, coordinate, and mobilize support. Social media-assisted collective action has attracted much attention from journalists, political observers, and researchers of various disciplines. In this article, the authors study transnational online collective action through the lens of inter-network cooperation. The authors analyze interaction and support between the women's rights networks of two online collective actions: ‘Women to Drive' (primarily Saudi Arabia) and ‘Sexual Harassment' (global). Methodologies used include: extracting each collective action's social network from blogs authored by female Muslim bloggers (23 countries), mapping interactions among network actors, and conducting sentiment analysis on observed interactions to provide a better understanding of inter-network support. The authors examine these two distinct but overlapped networks of collective actions and discover that brokering and bridging processes can facilitate the diffusion of information, coalition formation, and the expansion of the networks. The broader goal of the study is to examine the dynamics between interconnected collective actions. This research contributes to understanding the mobilization of social movements in digital activism and the role of cooperative networks in online collective action.
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VITANOV, NIKOLAY K., MARCEL AUSLOOS, and GIULIA ROTUNDO. "DISCRETE MODEL OF IDEOLOGICAL STRUGGLE ACCOUNTING FOR MIGRATION." Advances in Complex Systems 15, supp01 (June 2012): 1250049. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s021952591250049x.
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A discrete in time model of ideological competition is formulated taking into account population migration. The model is based on interactions between global populations of non-believers and followers of different ideologies. The complex dynamics of the attracting manifolds is investigated. Conversion from one ideology to another by means of (i) mass media influence and (ii) interpersonal relations is considered. Moreover a different birth rate is assumed for different ideologies, the rate being assumed to be positive for the reference population, made of initially non-believers. Ideological competition can happen in one or several regions in space. In the latter case, migration of non-believers and adepts is allowed; this leads to an enrichment of the ideological dynamics. Finally, the current ideological situation in the Arab countries and China is commented upon from the point of view of the presently developed mathematical model. The massive forced conversion by Ottoman Turks in the Balkans is briefly discussed.
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Lisnevska, Alina. "The screen performance as an instrument of propaganda (on the example of Ivan Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna», 1933)." Integrated communications 25242644 (2019): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-2644.2019.7.10.
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The myth-making processes in the communicative space are the «cornerstone» of ideology at all times of mankind’s existence. One of the tools of the effective impact of propaganda is trust in information. Today this come round due to the dissemination of information on personalized video content in social networks, including through converged media. New myths and social settings are creating, fate of the countries is being solved, public opinion is being formed. It became possible to create artificially a model of social installation using the myths (the smallest indivisible element of the myth) based on real facts, but with the addition of «necessary» information. In the 20–30 years of the XX century cinematograph became the most powerful screen media. The article deals with the main ideological messages of the Ukrainian Soviet film «Koliivshchyna» (1933). In the period of mass cinematography spread in the Soviet Ukraine, the tape was aimed at a grand mission – creation of a new mythology through the interpretation of the true events and a con on the public, propaganda of the Soviet ideology. This happened in the tragic period of Ukrainian history (1933, the Holodomor) through the extrapolation of historical truth and its embodiment in the most formative form at that time – the form of the screen performance. The Soviet authorities used the powerful influence of the screen image to propagate dreams, illusions, images, stereotypes that had lost any reference to reality. I. Kavaleridze’s film «Koliivshchyna» demonstrates the interpretation of historical events and national ideas, the interpretation of a relatively remote past through the ideology of the «Soviet-era». The movie is created as a part of the political conjuncture of the early 1930s: the struggle against Ukrainian «bourgeois nationalism» and against the «Union of Liberation Ukraine», the repressive policies against the peasants, the close-out of the «back to the roots» policy. The movie, on the one hand, definitely addresses to the Ukrainian ideas, on the other hand it was made at the period of the repressions against the Ukrainian peasantry. In the movie «Koliivshchyna», despite the censorship, I. Kavaleridze manages to create a national inclusive narrative that depicts Ukrainian space as multi-ethnic and diverse, but at the same time nationally colorful.
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Gharayagh-Zandi, Davoud. "Lenses of Iran’s Role in Syria’s Conflict through a Comparison between BBC and Sputnik: News Approaches from Revisionist, Multilateral, and Counter-Hegemonic Discourse." Journalism and Media 3, no. 2 (April 11, 2022): 278–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/journalmedia3020021.
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Syria’s domestic dissent created the foundation for the country’s civil conflict, where foreign actors have favored the different sides since the 2011 Arab Spring. Iran was invited to play an active role in the conflict owing to the declining fortunes of the Syrian government. Iran welcomed the opportunity and understood that it suited its foreign policy priority to endorse the counter-hegemony approach in the MENA region in addition to maintaining the country’s political stability. It is essential to analyze how international media outlets covered Iran’s role in Syria. This study addressed the news coverage provided by Great Britain’s BBC and Russia’s Sputnik—two news agencies from two distinct geopolitical sides—both of which have Persian news outlets covering Iran’s role in the Syrian conflict. The foreign policy goals pursued by Iran aim at two different approaches: revisionism and multilateral partnership. Conducting a critical discourse analysis review of the news sources this study sought to demonstrate that the mass media attempt to engineer public consent in armed conflicts. According to the findings, the news agencies attempted to influence the policy preferences to adopt a peaceful architecture or try to induce a consent-driven perception in line with the foreign policy priorities set by their countries of origin.
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Gribin, N. P. "Communication regimes of the Central Asian states in the context of the national security interests of the Russian Federation." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue 1, no. 2 (December 27, 2021): 80–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2021-1-2-80-95.
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The article reveals the content of the destructive influence of Western countries on the communication regimes and information space of the friendly Central Asian states, which poses a threat to their national security and contradicts the national interests of the Russian Federation. The importance of joint efforts with the states of the Central Asian region, including those in the format of the SCO and CSTO regional organizations, to ensure information security and a positive impact on the communication regimes of this region is noted. Attention is drawn to the role of national mass media in the arsenal of tools for influencing the minds and psychology of the population of Central Asian countries and in this regard gives a description of Western information structures that exercise such influence, the mechanisms of their functioning and the way to neutralize their activities. The dynamism of the matter under study and its subjection to changes in the balance of power in the international arena are noted. The role of the state in ensuring information security and protecting citizens from distorted information and communication influence is analyzed separately. The paper suggests considerations regarding the organization of a systematic counteraction to the destructive actions of individual states in the information field of countries in Central Asia, in particular, it suggests the need to create a comprehensive system, together with the Russian Federation, to block and neutralize malicious information and propaganda materials, and also a proposal regarding the creation of a global communication order based on the formation of an international legal framework for rational civilized regulation of country communication regimes at the global and regional levels.
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HUSSEIN, Taghreed Fadhil. "THE ROLE OF ELECTRONIC MEDIA IN SHAPING CULTURAL AWARENESS AMONG YOUNG PEOPLE." Rimak International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 3 (May 1, 2022): 709–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.17.41.
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The media represents an influential element in the lives of societies as it is the publisher and the basic promoter of thought and culture, and it actively contributes to the process of forming awareness of individuals along with the family, educational institutions and civil institutions. Indeed, in many countries of the world, it is one of the producers of culture through interaction and mutual human influence, and in recent years, The mass media, especially the electronic media of all kinds, have acquired new dimensions that have increased the strength of their influence on individuals and groups. In addition, the media, as an important social institution in human societies, carries economic, political, and ideological implications. If it does not have the ability to establish the culture and identity of the community, it leads to falsifying awareness and corrupting minds. It must be recognized that the Arab youth in general and the Iraqi youth in particular, the subject of our research, are among the groups most affected by the cultural invasion operations, as a result of the massive knowledge explosion and the development of mass media, especially social networking sites and satellite channels, which represent an important social and cultural variable in the lives of young people. The head of information and learning, one of the sources of awareness-forming processes in the era of media globalization. Through our research, a number of conclusions were reached, the most important of which are: 1. Young people's interests are limited to cultural issues, as the category of interest in cultural issues ranked fourth among their other interests. 2. The respondents (young people) who hold the status of a student were the highest, and they are the most answering groups to the questionnaire, meaning that they represent the most followup group on social networking sites, and this is what the recent statistics showed. 3. It was found that the respondents (young people) started using Facebook pages not long ago. 54. Young people prefer to see the daily news when browsing the Facebook pages. 5. The respondents (young people) agree that Facebook pages are an important source of information on cultural issues in the country. Among the most important recommendations:
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Al-Ajam, Ali Saleh, and Khalil Md Nor. "Challenges of adoption of internet banking service in Yemen." International Journal of Bank Marketing 33, no. 2 (April 7, 2015): 178–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijbm-01-2013-0001.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to determine the factors that influence individuals’ intention to adopt internet banking in the Republic of Yemen. The current study found that a lack of empirical studies have been conducted in this field in Arab countries, in general, and in Yemen, in particular. Design/methodology/approach – The theory of reasoned action (TRA) was extended by relative advantage, perceived risk, mass media, family’s influence, innovativeness, skepticism and technology readiness (TR). Paper survey was used to collect data from 1,500 bank customers. Structural equation modeling was employed to investigate the relationships between variables. The TRA was extended by relative advantage, perceived risk, mass media, family’s influence, innovativeness, skepticism and TR. Paper survey was used to collect data from 1,500 bank customers. Structural equation modeling was employed to investigate the relationships between variables. Findings – Customer’s behavioral intention was significantly influenced by attitude, subjective norms and TR. Overall, the results indicate that the model provides a good understanding of factors that influence the intention to use internet banking service. The model explained 63.8 percent of the variance in the behavioral intention. Practical implications – The findings are of great use to banks already offering internet banking but of even greater use for those banks which are planning to offer internet banking services. The results of the study could serve as a guideline for bank managers in understanding the factors and strategic market planning that needs to be initiated to increase internet banking adoption among current and potential customers. Originality/value – Factors such as perceived usefulness, perceived ease of use and relative advantage have been found to be the determinants of internet banking adoption in previous studies. Along with the above variables, a new variable called TR has been analyzed in the present study. This kind of study has not been conducted in the Middle East context previously.
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Salem, Haya, and Suhad Daher-Nashif. "Psychosocial Aspects of Female Breast Cancer in the Middle East and North Africa." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 18 (September 18, 2020): 6802. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17186802.
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Breast cancer, the most common cancer among women in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, is associated with social and psychological implications deriving from women’s socio-cultural contexts. Examining 74 articles published between 2007 and 2019, this literature/narrative review explores the psychosocial aspects of female breast cancer in the MENA region. It highlights socio-cultural barriers to seeking help and socio-political factors influencing women’s experience with the disease. In 17 of 22 Arab countries, common findings emerge which derive from shared cultural values. Findings indicate that women lack knowledge of breast cancer screening (BCS) and breast cancer self-examination (BSE) benefits/techniques due to a lack of physicians’ recommendations, fear, embarrassment, cultural beliefs, and a lack of formal and informal support systems. Women in rural areas or with low socioeconomic status further lack access to health services. Women with breast cancer, report low self-esteem due to gender dynamics and a tendency towards fatalism. Collaboration between mass media, health and education systems, and leading social-religious figures plays a major role in overcoming psychological and cultural barriers, including beliefs surrounding pain, fear, embarrassment, and modesty, particularly for women of lower socioeconomic status and women living in crises and conflict zones.
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Grossi, Ludovica. "Much Ado about Nothing." Politeja 16, no. 6(63) (December 31, 2019): 167–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.63.11.
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The Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration is, as The Economist described it in a recent column by Tom Nuttall, a dull piece of reading. At best, stressed Nuttal, it helps build the trust between sending and receiving countries that is the foundation of any meaningful international policy.Then how did a non-binding, declaratory intergovernmental agreement becamea crucial part of the political discourse in a considerable number of EU countries, effectively leading to the withdrawal of several governments from the Compact? The upheaval caused by the adoption of the Compact (which hadalready been discussed and agreed upon by all signatory governments in July, before becoming a token for nationalist propaganda) has once again demonstrated the inability of the EU to grow towards a sensitive migration policy, and the recklessness of many governments in refusing to engage in a reasonable conversation with other international actors in favour of a political line led by sensationalism and misinformation. The aim of this research paper is to map thedevelopment of the debate over the Global Compact in Italy building up to its abstention during the Marrakesh Conference on December 10th-11th. The research focuses on the main actors of the current political discourse in Italy, their inaccuracy and deliberate ambiguity in addressing concerns over the Compactduring Parliamentary sessions and through the mass media, and the failure of the opposition, together with civil society, to leverage a valid counterargument to the growing hysteria about the migration crisis. The expected outcomes are the identification of common patterns in the nationalist discourse in Italy and the advancement of possible new practices to effectively foster a consistent, level-headed conversation about migration management that steers away from sterile symbolism and responsibly addresses community issues at the national and EU levels.
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Khamedova, Olga. "Masculinity of a Proletarian: Media Representations of Male Daily and Leisure Activities of the 1920–1930s." Scientific notes of the Institute of Journalism, no. 2 (77) (2020): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-1272.2020.77.4.
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The article analyzes the male daily and leisure activities among the Ukrainian workers, reflected in the press of the 1920–1930s. The objective of the article is to study the specifics of media representations of male daily and leisure activities and to determine the features of modeling the normative masculinity of a proletarian in the 1920s and 1930s. Research results. Based on the analysis, the conclusions are drawn about the normative masculinity of the Soviet proletarian of the 1920–1930s, reflected in Ukrainian newspapers and magazines. The Soviet construct of masculinity consisted of two models – ideal and real. According to the journalists of that time an exemplary proletarian was a physically strong man, certainly a Komsomol member or communist, capable of performing the labor, sports and / or military heroic acts for the sake of party and homeland. The propaganda of physical education and sport had military connotation, because sports organizations were entrusted with the task of preparing the men for a future war with the capitalist countries. Some forms of cultural recreation were popularized in the press: visits to work and other clubs, libraries, non-alcoholic picnics in nature etc. However the journalists of the 1920s and the early 1930s designed also another, more reliable model of the proletarian, through reflection of social reality and everyday context of working life. The daily and leisure activities formed the proletarian life style, which included alcohol abuse, primitive habits in everyday life, gambling, etc. Сonclusions. In the Ukrainian Soviet press of the 1920s, two versions of normative masculinity of the proletarian coexisted – official and popular. In the 1920s, a lot of critical materials appeared in the Ukrainian press regarding the life and leisure activities of proletarians. But in the 1930s, such reports almost disappeared from the newspapers, and embellishment of reality and mass dissemination of the ideal proletarian image, ready for labor exploits and defense of the fatherland from capitalist enemies, became a general tendency. Significance. In the modern media studies one of the key points is that media texts form social identity and subjectivity. The study of interconnections and interactions within the framework of the paradigm media – ideology – society is important and promising area, including the historical aspect.
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Al-Emad, Faker Mohammed. "The Origin and First Steps of the Yemeni Press (19th - mid-20th Centuries)." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 10, no. 3 (September 21, 2021): 514–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2021.10(3).514-527.
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The article examined the origin and development of the Yemeni press. The article systematically analyzed the history of the Yemeni press, its origin its development trends. The establishment of the Yemeni press was taking place against the backdrop of the country's historical development under the influence of various political regimes, as well as political and social events that the Yemeni press went through, as it faced and interacted with national, social, and cultural events. The press covered the periods of ebb and flow that the national movement went through, the crises that the country and the people of Yemen went through during the periods of national movements, uprisings and revolutions. The article studied the history of the birth and the first steps of the Yemeni press (XIX — mid XX centuries) in what was known in North Yemen, South Yemen and "before the unity of Yemen" at various historical and political stages, up to the revolution, liberation and independence. In general, in an integrative structure that confirms the dialectical connection between journalism and the social, cultural, national and revolutionary movement, confirming the unity of the Yemeni land, people and destiny. The author concluded that the Yemeni press is one of the oldest in the Arab region and in many countries around the world, not to mention its prominent role in opposing the Turkish presence and imamate rule in northern Yemen, and British colonialism in southern Yemen, where the Yemeni press became the mouthpiece of the national liberation movement. However, mass communications in Yemen are primarily driven by political goals, they are usually influenced by political and economic circumstances, and international mass media coverage.
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Al-Douri, Hamdi. "الشعر الوثائقي: دراسة لقصيدة امريكية “احدهم فجر امريكة”." Al-Kitab Journal for Human Sciences 1 (October 3, 2020): 94–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.32441/kjhs.01.00.6.
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The modern age is prolific of literary movements and literary genres. Documentary poetry, which can be considered a new genre, combines both primary source material, such as war, political events, terrorism, people in detention and many other events with poetry. Amiri Baraka is a contemporary American poet whose poem "Somebody Blew up America" belongs to this genre. It records the September 11 blowing up of the Trade Centre from a perspective different from what the American propaganda and mass media tell the world. The recent paper attempts to shed light on Amiri Baraka's attitude towards this event, the reasons behind it, the real terrorists and the intentions behind this terrorist event according to this poem. The poet argues that the American government knew beforehand that the Trade Centre was going to be blown up and they took no action to prevent the catastrophe and, in this sense, they were partners in the crime. Furthermore, he accuses the Americans of blowing up the trade centre.The paper is divided into three sections and a conclusion. Section One is Introductory; it sheds light on documentary poetry, its characteristic features and practitioners. Section Two is a biographical note of Amiri Baraka paying special attention to his attitude to American politics based on domination, persecution and genocide. Section Three gives a detailed analysis of "Somebody Blew up America" as a documentary poem recording the September 11 blowing up of the Trade Centre with the aim of finding a pretext to invade other countries. The paper concludes that this event happened according to a well-made plan in cooperation with the American government and the CIA as partners.
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Mansour, Essam, and Husain Ghuloum. "The information-seeking behaviour of Kuwaiti judges." Journal of Librarianship and Information Science 49, no. 4 (June 22, 2016): 468–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961000616654749.
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The key purpose of this study is to show the information-seeking behaviour of Kuwaiti judges. Being one of the few studies about the information needs and information-seeking behaviour conducted in Arab and developing countries, this study is a pioneer one among many studies conducted in information seeking, especially with this significant group of information users. The authors tried to investigate this seeking behavior in terms of Kuwaiti judges’ thoughts, perceptions, motivations, techniques, preferences, tools and barriers met when seeking information. The authors employed a questionnaire, with a response rate of 77.2%. This study showed that most Kuwaiti judges were likely to be older, educated and with a work experience ranging from new to old. There was a statistically reliable significant difference between Kuwaiti judges’ demographic characteristics and some sources of information, such as books, encyclopedias, references and mass media. Kuwaiti judges were using information moderately to make decisions, to be in line with current events, to collect statistics and to do specific/general research. The office and home were the most frequent location from which Kuwaiti judges were accessing information. Their efficiency level in the English language was described to be moderately good, and a number of them confirmed that their efficiency level in French was not bad. The assistance provided by colleagues, followed by consultants, translators, secretaries and librarians were found to be the strongest types of assistance needed when seeking information. Mobile apps, followed by PCs, information networks (the Internet) and information databases were the highest technology tool used. Printed materials, followed by non-printed and audiovisual materials were the most preferred information formats used. The use of languages, the recency of information and the place of information, the deficit in the library’s role to deliver information were at least significant barriers to Kuwaiti judges when seeking information.
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Muhammadin, Muhammadin. "Relevansi Sistem Khilafah Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) Dengan Sistem Negara Islam Modern." Intizar 22, no. 2 (December 24, 2016): 365. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/intizar.v22i2.949.
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Hizbut Tahrir adalah organisasi politik Islam yang independen. Organisasinya memiliki kekhasan seperti; berasaskan syari’at Islam, ide dan aksi politiknya bukan politik praktis tetapi politik-ideologis, konseptual, rasionalis dan non-kekerasan. Hizbut Tahrir mengkonsepsikan politik sebagai al-ri’ayah al-syuuni al-ummah; tanggung jawab untuk menguasai kepentingan dan kemaslahatan umat. Sebab itu, pemikiran dan aktivitasnya dimantapkan pada tataran politik sebagai wujud pelaksanaan urusan umat. Dalam konteks gerakan pendirian khilafah menurut Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia ada dua. Pertama, gagasan-gagasan tentang sistem pemerintahan Islam harus berbentuk khilafah artinya bukan berbentuk republik, diktator, kekaisaran, monarkhi, federal atau sistem demokrasi; pilar-pilar pemerintahan Islam harus ditegakkan atas dasar kedaulatan di tangan syara’, kekuasaan hanyalah milik umat, mengangkat satu khalifah hukumnya wajib dan hanya Khalifah yang berhak mengadopsi terhadap hukum-hukum syara’; struktur lembaga negara Khilafah harus ada Khalifah, Muawin at Tafwidh, Mu’awin at Tanfidz, Wali, Amir al Jihad, Al Qadhi, Mashalih Daulah, dan Majelis Umat; rancangan undang-undang dasar dan sistem Islam memiliki keunggulan-keunggulan di bidang politik, ekonomi, pendidikan, pergaulan dan pidana. Kedua, strategi Hizbut Tahrir dalam upaya penegakan Khilafah berupa pembinaan intensif melalui halqah-halqah; pembinaan umum melalui pengajian-pengajian umum di masjid-masjid, gedung-gedung dan tempat-tempat umum, melalui media massa, buku-buku dan selebaran-selebaran dan penerbitan majalah bulanan dan bulletin mingguan; pergolakan pemikiran untuk menentang kepercayaan, aturan dan pemikiran-pemikiran kufur; perjuangan politik berbentuk berjuang menghadapi negara kafir imperialis yang menguasai dan mendominasi negara-negara Islam, mengadopsi kemaslahatan umat dan melayani seluruh urusannya sesuai dengan hukum-hukum syara’. Sistem khilafah tetap relevan dengan sistem negara Islam modern sehingga sangat rasional untuk diperjuangkan dan didukung oleh seluruh umat Islam. Dalam melakukan aktivitasnya Hizbut Tahrir hanya membatasi aktivitasnya dalam dua aspek yaitu dakwah intelektual (fikriyah) dan dakwah politis (siyasiyah) serta tidak menggunakan kekuatan fisik (laa madiyah). Semua pemikiran dan aktivitasnya senantiasa muncul dan berlandaskan pada aqidah Islamiyah.Hizb ut-Tahrir is an independent Islamic political organization. His organization has its peculiarities such as; berasaskan Shari'ah, ideas and political action is not practical politics but political-ideological, conceptual, rationalists and non-violence. Hizb ut-Tahrir political conceived as al-ri'ayah al-syuuni al-umma; responsibility for the control of the interest and benefit of the people. Therefore, thinking and activity strengthened at political level in terms of carrying the affairs of the people. In the context of the establishment of Khilafat movement Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia by two. First, the ideas of the Islamic system of government must take the form of caliphate means not a republic, dictator, empire, monarchy, federal and democratic system; the pillars of the Islamic government must be established on the basis of sovereignty in the hands of Personality ', power belongs to the people, lifting the caliph is obligatory and only Khalifah has the right to adopt the laws Personality'; structure of the Khilafah state institutions there should be Caliph, Muawin at Tafwidh, Mu'awin at tanfidh, Wali, Amir al Jihad, al-Qadi, Mashalih Daulah, and the Assembly of the People; the draft constitution and Islamic system has advantages in the fields of politics, economics, education, and criminal association. Second, the strategy of the Hizb in efforts to uphold the Caliphate in the form of intensive training through halqah-halqah; general guidance through common study groups in mosques, buildings and public places, through the mass media, books and leaflets and publishing a monthly magazine and weekly newsletter; upheaval rationale for opposing beliefs, rules and ideas of kufr; political struggle shaped battling imperialist infidel countries who control and dominate the Islamic countries, adopted the benefit of the people and serving the whole affair in accordance with the laws of Personality'. Caliphate system remains relevant to modern Islamic state system so it is rational to be fought and supported by all Muslims. In conducting its activities Hizb just restrict its activities in two aspects: intellectual da'wah (fikriyah) and political propaganda (Siyasiyah) and do not use physical force (laa Muhammadiyah). All the thoughts and activities continue to emerge and be based on aqidah Islamiyah.
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Skoryk, Maryna. "THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE INSTITUTE OF CORRUPTION IN EASTERN EUROPE." Baltic Journal of Economic Studies 5, no. 1 (March 22, 2019): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2256-0742/2019-5-1-201-206.
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The purpose of the article is to substantiate the essence and structure of corruption as a separate institution in an institutional environment that has a deviant, anti-social orientation. To describe the influence of informal institutions on corruption in Ukraine. To propose constructive proposals for the use in domestic practice regarding the mechanism of overcoming corruption, which in the future will bring Ukraine to sustainable economic development. Methodology. The study we conducted is based on a systematic method that considers all elements of corruption in unity and development. The research used the following general scientific methods of scientific knowledge, namely: the method of analysis (means of combating corruption); synthesis (generalization of the main causes of corruption in Ukraine); method of induction (the impact of corruption on society); the method of hypotheses (when building a mechanism for overcoming corruption); and empirical method (own observations of the author on the situation in the state). Results. Corruption in Eastern Europe is a consequence of the spiritual, economic, and political crisis of society. Corruption demoralizes citizens and destroys their trust in the state. The mechanism of overcoming corruption is considered from the standpoint of neo-institutionalism. The author stresses that corruption is an informal institution. The system will start to change after the state’s economic development, and the main condition is the promotion of culture, which makes it impossible for an institution to be corrupt. To act and start such propaganda should be the education of future generations. Investing in education will raise its level, give a new class of professionals who will go to work in private business and government. Worthy wages will make you think about the desire for easy profit. The author conducts a qualitative analysis of corruption through methodological tools of neo-institutionalism. It is proved that the fight against corruption at all levels exists as a complex hybrid of institutional mechanisms of regulation, the impact of which primarily affects informal institutions, and then formal ones. For example, the purpose of a bribe is to obtain a profitable contract. A bribe is an informal institution that is an agreement between an official and a citizen. But a contract signed with a bribe is a formal document (legal). As a result of such corruption actions, formal institutions are not violated but act as a means of implementing informal arrangements. Practical implications. Taking into account the historical, economic, and mental component of Eastern European countries, analysing the foreign experience of the countries, the formation of a national idea in the subconscious of the society, which will be aimed at building the state, should come to the fore. It is necessary to break down stereotypes, raise confidence in power and law. Such measures are possible only through the reform of education, the upbringing of young people in the personal negative attitudes to corruption. An active civil society that supports various strategies aimed at reducing corruption. Sanctions are important, so punishing corrupt officials is an important part of any effective anti-corruption effort. Therefore, the Criminal Code of the country should clearly indicate the responsibility for any manifestation of corruption. The mass media must conduct a serious information company: report on detention and investigation and display social advertising (not as a part of a political advertisement). Value/originality. The influence of informal institutes on corruption in the eastern part of Europe is substantiated and the mechanism of its overcoming is proposed, the use of which will ensure the gradual economic development of the state.
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Zhuk, Sergei. "“National Cultural Elements” and Advertising the International Tourism in the Soviet Tourist Agencies During the Brezhnev Era, 1964–1984." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 36 (February 18, 2022): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2010.001.
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“National Cultural Elements” and Advertising the International Tourism in the Soviet Tourist Agencies During the Brezhnev Era, 1964–1984Using the archival documents and personal interviews as historical sources, this essay analyzes the ideological problems of advertising international tourism in the main travel agencies of the Soviet Union during the Brezhnev era, 1964–1984. These agencies, Inturist, a Tourist Department of the Soviet Trade Unions and a Communist Youth League’s organization Sputnik, encountered problems with advertising from the very beginning of their history. In the 1960s and 70s they created special departments responsible for propaganda and advertising or advertising and mass media in Inturist. On the one hand, these tourist agencies had to provide interesting information to attract more Soviet and foreign tourists and more financial sources. On the other hand, the most attractive elements in advertising Soviet tourism were various national elements of different Soviet nationalities, including their costumes, music and handicrafts. As a result, such efforts exposed the limits of Soviet cultural homogenization project during the stage of developed socialism. In practice, this led to serious problems for the representatives of the Soviet tourist agencies in foreign countries. The most dangerous problem was nationalism.The essay explores how the problems of national identity were tied to advertising Soviet Union travel to foreign tourists as a new strategy of the Soviet tourist agencies during late socialism before perestroika. Despite strict KGB and ideological regulations, new “national” forms of advertising such as folk music survived after 1984 and contributed to expansion of tourism, which brought increased profits and influence to the leaders of the local tourist agencies. „Elementy kultury narodowej” a reklama turystyki zagranicznej w radzieckich biurach podróży w epoce Breżniewa, 1964–1984W oparciu o dokumenty archiwalne i wywiady osobiste jako materiały do badań historycznych autor artykułu analizuje zagadnienia ideologii reklamowania turystyki zagranicznej przez czołowe radzieckie biura podróży za czasów Leonida Breżniewa, tj. w latach 1964–1984. Owe biura podróży, Inturist, Wydział Turystyki Związków Zawodowych ZSSR oraz organizacja Ligi Młodzieży Komunistycznej „Sputnik” od samego początku swej działalności napotykały trudności w reklamowaniu swoich usług. W latach sześćdziesiątych i siedemdziesiątych XX wieku powstały specjalne wydziały odpowiedzialne za propagandę i reklamę bądź, jak w Inturiście, za reklamę i środki masowego przekazu. Z jednej strony biura podróży zobligowane były do podawania interesujących informacji, aby zwrócić uwagę większej liczby turystów krajowych i zagranicznych, jak też zwiększyć wpływy finansowe z turystyki. Z drugiej strony te najatrakcyjniejsze elementy w materiałach reklamujących podróże do ZSRR to były rozmaite elementy kultury poszczególnych narodowości zamieszkujących ZSRR, takie jak strój, muzyka i rzemiosło ludowe. W rezultacie podejmowane w zakresie reklamy wysiłki obnażały granice kulturowej homogenizacji dokonującej się na sposób sowiecki na etapie rozwiniętego socjalizmu. Stąd też w swej codziennej praktyce przedstawiciele radzieckich biur podróży za granicą borykali się z poważnymi trudnościami. Najbardziej niebezpieczny stał się problem nacjonalizmu.Autor artykułu docieka, w jaki sposób kwestia tożsamości narodowej została powiązana z reklamowaniem podróży do ZSRR jako nowa strategia radzieckich biur podróży w schyłkowym okresie socjalizmu, przed pierestrojką. Pomimo ścisłych wymogów ideologicznych i działań podejmowanych przez KGB, nowe formy reklamy o treściach „narodowych”, takie jak muzyka ludowa, przetrwały w okresie po roku 1984, przyczyniając się do rozwoju turystyki i przynosząc szefom lokalnych biur podróży coraz większe dochody i wpływy.
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Saro, Anneli. "Nõukogude tsensuuri mehhanismid, stateegiad ja tabuteemad Eesti teatris [Abstract: Mechanisms, strategies and taboo topics of Soviet censorship in Estonian theatre]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (September 9, 2019): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.4.02.
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Abstract: Mechanisms, strategies and taboo topics of Soviet censorship in Estonian theatre
Since theatre in the Soviet Union had to be first of all a propaganda and educational institution, the activity, repertoire and every single production of the theatre was subject to certain ideological and artistic prescriptions. Theatre artists were not subject to any official regulations regarding forbidden topics or ways of representation, thus the nature of censorship manifested itself to them in practice. Lists of forbidden authors and works greatly affected politics related to repertoire until the mid-1950s but much less afterwards. Research on censorship is hampered by the fact that it was predominately oral, based on phone or face-to-face conversations, and corresponding documentation has been systematically destroyed.
This article is primarily based on memoirs and research conducted by people who were active in the Soviet theatre system. It systematises the empirical material into four parts: 1) mechanisms of censorship, 2) forms and strategies, 3) counter-strategies against censorship and 4) taboo topics. Despite the attempt to map theatre censorship in Estonia after the Second World War (1945–1990), most of the material concerns the period from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s. This can be explained by the age of the respondents, but it can also be related to the fact that the Soviet control system became more liberal or ambiguous after the Khrushchev thaw encouraged theatre artists and officials to test the limits of freedom.
The mechanisms of theatre censorship were multifaceted. Ideological correctness and the artistic maturity of repertoire and single productions were officially controlled by the Arts Administration (1940–1975) and afterwards by the Theatre Administration (1975–1990) under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture. Performing rights for new texts were allocated by the Main Administration for Literary and Publishing Affairs (Glavlit): texts by foreign authors were approved by the central office in Moscow, and texts by local authors were approved by local offices. The third censorship agency was the artistic committee that operated in every single theatre. Nevertheless, the most powerful institution was the Department of Culture of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Estonia, whose influence on artistic issues had to be kept confidential by the parties involved. On top of all this, there was the hidden power and omnipresent network of agents of the Committee for State Security (KGB). Some audience members also acted as self-appointed censors. The network and system of censorship made the control system almost total and permanent, also enforcing self-censorship.
Forms of censorship can be divided into preventive and punitive censorship, and strategies into direct and indirect censorship. Soviet censorship institutions mostly applied preventive censorship to plays or parts of productions, but hardly any production was cancelled before its premiere because that would have had undesirable financial consequences. Punitive censorship after the premiere was meant for correcting mistakes when the political climate changed or if a censor had been too reckless/lenient/clever, or if actors/audiences had started emphasising implicit meanings. Preventive censorship was predominantly direct and punitive censorship indirect (compelling directors to change mise en scènes or prescribing the number of performances). Indirect censorship can be characterised by ambiguity and allusions. A distinction can be made between preventive and punitive censorship in the context of single productions, but when forbidden authors, works or topics were involved, these two forms often merged.
The plurality of censorship institutions or mechanisms, and shared responsibility led to a playful situation where parties on both sides of the front line were constantly changing, enabling theatre artists to use different counter-strategies against censorship. Two main battlefields were the mass media and meetings of the artistic committees, where new productions were introduced. The most common counter-strategies were the empowerment of productions and directors with opinions from experts and public figures (used also as a tool of censorship), providing ideologically correct interpretations of productions, overstated/insincere self-criticism on the part of theatre artists, concealing dangerous information (names of authors, original titles of texts, etc.), establishing relationships based on mutual trust with representatives of censorship institutions for greater artistic freedom, applying for help from central institutions of the Soviet Union against local authorities, and delating on censors. At the same time, a censor could fight for freedom of expression or a critic could work ambivalently as support or protection.
In addition to forbidden authors whose biography, world view or works were unacceptable to Soviet authorities, there was an implicit list of dangerous topics: criticism of the Soviet Union as a state and a representative of the socialist way of life, positive representations of capitalist countries and their lifestyles, national independence and symbols of the independent Republic of Estonia (incl. blue-black-white colour combinations), idealisation of the past and the bourgeoisie, derogation of the Russian language and nation, violence and harassment by Soviet authorities, pessimism and lack of positive character, religious propaganda, sexuality and intimacy. When comparing the list of forbidden topics with analogous ones in other countries, for example in the United Kingdom where censorship was abolished in 1968, it appears that at a general level the topics are quite similar, but priorities are reversed: Western censorship was dealing with moral issues while its Eastern counterpart was engaged with political issues.
It can be concluded that all censorship systems are somehow similar, embracing both the areas of restrictions and the areas of freedom and role play, providing individuals on both sides of the front line with opportunities to interpret and embody their roles according their world view and ethics. Censorship of arts is still an issue nowadays, even when it is hidden or neglected.
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"Propaganda speech in the Gulf press articles about the Qatari crisis An analytical study in the political articles published in the newspapers (Riyadh) Saudi Arabia and (Al-Ittihad) UAE from 5/6/2017 to 5/9/2017." AL – Bahith AL – A a‚LAMI 13, no. 51 (August 8, 2021): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33282/abaa.v13i51.740.
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Propaganda speech in the Gulf press articles about the Qatari crisis, an analytical study in the political articles published in the newspapers (Riyadh) Saudi Arabia and (Al-Ittihad) UAE from 5/6/2017 to 5/9/2017, University of Baghdad, College of Media, Press Department, 2019. The problem of the research was to monitor the contents of propaganda messages to Saudi Arabia and the UAE regarding the Qatari crisis, especially with the escalation of propaganda media campaigns between the four boycotting countries on the one hand and Qatar on the other hand, in light of crises and conflicts in the Gulf region and the Arab region in general. The researcher used the survey method to answer the research questions and achieve its results. This research is a descriptive research based on the method of analyzing the content in the collection of data and information related to the subject of the research. The researcher also used the method of discourse analysis (proof path) as a complementary measure to analyze the contentز
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Yungblud, Valery, and Denis Sadakov. "US Intelligence Estimates on the Soviet, Chinese, and North Korean Propaganda Campaigns during the Korean War." Quaestio Rossica 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/qr.2020.1.453.
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During the Korean War of 1950–1953, one of the dimensions of confrontation between the communist countries and the UN camp was information confrontation. The USSR, the PRC, and the DPRK were active in this sphere. Their propaganda exposed real and imaginary war crimes and “atrocities” by the American imperialists. The myth about the use of bacteriological weapons by the United States in Korea was widespread. Also, propaganda supported the legend of Chinese people’s volunteers. At the same time, materials from the propaganda campaigns of the USSR, the People’s Republic of China, and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea were used by the American special services as a source of information about the enemy’s plans. This function was performed by the Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS). This agency’s analytical conclusions constituted a significant part of the intelligence information flow received by the country’s highest authorities. The article discusses the content and direction of information flows of the socialist states’ mass media. Additionally, it considers the main directions of the propaganda activity of the USSR, the PRC, and the DPRK, the “special place” Soviet propaganda occupied in the information war, and the content of radio broadcasts and other media of the socialist countries. The source base of the research includes declassified FBIS documents, mass media materials, documents of the US State Department, and various narrative sources. The authors conclude that although FBIS specialists identified differences between the strategic approaches used by Moscow, Pyongyang, and Beijing, the country’s leadership often ignored this information and preferred to follow its own “homework”.