Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Marketing – Political aspects'

The concept of social media has grown rapidly in the last years. This can be attributed to the rate of adoption and the penetration of social media around the world. Currently, there is an estimate of over two billion people that are actively using social media. The increased usage of social media has changed the way people interact and communicate. Literature suggests that Internet-enabled social networks (relationship between or among individuals and groups) are developing faster than offline relationships. Previous studies have linked social media to the social network theories that define social relationships based on the actors, the ties that exist and the flow of resources among them. This is made possible by social networking sites and other Internet enabled services that allow friends to meet, connect and interact. Social media allow for individuals, groups or organisations to build their social network of friends and followers. It also facilitates the formation of communities with common interest. Social media facilitate the creation and exchange of content such as text messages, images, audio and video formats among individuals or communities that share a common interest or belong to the same social network. Social capital theorists suggest that the ties that exist in social interaction like on social media have the ability to create benefit for the actors in the networks. This provides the foundation to study the benefits that individuals and organisations can obtain from social media. The opportunity to target and communicate directly with the target market and potential customer qualifies social media as a valuable marketing tool and an important component of the integrated marketing communication. As a marketing communication tool, social media introduces a completely new paradigm into marketing communications. Therefore marketing professionals and academics are continuously seeking how to take advantage of social media for different industries. In the field of politics, the use of marketing concepts to engage voters and drive collective participation in political processes has become critical due to stiff competition. The use of social media for political campaigning and engagement could be beneficial, but politicians and political organisations are not taking full advantage of the concept. Previous studies show that organisations are aware of the opportunities that social media could provide for their organisations. However, they are reluctant because they are faced with the problems of lack of information on how to implement social media for business purposes. This treatise investigates the approach and critical success factors for the use of social media for political campaigning and engagement. To evaluate the conceptual framework that was suggested by this study based on the literature review and case studies, an empirical study was conducted among the members of the Democratic Alliance in the Eastern Cape. A survey was conducted among the members of the Democratic Alliance in the Eastern Cape using a questionnaire and 92 responses were received. The questionnaire measured the respondents’ social media usage, level of political engagement, perception on the use of social media for political engagement and the level of political activities on social media. Also, hypotheses were tested to examine the assumption that there might be an association between the respondents’ gender, population group and level of political activities on social media. The findings of this study indicate that a structured approach, a strong emphasis of engaging followers socially and micro-targeting are critical to effective implementation of social media for political campaigning and engagement. Other factors include the direct involvement of leadership, listening and encouragement of user generated contents. This study concludes that political organisations can use social media to establish multi-levelled social networks that provide access to their target audience and also reach potential audience through their friends. This social connectedness can then be translated into political social capital for campaign and engagement purposes.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 222-235) Develops a coherent theoretical framework to analyse the formulation of grain procurement policy for the entire history of the PRC. An optimization model is constructed to capture Chinese policy makers' preferences regarding the competing objectives of sectoral income distribition and food security, as well as the factors governing the trade-off between thes two objectives and the choice of policy instruments. Also analyses the impacts of China's accession to WTO on its grain sector. To explain the numerous failures of China's grain policy, studies the problems arising from policy formulation and implementation.

How a country is perceived by foreign investors is becoming increasingly significant to the ability of individual countries to attract foreign direct investment into their economies. In Africa, existing negative perceptions of the continent as an investment destination have been considered as an obstacle for foreign direct investment inflows to the continent in general. Although Zimbabwe offers foreign investors multiple lucrative investment opportunities, attracting foreign direct investment to the country presents a unique challenge due to the image of the country post the 1998-2008 economic crisis. Despite the vast research on the determinants of foreign direct inflows to particular countries, little is known about whether non-financial image-related factors influence the inflow of foreign direct investment to a particular country, especially a country with a unfavourable global image like Zimbabwe. The primary objective of this study was therefore to determine the perceived non-financial nation brand image factors considered to be influential for attracting specific foreign direct investment inflow opportunities in Zimbabwe. A comprehensive literature review resulted in the identification of nine independent variables (tourism, governance, people, culture and heritage, exports, investment and immigration, factor endowments, infrastructure, and legal and regulation frameworks), as well as four dependent variables (market-, resource-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking foreign direct investment inflow opportunities in Zimbabwe). A hypothesised model was developed in order to examine whether the independent variables have an influence on the dependent variables, and as a result nine hypotheses were formulated to test the relationships between the nine independent variables and each of the four dependent variables. A cross-sectional, quantitative deductive approach to research was employed in order to generate the data required for hypothesis testing. Purposive sampling techniques were employed to draw the sample frame for the study. A self-administered online survey was conducted, and generated empirical data from a final sample comprised of 305 investors who had applied to invest in Zimbabwe through the Zimbabwe Investment Authority between January 2009 and April 2015. Data was analysed using STATISTICA 12 software. Exploratory factor analysis was utilised to extract the constructs and validate the measuring instrument. Cronbach’s alpha coefficients were calculated in order to test the reliability and internal consistency of the measuring instrument. As a result, a total of six valid and reliable independent variables, and four dependent variables were retained for further analysis. The results of the Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients revealed mostly moderate correlations. The Multi-Collinearity diagnostics test confirmed the absence of collinearity between the independent variables and dependent variables respectively. Subsequently, the results of the four sets of multiple regression analyses, disclosed thirteen statistically significant relationships between the six independent variables and the four categorical dependent variables. Tourism had significant relationships with market-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Government actions had significant relationships with resource- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. People had significant relationships with resource- and efficiency- seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Export had significant relationships with market-, resource-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Regulatory framework had significant relationships with market- and resource-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. The results of the Analysis of Variance revealed that investor status can be used to predict which non-financial nation brand image determinants played a role in the ultimate decision for taking up foreign direct investment opportunities in Zimbabwe. Further analysis of the role that the demographic profiles of the investors played in predicting which non-financial nation brand image determinants are considered influential in taking up foreign direct investment opportunities in Zimbabwe was confirmed in the Multivariate Analysis of Variance with thirty-four statically significant relationships identified. Further analysis by means of post-hoc Scheffé testing and Cohen’s d-values calculations confirm that thirty-nine practically significant mean differences were evident. This study makes a novel contribution to the empirical body of nation branding, foreign direct investment and investment promotion research by developing and testing a hypothetical model that synthesises facets of the three fields of study. This study represents a new discourse in the identification of the determinants of FDI (that being non-financial determinants) and provides an explanatory framework for the non-financial nation brand image determinants influencing each type of FDI inflow opportunity sought in Zimbabwe. It is within this framework that recommendations, based on empirical evidence, are made for the Government of Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe Investment Authority. Some of these recommendations could be implemented within the short-term, while others may be more strategic in the long term. Recommendations made include that the Government of Zimbabwe undertakes significant policy reviews, continues its engagement with key external stakeholders such as other governments, supra-national financial institutions, and foreign investors, as well as adhering to existing favourable FDI policies. It is also recommended that the Zimbabwe Investment Authority adopt an intermediary role, by linking the Government of Zimbabwe with potential foreign investors through investor targeting, as well as promoting Zimbabwe as an investment destination by engaging in image-building activities such as public diplomacy, investor relations, specialised advertising and hosting investor forums with multiple, distinct investor segments. These image-building activities should be centered on the non-financial nation brand image determinants that foreign investors consider to be influential to foreign direct investment in Zimbabwe, and should be geared towards improving and managing the perceived image of Zimbabwe as an investment destination.

This thesis explores the political use of branding in international relations by focusing on the branding exercises of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the State of Qatar over the last two decades. In most of the existing literature, branding is theorised as a representational and instrumental practice that is strategically used to increase a country's competitive edge. Adopting a critical constructivist lens to the study of International Relations (IR), this thesis challenges this reading and argues instead that branding is a productive and inherently political practice that (re)produces dominant interpretations of state-identity rather than merely describing them. Based on the core constructivist claim that much of politics revolves around the competition to give meaning to the world, this thesis argues that the version of the state promoted through branding is neither neutral nor brand new, but inherently politicised and tied to the conversation and legitimation of the incumbent political regime. Inspired by the ongoing practice turn in IR, the starting point for the analysis is a focus on the display of the state through a range of everyday practices long ignored by IR scholars. In particular, it focuses on how the political leadership in both Kazakhstan and Qatar has used the urban development of their capital cities, the hosting of international sports events, and the construction of 'world-class' universities to present new ideas about their state to various inter/national audiences. Using an original data corpus of multimodal primary and secondary material, the analysis traces how branding practices produce and normalise a certain interpretation of Kazakhstani and Qatari statehood, and then interrogates how we can understand this interpretation as politicised and tied to the interests of the regime. The goal of the analysis is twofold. First, this thesis aims to elucidate how relevant instances of state- branding unfold and travel across different empirical contexts (Kazakhstan and Qatar) and cases (urban development, sports and education). Second, it aims to push current scholarly understandings by (re)conceptualising branding as a genre of contemporary identity politics, and produce broader insights about the characteristics and mechanisms of this increasingly normalised - yet often as politically non-salient dismissed - practice of international relations.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study attempts to determine if South Africa was actively attempting to boost its soft power or symbolic power during the country’s bid to host the Fifa 2010 World Cup. Preceding works dealing with mega-events identified a number of potential benefits to the hosting nation. Some of these benefits include opportunities for development (sport and socio-economic), nation building, urban regeneration, and marketing. Previous works have focused a great deal on economic and nation building aspects of mega-events. The marketing possibility for a host to develop as a tourist destination has also enjoyed some focus. There also exists a large amount of literature dealing with power – its nature, resources and types. There is for instance structural and relational power while, in the traditional sense, wealth and military might may be seen as power resources. However, the importance and maintenance of soft power – or symbolic or co-optive power, as defined in this study – has been greatly overshadowed by the traditional ideas of power and as a result, neglected by International Relations scholars. This study links the marketing potential of mega-events with the deployment of soft power. The case study specifically deals with South Africa’s World Cup bid as a marketing forum for enhancing the country’s soft power. For such an analysis it is necessary to investigate South Africa’s diplomatic status, global position, relationship with the North and South, and power resources. The importance of soft power being essential to South Africa’s specific situation, global position and future, is also investigated. Using the bid for the 2010 World Cup, this study concludes that South Africa was indeed projecting specifically chosen images of the country with the intention of enhancing the country’s soft power. It is furthermore argued that these images are both a reflection and in support of South Africa’s foreign policy and emerging middle power position.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie poog om vas te stel of Suid Afrika doelgerig probeer het om die land se sagte mag te versterk tydens die Fifa 2010 Wêreldbekerbod. Vorige studies oor grootskaalse gebeurtenisse meen dat dit sekere potensieële voordele inhou vir die gasheer. Dit sluit in geleenthede vir ontwikkeling (sport en sosio-ekonomies), nasiebou, en stedelike herlewing en bemarking. Vorige werke het ook meerendeels gefokus op die ekonomiese en nasie-bou aspekte van grootskaalse gebeurtenisse. Die bemarkingsvoordele wat dit inhou vir die gasheer se toerismebedryf is ook gereeld vehandel. Daar bestaan ook vele geskrewe werke oor mag. Verskillende bronne van mag is ondermeer ‘n gewilde onderwerp. Daar is byvoorbeeld strukturele mag en verhoudings mag. Tradisioneel word militêre en ekonomiese vermoëns gesien as bronne van mag. Die belangrikheid van sagte mag of simboliese mag, soos dit in hierdie studie gedefinieër word, is egter tot ‘n groot mate oorskadu deur traditionele idees van mag. Daardeur het Internasionale Betrekkinge akademici dit ook tot ‘n mate afgeskeep. Hierdie studie illustreer die bemarkingspotentiaal wat grootskaalse gebeurtenisse inhou vir sagte mag. Die gevallestudie handel spesifiek oor Suid Afrika se 2010 bod as ‘n potentieële bemarkingsforum vir die bevordering van die land se sagte mag. Die analise het vereis dat Suid Afrika se diplomatieke status, globale posisie, verhouding met die Noorde en Suide, en bronne van mag behandel word. Die belangrikheid van sagte mag vir Suid Afrika se toekoms word ook aangespreek. Die gevolgtrekking is dat Suid Afrika wel gepoog het om sekere gekose beelde na die buiteland te projekteer. Die spesifieke doel met die beelde was om die land se sagte mag uit te brei. ‘n Verdere bevinding is dat die beelde gelyktydig Suid Afrika se buitelandse beleid en ontluikende middel magsposisie gereflekteer het.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This body of work is a post modern analysis of how the shift from mass to me media influences the role and structure of the media. Was McLuhan right, is the medium increasingly the message? Or is the post-modern media a totally different animal, a manifestation of popular culture and marketing rather than the socially responsible institution responsible for safeguarding democracy that it was envisioned to be by the American founding fathers? The underlying theme is the convergence of media and marketing and the resulting conglomeration and technological dependency forced on the reader and the writer. Who are the new mediators and how do they manage the media? In the mediatrix, the readers become media managers and the writers become surfers. The analysis begins with an examination of the contrast between real and virtual communities and how the media bridges this information gap. How does reporting in virtuality reflect reality? The body of the study has three parts, the shift from mass to me media, the alternative media spheres it has engendered and the controlling forces behind this transition. Throughout the study, mass media and me media are contrasted. The study ends with a look at the impact of technology .andpopular culture on the South African media and how the media will click through the future. Will the deeply entrenched communal values of ubuntu stave off the individualisation cocooning brings? That is, will the I before we focus of personalised media nurture the South African democracy or will itfoster mediocracy?
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die volgende tesis is n omskrywing van hoe die beweging van die massa-media na die ek-media die rol en die struktuur van die media beinvloed. Was McLuhan korrek, is die medium dikwels doe boodskap? Of is die post-moderne media n totale ander gedierte? n Manifestasie van die populere kultuur en bemarking, eerder as die sosiale verantwoordelike instituut verantwoordelik vir die behoud van demokrasie soos dit gevisualiseer is deur die Amerikaanse voorvaders? Die onderliggende tema is die bymekaarvoeging van media en bemarking en die konglomerasie en tegnologiese verantwoordelikheid geplaas op die leser en skrywer. Wie is die nuwe tussengangers en hoe bestuur hulle die media? In die "mediatrix" word die leser die media bestuurder en die skrywer word die net-sweefer. Die analise begin met die ondersoek na die kontras ussen egte en virtuele gemeenskappe en hoe die media hierdie informasie gaping oorbrug. Hoe word realiteit beinvloed deur rapportering in virtualiteit? Die liggam van die studie bestaan uit drie dele - die skuifvan massa-media na ek-media, die alternatiewe media sfere wat dit vorm, en, die beheerende invloede agter die transformasie. Reg deur die studie word die massa -media en die ek-media gekontrasteer. Die studie eindig met n opsomming van die impak wat tegnologie en populere kultuur op die SA mark het en hoe die media sal saamstem in die toekoms. Sal die diepere gelee gemeenskapswaardes van ubuntu die individualisme wat "cocooning" meebring afskiet. Sal die ek voor die ons van verpersoonlikte media die SA demokrasie aanhelp of medioker maak.
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This research is premised on the understanding that alternative forms of media emerge to deal with specific ideological projects and, as such, must be seen as satisfying a specific need at a specific point in time. Using the case of a weekly newspaper, The Southern Star which was in circulation from January 2012 to June 2012, this study sought to understand the factors that led to the establishment of the newspaper, what it sought to achieve, how it went about putting that into practice, its message in relation to debates emanating from the ‘Matabeleland Question’ and also the factors that led to the its collapse. In order to address my research questions, I adopted a two stage research design qualitative content analysis and semi structured in depth interviews. In locating the study within the qualitative epistemic understanding of research, it was clear from the qualitative content analysis of 13 editions of the publication and in depth interviews held with 15 respondents that the newspaper was set up with the aim of serving a marginalised section of the population (in this instance the Ndebele) by providing them with a platform to articulate issues affecting them. It also sought to ‘speak’ the ‘unspoken’ within the mainstream media by focusing on Matabeleland identity politics. It achieved this by creating content around the Gukurahundi genocide, Matabeleland development, Matabeleland history and Matabeleland heroes. The newspaper also sought to emancipate the people from the South by advocated for social, cultural, economic and political justice as a resolution to the ‘Matabeleland Question’. However, the newspaper failed to sustain operations due to lack of advertising revenue. As a result of the constraining political environment in which the newspaper operated, potential advertisers were afraid of placing advertisements in the newspaper because of the nature of the content produced, which in view of Zimbabwe’s rival ethnic history, could easily be labelled ethnically divisive. Also, being a new player in the market worked to their disadvantage as prospective advertisers opted to place their adverts in “tried and tested” publications (Zimpapers and Alpha Media Holdings). Additionally, because of poor management, roles were not clearly defined and hence the newspaper failed to operate as a business enterprise. As noted during interviews with junior reporters, there was little or no experience at management level. The paper lacked a coordinated circulation strategy and from inception, was never officially launched, which resulted in the failure to reach significant audiences.

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In October 1999 South Africa and the European Union (EU) signed a free trade agreement, the Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA), which came into effect on 1 January 2000. The TDCA was developed to enhance bilateral trade, economic-, political- and social cooperation and consists of three components - the creation of a Free Trade Area between South-Africa and the EU, EU financial aid to South Africa through the European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD), and project aid. However, the EU, in an effort to secure the best possible deal for itself, often behave in its own interests (through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement) during the negotiations for the TDCA. The goal of this study was to establish what exactly trademarks are, and what implications the EU's protection of intellectual property rights on wine and spirits trademarks will have on i) the South African wine industry, ii) whether South Africa could have exercised another option, iii) whether this action has created a precedent with which the EU can, in future, again force South Africa or any of its other developing trade partners to make concessions, and iv) who gains the most from the TDCA. The concludes that the EU, through the manipulation of the Wine and Spirits Agreement, left South Africa with no choice by to concede the use of the contested trademarks - something that has already taken its toll on the South African wine industry - in order to save the TDCA. This action created a precedent that the EU will, in future, again be in a position to threaten developing countries with the termination of an agreement should they fail to comply with its demands. Finally, the conclusion is made that even though the TDCA was created to assist South Africa with its reintegration into the world market, it will ultimately be the EU that benefits most from the agreement.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika en die Europese Unie (EU) het in Oktober 1999 In vryehandelsooreenkoms, die Trade Development and Co-operation Agreement (TDCA) onderteken, wat op 1 Januarie 2000 in werking getree het. Die TDCA is ontwerp om bilaterale handel-, ekonomiese-, politieke- en sosiale samewerking te bevorder en bestaan uit drie komponente, naamlik die skep van 'n vryehandelgebied tussen die EU en Suid-Afrika; finansiele steun deur die EU aan Suid-Afrika onder die European Programme for Reconstruction and Development (EPRD) en projekhulp. Die EU het egter dikwels in eiebelang opgetree (deur middel van die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms) tydens die onderhandelingsproses in 'n poging om die beste moontlike ooreenkoms vir homself te beding. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te bepaal wat presies handelsmerke is, en watter implikasies die EU se beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte aangaande wyn- en spiritushandelsmerke op i) die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf sal he, ii) of Suid-Afrika 'n ander opsie kon uitoefen, iii) of hierdie aksie In presedent geskep het waarmee die EU Suid-Afrika of enige van sy ander ontwikkelende handelsvennote in die toekoms weer sal kan dwing om toegewings te maak, en iv) wie die meeste baat vind by die TDCA. Die studie het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die EU deur die manipulasie van die Wyn- en Spiritus Ooreenkoms aan Suid-Afrika geen keuse gegee het nie as om die gebruik van die betwiste handelsmerke op te se - iets wat reeds die Suid-Afrikaanse wynbedryf geknou het - in 'n poging om die TDCA te behou. Hierdie optrede skep 'n presedent dat die EU voortaan in onderhandelings met ander ontwikkelende state weer kan dreig om die hele ooreenkoms te verongeluk indien daar nie aan sy eise voldoen word nie. In die laaste instansie is daar tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat, alhoewel die TDCA daarop gemik was om Suid-Afrika te help met sy herintegrasie tot die wereldmark, dit uiteindelik die EU is wat die meeste daarby gaan baat.

Svarbūs socialinės ir farmacijos politikos uždaviniai yra aprūpinimas vaistais ir vaistų išlaidų kompensavimo sistemos vystymas. Šioje srityje susiduriama su problemomis, būdingomis visuomenėms, stokojančioms resursų, ekonominio ir politinio stabilumo. Visuomeninio sveikatos priežiūros finansavimo apimties problemos aktualios ir ekonomiškai pajėgiausių valstybių viešajai politikai. Senstant populiacijai, kyla sveikatos paslaugų poreikis, siekiama naujų efektyvesnių preparatų įdiegimo. Tai skatina vaistų išlaidų augimą šalyse. Valstybių vyriausybės bando reguliuoti farmacijos rinką. Jos turi subalansuoti besiskiriančius tikslus. Pirma, vyriausybės turi užtikrinti sveikatos politikos tikslus: saugoti visuomenės sveikatą; užtikrinti pacientų priėjimą prie saugių ir efektyvių vaistų; gerinti priežiūros kokybę; ir užtikrinti, kad išlaidos farmacijai netaps pernelyg didelės, kad pakenktų šiems vyriausybiniams tikslams. Taigi teisingumas ir efektyvumas (t.y. ribotų resursų geriausias panaudojimas norint padidinti visuomenės sveikatą) ir pacientų reikmių patenkinimas, yra svarbiausi tikslai. Vienas iš vyriausybės vaidmenų farmacijos politikoje yra pasirūpinti finansavimu ir sistema, kuri sudarytų sąlygas priežiūros kokybei. Nacionalinė vaistų politika – tai valstybės institucijų priemonės ir veiksmai siekiant užtikrinti galimybę įsigyti Lietuvoje kainos ir teritoriniu požiūriu prieinamų, tinkamos kokybės, veiksmingų bei saugių vaistų ir gauti tinkamos kokybės farmacines... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
Important tasks of social and pharmacy politics are the supply of pharmaceuticals and developing system of reimbursement of costs on pharmaceuticals. There are problems with societies, which lack for resources, economical and political stability. Problems with financing health care are also important to economically strong countries. Because of population ageing, requirements of health care services grow and the object is implementation of new, more effective preparations. This also promotes growing of costs on pharmaceuticals. Governments try to regulate few markets as much as they do the pharmaceutical market. They have to balance contrasting objectives. First, governments must secure health policy objectives: protecting public health, guaranteeing patient access to safe and effective medicines, improving the quality of care and ensuring that pharmaceutical expenditure does not become excessive so as to undermine these and other government objectives. Equity and efficiency (i.e. making best use of limited resources to increase population health) and meeting patient need are, therefore, perhaps the prime objectives. One of the roles of government in pharmaceutical policy is to provide the funding and framework that allows that quality of care. National policy of pharmaceuticals involves means and acts of state institutions pursuing to ensure possibility to procure drugs, which are cost and territorially available, effective and secure, and also involves possibility to get... [to full text]

Disertacijoje nagrinėjama aktuali lyčių aspekto poveikio ekonominei politikai vertinimo problema. Europos Sąjungoje lyčių lygybė pripažįstama viena iš pamatinių vertybių, o realus jos principų įgyvendinimas praktikoje bei suvokimas visuomenėje atspindi šalies pažangą ir išsivystymo lygį. Šio darbo tyrimo objektas – lyčių aspekto poveikis ekonominei politikai. Tyrimo tikslas – išanalizavus mokslinius požiūrius į lyčių lygybę ir lyčių aspekto integravimo strategiją, parengti lyčių aspekto poveikio vertinimo ekonominei politikai metodologiją, konceptualinį modelį, įvertinti lyčių aspekto poveikį makro ir mikroekonomikos lygiu bei pateikti rekomendacijas valstybinėms institucijoms įgyvendinant lyčių lygybės politiką. Disertacijoje atlikta kritinė lyčių lygybės teorijų ir strateginių lyčių lygybę įtvirtinančių dokumentų analizė bei įvertintos juose skelbiamos nuostatos, suformuota lyčių aspekto ekonominėje politikoje koncepcija, pasiūlyta lyčių lygybės tyrimo metodologija makro ir mikroekonominiu lygiu, sukurtas lyčių aspekto poveikio vertinimo ekonominei politikai konceptualinis modelis; pateiktas moterų rūpybos ekomikos indėlio į BVP įvertinimas; atlikta BVP, LR nacionalinio biudžeto ir užsienio prekybos analizė lyčių aspektu, lyčių padėties Lietuvos ir ES darbo rinkoje lyginamoji analizė bei pateiktas Lietuvos moterų verslo modelis.
The dissertation examines the topical issue of assessment of the impact of the gender aspect on economic policy. In the European Union, gender equality is recognised as one of the fundamental values, while the implementation of its principles in practice and the awareness of such principles in society reflect a country’s progress and level of development. The object of research of the dissertation is the impact of the gender aspect on economic policy. The aim of research is, upon analysing scientific approaches to gender equality and gender mainstreaming, to develop a methodology for assessment of the impact of the gender aspect on economic policy and a conceptual model, to assess the impact of the gender aspect at the macro- and micro-economic levels and to provide recommendations to authorities as regards the implementation of gender equality policy. The dissertation carries out a critical analysis of theories of gender equality and strategic documents stipulating gender equality and evaluates their provisions, formulates the concept of the gender aspect in economic policy, proposes a methodology of gender research equality at the macro- and micro-economic levels, develops a conceptual model of assessment of the impact of the gender aspect on economic policy; presents an assessment of the contribution of women’s care economy to GDP; carries out a gender analysis of GDP, the national budget of the Republic of Lithuania and foreign trade, a comparative analysis of the gender... [to full text]

SILVA, Fernando Wisse Oliveira. Personalização da representação política: um estudo sobre as estratégias de comunicação dos deputados Marco Feliciano e Jean Wyllys no twitter. 2015. 283f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Comunicação Social, Fortaleza (CE), 2015.
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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo discutir a personalização da política por parte dos representantes ao longo do mandato. Analisa-se como a utilização de media digitais tem participação nesse fenômeno. Explora-se como agentes do campo acabam se apropriando dessas redes digitais para aumentar sua visibilidade, através da promoção da própria imagem, a fim de influenciar favoravelmente a opinião pública. Esses meios são frequentemente encarados com o potencial de aproximar a política dos cidadãos, aumentando o engajamento da esfera civil. Examinando os perfis pessoais de dois deputados federais no Twitter – Marco Feliciano (PSC-SP) e Jean Wyllys (PSOL-RJ) –, busca-se estudar o uso ―personalizado‖ dos media digitais por estes agentes políticos. Para isso, foram coletados e estudados os tweets publicados nos meses de setembro, outubro e novembro de 2013, a fim de contemplar os perfis dos dois parlamentares de maneira mais contínua, sem se restringir a um acontecimento específico, enfatizando-se os perfis dos diálogos travados entre os parlamentares e os usuários. Para classificação dos tweets, utilizou-se análise de conteúdo das mensagens na tentativa de dimensionar a gestão de imagem dos deputados a partir do que foi publicado em seus perfis. A análise das mensagens revelou uma composição de uma imagem pública de dois deputados bastante integrados com as novas tecnologias e que, pelo menos na aparência, estão dispostos a manter um diálogo direto com os cidadãos. Ao gerenciarem suas imagens públicas, têm-se principalmente os deputados falando sobre as posições detidas e realizações pessoais, ligando, por vezes, a várias remodelações e compromissos que ocorrem no seu cotidiano. Portanto, trata-se de uma informação pessoal, mas de natureza profissional e não oferece a seus seguidores um senso do processo político interno para a tomada de certas decisões. Porém, é inegável que a utilização de ferramentas digitais aproxima representantes e representados e, por consequência, também aproxima o discurso político da sociedade, ainda que as trocas sejam limitadas.

Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Society, Culture, Media and Philosophy, Department of International Communication, 2009.
Bibliography: p. 431-447.
Introduction -- Literature review -- Methodology -- The development and the actual situation of television industry in China -- Commercial television in the U.S. and public television in the U.K. -- Results and discussion -- Conclusions and recommendations -- Bibliography.
Over the past five decades, China's television industry has gone through various historical periods, which have seen marked changes in China's political and economic spheres, indeed in Chinese society overall. Over the last thirty years, since the reform and opening up of China in 1978, transformation of the original television systems, structure and industrial market chain has been attempted concomitant with the gradual relaxation of the restrictions applicable to China's television industry. Within these circumstances, the Chinese government, media practitioners, and scholars are actively exploring long-term, feasible and sustainable approaches to the further development of the television industry in China. The research examines China's approaches to the development of its television industry, using McQuail's political, economic and social framework, the relevant political economy traditions involving the neoclassic paradigm and the heterodox approach, and the principles of media economics and the 'market chain' theory of the television industry. This thesis first presents a concise review of how television developed in China: it then seeks to map perceived changes and to ascertain the problems throughout the process. Research methods employed are secondary data analysis, in-depth interview and focus group. Chinese scholars, officials and media practitioners are the participants of interviews and focus groups. The discussion draws on previous analyses and discussions, to assess the overall picture of television industrialisation reformation in China, additionally drawing on discourses surrounding commercial television in the United States and public television in the United Kingdom for valuable reference material that will support China's television development. The significance of this research lies in its providing an insight into China's television reformation and adding, to the field of communication and development, the Chinese experience. The research expects to propose a television development pathway with Chinese characteristics, drawing on Chinese as well as Western theories.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xix, 461 p. ill

Lorsque nous parlons de relations internationales, nous parlons généralement de diplomatie et d'investissement, Le sport peut être utilisé comme outil pour améliorer la diplomatie entre les pays, ainsi que pour développer les intérêts économiques et sociaux. De plus, le sport occupe une place importante dans le repositionnement de l'image d'une nation, tout en améliorant le processus d'intégration des jeunes générations dans le monde. L'un des principaux intérêts, du point de vue du gouvernement, est de créer un lien affectif positif avec la nation hôte de l’évènement sportif. Ce qu'on appelle le soft power. Le but de ce travail est d'explorer certaines des façons dont le sport est utilisé pour générer ce pouvoir, et comment il peut contribuer à générer du contrôle ou à provoquer de l'influence, en se concentrant sur l'État du Qatar. Ce travail est séparé en trois parties principales. Je présente d'abord le développement du sport et la manière dont les événements sportifs ont été utilisés par différents pays et régimes politiques, ainsi que l'impact généré. Deuxièmement, j'essaie de comprendre l'impact généré par l'investissement du Qatar dans l'équipe de football française du Paris Saint-Germain. Et troisièmement, en mesurant l'impact socio-psychologique généré par la jeune génération en organisant des événements sportifs internationaux, le cas du championnat du monde de handball 2015. Ce travail vise à clarifier comment un tel investissement est perçu comme une opportunité de développement au sein de la société, et d'améliorer la diplomatie. En se concentrant sur l'évolution dont le sport est utilisé comme un outil important dans le processus de socialisation des jeunes dans la société mondiale. Sur la base de mes recherches, le résultat de l'investissement dans le Paris Saint-Germain était une situation «gagnant-gagnant» entre la France et le Qatar sur le plan social, économique et politique. De plus, l'utilisation des événements sportifs a eu un impact émotionnel positif, faisant admirer aux résidents la vision du gouvernement. La jeune génération, quelle que soit sa nationalité, a une vision positive des efforts du gouvernement pour s'améliorer et se développer. La vision du gouvernement du Qatar était saillante pour la jeune génération au Qatar
When we mention international relations, we generally talk about diplomacy and investment, but there are other ways of promoting the interests of a government on the international stage. Sport can be used as tool to improve diplomacy between countries, as well as developing economic and social interests. Additionally, sport takes an important place in shaping the image of a nation, while it improves the integration process of young generations into the world. One of the main interests, from a government perspective, in the use of sport, is to generate a positive emotional connection to a host nation - what is known as soft power. The aim of this work is to explore some of the ways in which sport is used to generate this power, and how it can provide a type of control or influence. Specifically, it will focus on the State of Qatar. This work is separated to three main parts. First I present the development of sport and the way sport events were used by different countries and political regimes, and the impact generated. Second, I try to understand the impact generated from Qatar investment in the French football team Paris Saint-Germain. And third, I measured the socio-psychological impact generated on the young generation from hosting international sport events, as in the case of the Handball World championship 2015.This work sets to clarify how allowing such investment is perceived as an opportunity for development within the society, and to improve diplomacy. Additionally, focussing on the young generation allows me to study the evolution of how sport is an important tool in the process of socialization of young people into global society. Based on my research, I argue that the result of the Paris Saint-Germain investment was a "win-win" situation between France and Qatar on the social, economic, and political level. Also, using sport events generated positive emotional impact, making the residents admire the vision of the government. The young generation, regardless nationality has a positive view of government efforts to improve and develop itself - the Qatari government's vision was salient to the young generation in Qatar

La campagne pour l’élection présidentielle de 2012 a été marquée par le rôle majeur joué par Internet pour s’informer, débattre en ligne, mobiliser ou organiser l’action militante sur le terrain. Ce recours au numérique invite à questionner, sous un nouveau jour, des thématiques centrales de l’étude des partis politiques et à contribuer ainsi au débat sur les transformations partisanes, au niveau de l’organisation, mais aussi des acteurs qui s’y insèrent et l’utilisent. Cette étude comparative interroge les processus de recrutement des membres des équipes de campagne, les relations entre médias et professionnels de la communication politique, ainsi que les évolutions du militantisme
The 2012 French presidential campaign was marked by the Internet's prominent role in providing information, debating on-line, mobilizing, and organizing activists in the field. This turn to digital tools allows for a reexamination of central themes in the study of political parties, thereby contributing to the debate on party transformations in terms of organization as well as actors who get involved and use the tools. This comparative study examines the recruitment of campaign team members, relations between the media and political communications professionals, as well as changes in political activism

Defence date: 7 July 1989
Examining board: Prof. Hans-Jürgen Weiß, Göttingen (supervisor) ; Prof. Brian Farrell, University College, Dublin ; Prof. Nicolas Diez, University of Madrid ; Dr. Ferdinand Müller-Rommel, Hochschule Lünberg, Germany
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

W niniejszej pracy przyjęto, że kod komunikacyjny płcijest narzędziem marketingu politycznego. Służy przekazaniu treści mających na celu pozyskanie poparcia wyborców. Polega na uwypukleniu tych spośród zachowań autoprezentacyjnych polityków, których podłożem są role społeczne związane z płcią. Zgodnie z tą definicjązałożono, że kod komunikacyjny męskości zawarty jest w zachowaniachpolityków, które nawiązują do ról społecznych związanych z męskością. Za pośrednictwem kodu przekazywane są treści społeczno-kulturowe i polityczne, których celemjest propagowanie danych poglądów, wywoływanie określonych wrażeń, a w efekcie kreowanie wizerunku osób publicznych i ich promowanie. Przeprowadzona w niniejszej pracy analiza jest porównaniem wybranych artykułów na temat przedwyborczych zachowań polityków, które ukazały się w prasie polskiej i francuskiej. Wybór tych dwóch krajów uzasadniają zarówno zachodzące między nimi liczne podobieństwa, jak i różnice pozwalające na stworzenie płaszczyzny porównania. W oparciu o założenie, że kod komunikacyjny jest nośnikiem komunikatów zakodowanych, które wymagają odkodowania przez odbiorcę przyjęto, że jego istotą jest przekazywanie jednych treści za pośrednictwem drugich. Rozumiany w ten sposób kod komunikacyjny męskości może być przedmiotem badań analizy tekstowej culturalstudies. W badaniach tego typu zaznaczenia wymaga jednak to, że odczytanie jednego konkretnego sensu nie jest możliwe. W związku z tym przeprowadzana w niniejszej pracy analiza kodu komunikacyjnego męskościpolegała m.in. na próbie zrozumienia aspektu kulturowego danego przekazu, nie zaś na jego dosłownym tłumaczeniu. W pracy wyróżniono dwa typykodu komunikacyjnego płci – kod komunikacyjny męskości i kod komunikacyjny kobiecości. Obydwa kody zostały poddane analizie: kod męskości jako główny przedmiot badań, kod kobiecości jako kontekst pogłębiający to badanie. W toku przygotowań rozprawy zdecydowano przyjąć za główny cel badawczy zdefiniowanie kodu komunikacyjnego męskości, jego rozpoznanie w analizowanych tekstach, klasyfikację typów, ich opis i określenie funkcji, jakie pełnią w marketingu politycznym w Polsce i we Francji. Za cel poboczny pracy przyjęto analizę poszczególnych typów kodu komunikacyjnego męskości, którąprzeprowadzono w oparciu o role społeczne związane z płcią oraz współcześnie funkcjonujące przekonania na temat płci, w tym stereotypy. Ponadto podjęto próbę charakterystyki kodu komunikacyjnego kobiecości występującego we Francji poprzez (analogicznie jak w przypadku kodu komunikacyjnego męskości) jego rozpoznanie w analizowanych tekstach, klasyfikację typów, ich opis i określenie funkcji, jakie pełnią w marketingu politycznym. Za hipotezę główną pracy przyjęto stwierdzenie, że kod komunikacyjny męskości jest narzędziem marketingu politycznego w Polsce i we Francji, które uwypukla u polityka męskie cechy charakteru i tym samym służy przekazaniu treści mających na celu pozyskanie poparcia wyborców. Podczas formułowania powyższego stwierdzenia, uszczegółowieniu przedmiotu badań posłużyły następujące hipotezy poboczne: kod komunikacyjny męskości ma wymiar społeczno-kulturowy, w związku z czym można go badać w oparciu o role społeczne związane z płcią, wśród których głównymi są rola ojca i męża oraz współcześnie funkcjonujące przekonania na temat płci, w tym stereotypy. Celem przeprowadzonego w rozprawie badania jest zdefiniowanie kodu komunikacyjnego męskości, a następnie stwierdzenie, czy i w jaki sposób jest stosowany jako narzędzie marketingu politycznego.
In this dissertationit was assumed that communication code of gender is a tool of political marketing. The aim is to convey the content in order to gain the support of voters. It highlights those from self-presentation behavior of politicians, which are based on gender roles. According to this definition, it was assumed that the communication code of masculinity is used in those behavior of politicians, which refer to the social roles associated with masculinity. The aim of this code there isto transmit socio-cultural and politicalcontent, and in effect to create the image of politicians and promote it. The analysis in thisdissertation is a comparison of selected articles on the pre-election political behavior, which were published in the Polish and French press. The choice of these two countries is justified by many similarities but also differences between them, which allow to create the dimension of comparison. Understood in this way, the communication code of masculinity can be the subject of text analysis of cultural studies. However in these type of studies,it is needed to highlight that it is not possible to talk about one oarticular sense. Consequently, this analysis of communication code of masculinity is attempt to understand of the cultural aspect of the message, rather than the literal translation. In this dissertation there were distinguished two types of communication code of gender –code of masculinity and code of femininity. Both codes have been analyzed: the code of masculinity as the main object of analysis, the code of femininity as a context for deepening the study. The main thesis is that the communication code of masculinity is a tool of political marketing. It is used for sending messages in order to gain the support of voters. The main objective of the research is to define the communication code of masculinity, its recognition in the analyzed texts, the classification of types, description and definition of the role which they play in political marketing in Poland and in France. The secondary objective is the analysis of different types of communication code of masculinity, which are based on social gender roles and contemporary beliefs about the functioning of gender, including stereotypes. In addition, the author tried tocharacterize also the communication code of femininityin France through (as in the case of communication code of masculinity) by diagnosis if it is present in analyzed texts, the classification of types, their description and definition of the role that they play in political marketing. The main hypothesis is a statement that the communication code of masculinityis a tool of political marketing in Poland and France, which highlights male character of politicians behavior in order to gain the support of voters. The other hypotheses which were used are: communication code of masculinity hasthe socio-cultural dimension and because of that it is possible to analyze it on the basis of social roles based on gender, belong which the main are the role of father and husband, and on contemporary beliefs about gender, including stereotypes.The main aim of the dissertation is to define the communication code of masculinity and then to verify if and how it is usedas a tool of political marketing.

Abstracts in English, Zulu and Afrikaans
This Grounded Theory study focused on understanding how South Africa’s two numerically-dominant political parties, the African National Congress (ANC) and Democratic Alliance (DA), used micro-blogging site, Twitter, as part of their electioneering arsenal in the 2016 municipal elections to promote party-political digital issue ownership within an urban context. Using each party’s 2016 election manifesto and corpus of tweets, this three-phased study found that while both the ANC and DA used Twitter as a digital political communication platform to communicate their election campaigns, the DA notably leveraged the social networking site for intense ‘focused’ messaging of its negative campaign against the ANC while simultaneously promoting positive electoral messages around its own ‘core’ issues and metro mayoral candidates. ‘Battleground’ metros were identified by the DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane and Nelson Mandela Bay, leading to an emphasised urban campaign here to either activate the party’s own support base and/ or to suppress the ANC’s turnout in these highly-contested areas. Additionally, it was found that both the ANC and DA used Twitter for explicit and implicit partypolitical issue ownership claiming in the 2016 municipal elections. Lastly, this study also culminated in the proposal of three but interconnected different elements of a conceptual framework for digital political communication that political parties could use to promote digital party-political issue ownership within a pronounced urban electioneering setting. These elements – ‘coordinating and managing how an election is tweeted’, 'focus' messaging the election’ and ‘audience-segmenting as a message-tailoring strategy’ – when used in unison can help political parties communicate better and ultimately more effectively in a highly mediatised technological media landscape
Hierdie Gegronde Teorie Studie fokus op die verduideliking hoe Suid-Afrika se twee numeriese dominante politieke partye, die African National Congress (ANC) en Demokratiese Alliansie (DA), van die mikro-blog platform, Twitter, gebruik gemaak het tydens hulle verkiessingsstrategie in die 2016 munisipale verkiessings om die party politieke digitale kwessie rondom eienaarskap binne ‘n stedelike verband te bevorder. Deur elke party se 2016 verkiessings manifesto en arsenaal van twiets te gebruik, het hierdie drie-fase studie bevind dat beide die ANC en DA, Twitter gebruik het as ‘n digitale politieke kommunikasie platform. Die DA het egter die sosiale media netwerk kenmerkend gebruik vir ‘n intense gefokusde negatiewe veldtog teen die ANC terwyl hulle terselfdertyd ‘n positiewe verkiessings boodskap rondom die party se eie kernkwessies en metro burgermeesters kandidate gesentreer het. ‘Oorlogsgebied’ metros is deur die DA in Ekurhuleni, Johannesburg, Tshwane en Nelson Mandela Bay geidentifiseer wat ‘n defnitiewe stedelike veldtog tot gevolg gehad het om die party se eie ondersteuningsbasis te bevorder en/of die ANC se ondersteuning in hierdie hoogs betwiste areas te onderdruk. Daar was ook bevind dat beide die ANC en DA van Twitter gebruik gemaak het vir eksplisiete en implisiete party politieke kwessies rondom eiernaarskap tydens die 2016 munisipale verkiessings. Hierdie studie kan saamgevat word in drie onderskeie maar verwante elemente om ‘n raamwerk te vorm van die digitale politieke kommunikasie wat politieke partye kan gebruik om digitale party politieke kwessies binne ‘n stedelike verkiessings omgewing te bevorder. Wanneer hierdie elemente – ‘koordinering en bestuur van hoe twiets tydens ‘n verkiesing gebruik word’, ‘’die focus van die boodksap tydens die verkiessing’ and ‘die gehoorsegmentasie can ‘n boodskap strategie’ – in ‘n eenheid gebruik word kan dit politieke partye help om beter en meer effektief te kommunikeer binne ‘n baie kompiterende en tegnologiese medialandskap.
Inkcazo-bungcali yesisifundo ibigxile ekuqondeni ukuba uMzantsi Africa lo unamaqela amakhulu amabini ezopolitiko, ukutsho, iAfrican National Congress (ANC) kunye ne Democratic Alliance (DA), la maqela asebenzise iwebhusayithi encinane uTwitter, njengenxalenye yezixhobo zonxibelelwano kunyulo loo masipala ngo-2016. Bekwenza oku ngelikhuthaza amaqela ezopolitiko nebango lawo kwimiba yezinto abathi bazithethe kwisithuba sedijithali,kumxholo wendawo zase dolophini. Esi sifundo sisebenzisa imanifesto kunye nothotho lwe tweets zeqela ngalinye, nesenziwe ngokwezigaba ezithathu, sifumanise ukuba nangona iANC kunye ne DA zisebenzise uTwitter njenge qonga lonxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali (ngokolwimi lwasemzini) ukunxibelelana namaphulo onyulo, iDA izibonakalise amandla kwindawo yokuncokola kwiqonga uTwitter,ngokuthi imiyalezo yayo igxile kwaye itsole. Miyalezo leyo ithe yagxila ngokungafanelekanga kumkhankaso weANC. Ngaxeshanye, imiyalezo yayo yona iDA ibeyeyakhayo, kwaye incedisana nephulo layo kwimiba ephambili kunye nabagqatswa bosodolophu bo masipala abambaxa. Oomasipala abambaxa abathi babenongquzulwano bachongwe yiDA Ekurhuleni, eRhawutini, eTshwane nase Bhayi. Lonto ibangele ukuba bagxininise ekukhokeleni iphulo ledolophu ukuze bavuselele inkxaso ye DA apho okanye bacinezele ukuvela kwe-ANC kwezi ndawo kuphikiswana kakhulu ngazo. Ukongeza, kufumaniseke ukuba iANC kunye neDA zisebenzise uTwitter ngokwendlela ecacileyo nengathanga ngqo kwimeko yobunini bemicimbi yepolitiki ukuze bafumane ibango kunyulo loomasipala lwango 2016. Okokugqibela, esisifundo sigqibele kwisindululo sezinto ezintathu azahlukeneyo kodwa ezidityaniswe yinkqubosikhokelo eqingqiweyo kunxibelelwano lwezopolitiko zedijithali. Ezi zinto zizinto ezisenakho ukusetyenziswa ngamaqela ezopolitiko ukukhuthaza ubunini bemicimbi yezopolitiko ngaphakathi kulungiselelo lonyulo lwedolophu olubhengeziweyo. Ezi zinto- 'ukulungelelanisa nokulawula indlela unyulo luthunyelwe ngayo kusetyeziswa uTwitter', 'kugxilwe' kwimiyalezo yonyulo kunye nokuhlukaniswa kwabaphulaphuli okanye ababukeli njengecebo lokulungisa umyalezo '- xa zisetyenziswa ngazwinye zinokuwanceda amaqela ezopolitiko anxibelelane ngcono kwaye ekugqibeleni ngokuyimpumelelo kakhulu kuxhamlo olunamandla kakhulu kubume beendaba kumhlaba wetekhnoloji (ngokolwimi lwesiNgesi).
Communication Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
The author employs Hoffman and Ford’s method for analyzing organizational rhetoric to examine the discourse of Google, Inc. Employing a hybrid method, built on rhetorical criticism which incorporates elements of organizational communication theory, the analysis examines identity rhetoric present in Google’s discourse regarding its operations in China. Using this approach, the author leverages the method to critically examine hegemonic aspects of the discourse in order to examine how Google constructs its Western consumer based audience regarding online privacy and free speech.