Academic literature on the topic 'Mass media and propaganda – Arab countries'
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Journal articles on the topic "Mass media and propaganda – Arab countries"
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Tereshchuk, Vitaliy. "The ways of using mass media to influence the foreign policy agenda in a democratic and non-democratic state." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 379–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.379-385.
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In the article the ways of mass media use to influence the perception of foreign policy by domestic and foreign public are reviewed. In particular, the features of applying such methods of mass media influence on public opinion as informing, priming, and propaganda by democratic and undemocratic countries are examined.
Keywords: Foreign policy, impact on public opinion, mass media, priming, propaganda
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Vasiliev, Aleksey, and Natalia Zherlitsina. "Evolution of the Media in North Africa Countries After the Crisis of the Arab Spring." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 8, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2019.8(1).81-95.
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The subject of the study in this article is the changes that occur in the media and related information and communication technologies in the countries of North Africa after the crisis of the Arab Spring. The media played the vital role in political revolutions and transformations, they informed people of opinions of the activists, criticism of the power, contributed to establishing communication between the activists and ordinary citizens, united protests at the local level to turn them into a strong national movement. The revolutionary changes in the Arab world that began in 2011 brought hope for a more open public sphere. Yet, after 6 years, the results of this process do not seem to be unambiguous. On the way of development of traditional media there are still many obstacles. Among them in most Arab countries, there are numerous social and political taboos, propaganda serving the political power, self-censorship of journalists, their prosecution from the authorities. Theoretical and methodological basis for the article were such methods as comparative method, which allows on the basis of comparison of the situation in different countries of North Africa to identify the typological features of the Arab model of the information society; critical discourse analysis, with the help of which it becomes possible to comprehend information policy in different Arab countries. The relevance and novelty of this research is due to the important role played by the media in modern international politics. The author concludes that the Arab countries have yet to find a balance between the state information policy and the democratic potential of free media.
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Nyiam, Davina. "Strategic Interest and Media: A Global Perspective." PREDESTINASI 13, no. 2 (March 5, 2021): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.26858/predestinasi.v13i2.19536.
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Media has also been used as psychological warfare and a propaganda tool, particularly during times of wars and acts of insurgency. It has been used as a tool while fighting the wars and boosting the morale of the security forces across the nations. Propaganda, although it has existed almost indefinitely, has grown immensely during the past few centuries as a most strategic tool to guard the strategic interests of the nations. The propaganda was bolstered by the invention of the radio. The ability to communicate orally with a large number of people in a very small amount of time also helped the development of propaganda. This form of mass media has been used as the most effective tool with the government agencies to put forth their news and views. Radio has strategically suited governments across the globe to fight psychological wars by airing propaganda into the territories of the neighbouring countries. Since Radio is affordable and speaks in a local language and customs to a very common man, it has definitely an edge over other formats of communication when it comes to the question of guarding the strategic interests of a nation. This research discusses and deals with the strategic interests and the media and how radio has especially been used worldwide as a tool by a number of countries to safeguard their national interests. This chapter touches upon some theories and elements of propaganda, the use of radio during world wars and how countries guarded their strategic interests in the Cold War and Post-Cold War era.
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Elswah, Mona, and Mahsa Alimardani. "Propaganda Chimera: Unpacking the Iranian Perception Information Operations in the Arab World." Open Information Science 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opis-2020-0122.
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Abstract In the past four years, Iranian Information Operations (IOs) have received a lot of scrutiny by social media companies and policymakers. From 2018 to 2021, several accounts on Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram were taken down by tech companies for engaging in coordinated inauthentic behaviour. Despite the heated relationship between Iran and many Arab countries, the Iranian IOs in the Arabic online sphere have received less academic attention over the years. This study fills this gap by being one of the few studies to investigate the Iranian IOs in the Arab world. We analyse more than 9.3 million tweets posted from 2008 to 2020 using the hashed datasets shared by Twitter’s Election Integrity Hub. We found that Iran’s IOs have made the Arab world its primary target—despite the attention the US claims to receive from them. However, these IOs demonstrate very little engagement and reach amongst Arab users, limiting the possibilities of Iran infiltrating the online Arabic sphere, and fostering weak yet unruly Arab counterpublics. This study argues that Iran’s IOs garner their power from being perceived as efficient and dangerous operations that could pollute the public sphere of overseas nations, rather than through actual infiltration through engagement. We understand Iran’s efforts to be preoccupied with old propaganda efforts, through their investment in websites and imitation of news organisations. However, their efforts prove that Iran adopted the tactics of “new propaganda” that depend on creating a perceived atmosphere of distrust and chaos. We contribute to the discussion on information operations by proposing the term “perception IOs”, referring to IOs by governments that aspire to be perceived as effective meddling countries in foreign politics.
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Petrushin, Yuri, and Olga Shilova. "Mass Media as an Instrument of Propaganda Policy During the Civil War in Siberia." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 8, no. 1 (January 31, 2019): 72–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2019.8(1).72-80.
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The article studies information systems of the main political centres operating in Siberia during the Civil War. The Soviet government, the White movement, the allied forces of the Entente were developing a large-scale propaganda in their struggle for power. The articles studies the methods and forms of confrontation of the political centres, their strong and weak points, as well as the channels of information transfer and means of information dissemination. The role of the information aspect during the Civil War in Siberia has not been studied properly so far. One does not have a complete scientific notion of how mass media were related to different political regimes and allies in Siberia. Therefore, the history of the political centres’ struggle for power needs to be widely researched applying interdisciplinary synthesis. It is necessary to consider the information-propaganda policy of the political centres as a specific activity of the governments of Siberia and allies, and as a significant instrument of implementing a new state ideology. In addition, the article discusses the information propaganda policy of the foreign countries participating in the Civil War, revealing the ideological views imposed by the government propaganda of the political centres. Studying the press, telegraph and printing has allowed to define the specific features of the information policy of the political centres. Controlling mass media, effectively set political propaganda contributed to the government stability. The First World War and, then, the Civil War became the pivot point that helped the political centres realise that mass media are the main allies in a crisis as the role and significance of information in society increases profoundly.
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Marushchak, Anatolii, and Rostyslav Khaba. "The Russian Federation Information Influence (the Czech Republic case study)." Information Security of the Person, Society and State, no. 26 (2019): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.51369/2707-7276-2019-2-1.
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Nowadays the hybrid attacks that use propaganda and fake news and are actively inculcated by the information centers under the control of Russian Federation on the territories of EU countries present serious threat not only to Ukraine in the view of disseminating false information about the events in our country but to the population of EU countries who are the final users of such information as well. On the basis of examples fixed by the European representatives concerning a great number of facts when Russia interfered into the process of elections in France and Germany, hackers attacks on social networks of Great Britain during public discussions and referendum on Brexit, we ascertained that the informational presence of the RF propaganda schemes played the decisive role in choosing the European policy, presaged Brexit and ensured the growth of European populists rating on the eve of the important political processes in a number of countries. The aim of the article is to show the means and methods of Russian information propaganda in EU countries on the example of the Chech Republic. Such methods of Russian information propaganda as strict following the multilingual principle while disseminating the same information to different resources in different countries; active usage of English as a mediator; usage of local internet resources; broadcasting the reiterative stories about the migrants from Arab states, the threat of Islamism for Europe, criticism of Western political elite, military crises in Ukraine; forming the image of Russia as the main opponent of aggressive US policy, the symbol of stability; focusing on the negative news, i.e. on protests, political rows, notorious retirements in EU and Western countries; ignoring the success and achievements etc. have been defined. We came to the conclusion that hybrid war in Ukraine drew attention of not only the European population but of the whole world to political, media and social phenomena that is the information war of Russia vs. Ukraine and in broad aspect – to a modern propaganda of Russia which has already challenged the whole democratic world, with an impact on public opinion formation and views of young people. Key words: hybrid war, misinformation, information influence, information propaganda.
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MUSAIGER, ABDULRAHMAN O., and MARIAM AL-MANNAI. "ASSOCIATION BETWEEN EXPOSURE TO MEDIA AND BODY WEIGHT CONCERN AMONG FEMALE UNIVERSITY STUDENTS IN FIVE ARAB COUNTRIES: A PRELIMINARY CROSS-CULTURAL STUDY." Journal of Biosocial Science 46, no. 2 (June 12, 2013): 240–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932013000278.
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SummaryMass media play an important role in changing body image. This study aimed to determine the role of media (magazines and television) in body weight concern among university females in five Arab countries. A total sample of 1134 female university students was selected at convenience from universities in five Arab countries: Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Oman and Syria. The females' ages ranged from 17 to 32. A pre-tested questionnaire was used to assess the exposure to mass media regarding weight concerns. For the variables on exposure to mass media, girls were divided into two groups: infrequently exposed and frequently exposed. In general, the females who were exposed to mass media had a greater risk of having dieted to lose weight and changing their ideas of a perfect body shape than those who were not exposed or infrequently exposed. The association of exposure to magazines with having dieted to lose weight was only significant among females in Bahrain (p<0.044), Egypt (p<0.001) and Jordan (p<0.001). Exposure to television had a weaker association than exposure to magazines with body weight concerns of females. The association of exposure to television with females' idea of a perfect body shape was only statistically significant in females in Egypt (p<0.019) and Oman (p<0.019). The pressure from mass media on the body weight concern of female university students may lead these women to practise unhealthy weight control diets.
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Al Janabi, Muhannad Al Janabi. "Cracking national integration after the events (the Arab Spring) and its impact On regional stability." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 6 (February 26, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i6.56.
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Since late 2010 and early 2011, the Arab region has witnessed mass protests in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Bahrain and other countries that have been referred to in the political, media and other literature as the Arab Spring. These movements have had a profound effect on the stability of the regimes Which took place against it, as leaders took off and contributed to radical reforms in party structures and public freedoms and the transfer of power, but it also contributed to the occurrence of many countries in an internal spiral, which led to the erosion of the state from the inside until it became a prominent feature of the Arab) as is the case in Syria, Libya, Yemen and Iraq.
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El-Affendi, Abdelwahab. "Media in the Middle East." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 2 (July 1, 1996): 275–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2323.
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As evidenced by its subtitle, this book is a mighty ambitious work. Theeditors, recognizing the "woeful lack of information on the [Middle East's]media systems," present the book as "the first comprehensive study of thestructure and functions of the mass media in the Middle East." And it tooka lot of hard work, being the "culmination of more than two years ofresearch and writing by 32 mass media scholars from across the MiddleEast and the United States."The books covers twenty-one countries. The Middle East is definedhere as most Arab countries (Morocco, Sudan, Yemen, and Somalia wereleft out) plus Iran, Turkey, Israel, Pakistan, and Afghanistan.There is no question that a serious gap in information exists in the areathe book attempts to cover. It is also safe to say that the researchersinvolved did a great job, assembling in one volume a wealth of infomiationon the structure of the media in the Middle East. One can at a glance gleanup-to-date information about what publications are produced in each country,who owns them, what radio and television channels are available, whattimes they broadcast, what regulations exist, and how the media fit in thefuller picture ...
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Mylchenko, Larуsa. "The Russian influence through mass media as a significant factor of hybrid war against Ukraine." Вісник Книжкової палати, no. 10 (October 28, 2021): 8–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.36273/2076-9555.2021.10(303).8-16.
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The article provides an analytical review of domestic and foreign media, considers their impact on various target audiences in the context of a hybrid war against Ukraine. The activity of Russia in the implementation of destructive strategic communications and disorienting influence on the Ukrainian and international community is analysed on the examples of specific narratives.
The use of a systematic and comprehensive approach by the Russian Federation to the information presentation in the information environment remains an effective mean of conducting a hybrid aggression both against Ukraine and against other states, which this country considers as a threat to itself. One of the main components of the target audience for such resources is, first of all, the Russian society, and Moscow's main task is to legitimize Russia's foreign policy and enlist the support of the government's actions among its own citizens. To do this, Russian propaganda uses narratives depicting Ukraine and other countries in a distorted light.
Russia's hybrid war against Ukraine consists of two aspects: kinetic (direct physical actions, such as warfare in the form of shelling, provocative actions with weapons and direct hostilities) and non-kinetic, which includes information warfare in the form of propaganda through the media.
In the case of strengthening the kinetic aspect, non-kinetic methods and measures are intensified, namely the information war, which consists of the spread of fakes, manipulative narratives and propaganda discourses.
The main reason is an intent of the Russian Federation to influence on the target audience in order to prepare the target audience emotionally for the change of its own model of societal behaviour.
The article deals with the analysis of one aspect of the non-kinetic method of warfare — dissemination of media propaganda narratives by the aggressor country, the Russian Federation. Currently, actions of the Russian Federation concerning escalation of the conflict in eastern Ukraine in military terms are directly connected to efforts of the Russian Federation in media.
The analysis of Russian mass media shows, that narratives haven't change its meaning. Moreover, the narratives are supplemented by new messages, which strengthen them and also change their priority. In particular, it happens when newsworthy events within our country allow propagandists to provide information that will strengthen one or another Kremlin narrative. When such newsworthy events do not exist, they will be are created by spreading false information (fakes).
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mass media and propaganda – Arab countries"
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Musallam, Sāmī. "Ṣūrat al-ʻArab fī ṣiḥāfat Almānyā al-ittiḥādīyah." Bayrūt : Markaz Dirāsāt al-Waḥdah al-ʻArabīyah, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/66906654.html.
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Karim, Karim H. (Karim Haiderali) 1956. "Constructions of the Islamic peril in English-language Canadian print media : discourses on power and violence." Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=42064.
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This is an inquiry into cultural constructions of "Islamic violence" in dominant Northern discourses. Mainstream Canadian journalism's participation in these discourses is analyzed within the context of its cultural and structural integration into global media networks. Media materials are scrutinized using critical discourse, dramatistic, and ritual analysis methodologies. The thesis follows Hamid Mowlana's suggestion that inquiries into international communication flows should move beyond traditional paradigms of inter-national relations (in which nation-states are the primary objects of study) to consider intra- and transnational participants as well.Borrowing from Jacques Ellul, this study examines the importance of myth as a fundamental basis of communication. However, unlike Ellul, it also explores alternatives to the operations of dominant communication structures. Edward Said's critique of Orientalism informs the analysis of Northern portrayals of Muslim societies; but the dissertation attempts to avoid overstating the Orientalist discourses' hegemony by proposing a model of competition among dominant, oppositional and alternative discourses on "Islam."
Mainstream media's adherence to dominant technological myths and their general reticence about the structural and direct violence of elite states are examined. Distinct similarities are found between the utopic orientations and technical operations of dominant Northern and Muslim discourses, as well as in Jewish, Christian and Muslim conceptions of holy/just war. The proliferation of contemporary Northern images about "Islam" are traced historically to four primary stereotypes about Muslims.
Examinations of the supposedly objective and secularist media reportage on terrorism show differences in portrayal according to the perpetrators' religions. Analyses of the coverage of wars involving peoples of Muslim backgrounds in the Middle East, Bosnia-Herzegovina, and the former USSR demonstrate the tendency of dominant journalistic scripts to attribute diverse political, economic and territorial conflicts to a monolithic "lslam" The dissertation traces how the global media narrative's transformation of Saddam Hussein from an ally of the West to a demonic despot was aided by according him "Islamic" characteristics. It also looks at the emergence of "Islam" as a post-Cold War Other. Lastly, proposals made by scholars and journalists for enhancing inter-cultural communication between Northern and Muslim societies are considered.
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Awwad, Julian M. "Al-Jazeera's discourse of 'Arabness' : an examination of the discursive construction of identity in talk show programming." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=100315.
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Al-Jazeera asserted itself in the global media scene shortly after the attacks of September 11th, 2001 in the United States. The station's regional prominence had already been entrenched in the new Arab media environment before it was overshadowed by the station's newfound global fame. Subsequently, al-Jazeera was considered an Arab media ambassador and the "voice of the Arab world." This dissertation provides an analysis of al-Jazeera's programming in Arabic that is lacking in the burgeoning English language academic literature. The dissertation furthermore highlights the way treatment of global current affairs informs a sense of Arab identification on a regional level. Moreover, it argues that, apart from competitive broadcast journalists, al-Jazeera offers an oppositional discourse of identification that does not necessarily challenge the hegemony of Western media discourses. By employing an oppositional stance expressed in typical anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist terms, it constructs an overarching notion of "Arabness" that is predominately discursive.The dissertation analyzes three live talk shows: al-Ittijah al-Mu'akis (The Opposite Direction), Bila Hudoud (Without Boundaries), and Li-Nisa' Faqat (For Women Only). These talk shows are ideal sites for examining this oppositional discourse because they constitute important forums in which perceptions of identity are cultivated in the discussion of current affairs. In my analysis, each episode is treated as a media "text" that contributes to the formation of a discourse of "Arabness." The objective of the analysis is to identify the recurrent discursive patterns and strategies in providing the basis for this discursive category of identification across Arab state borders. In constructing an oppositional discourse, the United States and Israel are employed as necessary rhetorical references; Islam is infused into "Arabness" as a homogenizing constituent in identity formation; and finally, a culturally-threatened "Arabness" converges upon a context in which the world is marked by globalization. The dissertation concludes by indicating that al-Jazeera offers merely a representation of "Arabness" that, despite its power to influence, remains one way of perceiving Arab identity.
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Bousmaha, Farah. "The impact of the negative perception of Islam in the Western media and culture from 9/11 to the Arab Spring." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5677.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)While the Arab spring succeeded in ousting the long-term dictator led governments from power in many Arab countries, leading the way to a new democratic process to develop in the Arab world, it did not end the old suspicions between Arab Muslims and the West. This research investigates the beginning of the relations between the Arab Muslims and the West as they have developed over time, and then focuses its analysis on perceptions from both sides beginning with 9/11 through the events known as the Arab spring. The framework for analysis is a communication perspective, as embodied in the Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). According to CMM, communication can be understood as forms of interactions that both constitute and frame reality. The study posits the analysis that the current Arab Muslim-West divide, is often a conversation that is consistent with what CMM labels as the ethnocentric pattern. This analysis will suggest a new pathway, one that follows the CMM cosmopolitan form, as a more fruitful pattern for the future of Arab Muslim-West relations. This research emphasizes the factors fueling this ethnocentric pattern, in addition to ways of bringing the Islamic world and the West to understand each other with a more cosmopolitan approach, which, among other things, accepts mutual differences while fostering agreements. To reach this core, the study will apply a direct communicative engagement between the Islamic world and the West to foster trusted relations, between the two.
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D'Souza, Ryan Arron. "Arab hip-hop and politics of identity : intellectuals, identity and inquilab." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5849.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)Opposing the culture of différance created through American cultural media, this thesis argues, Arab hip-hop artists revive the politically conscious sub-genre of hip-hop with the purpose of normalising their Arab existence. Appropriating hip-hop for a cultural protest, Arab artists create for themselves a sub-genre of conscious hip-hop – Arab-conscious hip-hop and function as Gramsci’s organic intellectuals, involved in better representation of Arabs in the mainstream. Critiquing power dynamics, Arab hip-hop artists are counter-hegemonic in challenging popular identity constructions of Arabs and revealing to audiences biases in media production and opportunities for progress towards social justice. Their identity (re)constructions maintain difference while avoiding Otherness. The intersection of Arab-consciousness through hip-hop and politics of identity necessitates a needed cultural protest, which in the case of Arabs has been severely limited. This thesis progresses by reviewing literature on politics of identity, Arabs in American cultural media, Gramsci’s organic intellectuals and conscious hip-hop. Employing criticism, this thesis presents an argument for Arab hip-hop group, The Arab Summit, as organic intellectuals involved in mainstream representation of the Arab community.
Books on the topic "Mass media and propaganda – Arab countries"
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The new Arab media: Technology, image and perception. Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 2011.
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ʻUwaynī, Muḥammad ʻAlī. al- Iʻlām al-Islāmī al-dawlī bayna al-naẓarīyah wa-al-taṭbīq: Dirāsah iʻlāmīyah dīnīyah siyāsīyah. 2nd ed. al-Qāhirah: ʻĀlam al-Kutub, 1987.
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ʻAwwād, ʻAlī. al- Diʻāyah wa-al-raʾy al-ʻāmm: Maḍmūn wa-namādhij min al-ḥab fī Lubnān wa-al-Khalīj : tajārub awlīyah. Bayrūt: Muʾassasat Nazīh Karakī, 1993.
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Arab mass media: Newspapers, radio, and television in Arab politics. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2004.
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Mass media, modernity, and development: Arab states of the Gulf. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1993.
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Ḥawwāt, Muḥammad ʻAlī. al- Iʻlām al-Ṣihyūnī wa-asālībuhu al-daʻāʾīyah. al-Qāhirah: Dār al-Āfāq al-ʻArabīyah, 2000.
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al- Iʻlām al-ṣihyūnī wa-al-falatān al-akhlāqī. Bayrūt: Dār al-Liwāʾ lil-Ṣiḥāfah wa-al-Nashr, 1999.
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Khoury, Nassim. al- Iʻlām al-Ṣihyūnī wa-al-falatān al-akhlāqī. Bayrūt: Dār al-Liwāʾ lil-Ṣiḥāfah wa-al-Nashr, 1999.
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ʻAbd, ʻĀṭif ʻAdlī. al-Marʼah al-ʻArabīyah wa-wasāʼil al-iʻlām. [Cairo]: Dār al-Fikr al-ʻArabī, 2008.
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Fawzīyah, ʻAlī, and ʻAbd Nuhá ʻĀṭif, eds. al-Marʼah al-ʻArabīyah wa-wasāʼil al-iʻlām. [Cairo]: Dār al-Fikr al-ʻArabī, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Mass media and propaganda – Arab countries"
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Faucher, Charlotte. "Introduction." In Propaganda, Gender, and Cultural Power, 1–20. British Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197267318.003.0001.
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In a period that witnessed the growth of mass media and related theories on how to influence public opinion, cultural diplomacy emerged as a specific model of communication that sought to appeal to particular social groups or a government. The introduction argues that there is value in lending agency to cultural initiatives in diplomacy, not only because it forces scholars to examine how cultural institutions and policies have affected government policy, but also because it shows that diplomats and civil society actors fought over the ways in which their countries were represented overseas. The book's transnational approach to cultural diplomacy allows us to capture this complex story of cooperation between non-state actors who crossed national boundaries. In addition, the transnational framework also allows us to consider the disruption of contacts and flow between countries, such as during the two world wars, when communication links as well as political relations between Britain and mainland Europe were renegotiated. The introduction then moves to a discussion about the gender of cultural diplomacy and the changing vocabulary of this policy domain. It ends with a discussion on European encounters and cosmopolitanism in late nineteenth and twentieth century Britain.