Academic literature on the topic 'Marine plants Victoria'

Seawater cooling systems are an essential feature of Hong Kong's large public, institutional, commercial and industrial complexes. Over 25 million cubic metres of seawater are used for cooling purpose everyday. Biofouling, scaling and corrosion are common operational problems encountered. These are generally combatted through the use of chemicals such as chlorine and other antifouling/anticorrosion chemicals which are toxic to marine organisms and potentially harmful to the environment. Due to the continuous daily discharge of large amounts of cooling seawater everyday, significant quantities of heat is dissipated and potentially toxic chemicals are released to the coastal environment. A comprehensive survey of the cooling water system operations in Hong Kong was commissioned by the Hong Kong Environmental Protection Department in 1996. The survey results indicate that some 93 major cooling water systems are currently operating in the territory, about 80% of which are located around Victoria Harbour. The majority of the cooling water systems are the once-through type, causing a temperature rise of 3–5°C above ambient at discharge points. Cooling water discharges from large power plants, on the other hand, may have a discharge temperature increase of 8–10°C above the ambient which is close to the upper thermal tolerance limit of most marine biota. Chlorine and amine-/surfactant-based biocides are the most commonly used antifouling/anticorrosion chemicals. An estimated 11,000 tonnes of chlorine are released into the marine environment of Hong Kong each year by the cooling systems. Chlorine and its reactive by-products are known to be toxic to marine life even at very low concentrations. Despite the large dilution capacity of seawater, chlorinated discharges may cause adverse ecological impacts, particularly in the vicinity of large cooling water outfalls. Sound management of Hong Kong's cooling systems is necessary to allow efficient use of seawater for cooling, while minimizing its adverse environmental impact. Such management practices include improved cooling system design, effective operation and maintenance for biofouling control. Overdosing of toxic chemicals should be avoided and there is a need to regularly monitor the effluents to ensure compliance with discharge standards.

Legal and non-legal developments in the carbon capture and storage (CCS) arena continue to gain momentum in Australia. On 22 November 2008 the Offshore Petroleum Amendment (Greenhouse Gas Storage) Act 2008 (Cth) (GGS Amendments) came into force. The GGS Amendments follow the amendment in February 2007 of the Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution by Dumping of Wastes and Other Matter 1972 and 1996 Protocol Thereto (London Protocol) which allows the storage of carbon dioxide under the seabed. The GGS Amendments amend the Offshore Petroleum Act 2006 (Cth) (OPA), which has now been renamed the Offshore Petroleum and Greenhouse Gas Storage Act 2006 (Cth) (Act), to establish a system of offshore titles that authorises the transportation, injection and storage of greenhouse gas (GHG) substances in geological formations under the seabed and manage the inevitable interaction with the offshore petroleum industry. In addition, the States of Queensland and Victoria have now enacted onshore CCS legislation. In September 2008, the Federal Government announced $100 million in funding for an Australian Global Carbon Capture and Storage Institute (AGCCSI), which will be an international hub for co-ordinating public and private sector funding of CCS research projects and will provide international policy and management oversight. The AGCCSI was formally launched on 16 April 2009. The goal of the AGCCSI is to deliver at least 20 commercial scale CCS plants around the world by 2020. There are numerous examples in Australia and internationally of CCS pilot projects underway with the goal of deploying CCS on a commercial scale. The Callide Oxyfuel Project in Central Queensland that began construction recently will retrofit an existing coal fired power station with a CCS facility, with plans for the oxyfuel boiler to be operational in the Callide A power plant by 2011.

Decaisnella formosa sp. nov., an undescribed ascomycete, was discovered on intertidal wood from a beach on the Mornington Peninsula, National Park, Victoria, Australia. Of the eleven species described under the genus Decaisnella, none match D. formosa, which is described here as a new species.Key words: Loculoascomycetes, Melanommatales, marine fungi, muriform ascospores.

A new Devonian fossil fish fauna from the region of Caño Colorado between the Rio Palmar and Rio Socuy, Sierra de Perijá, Venezuela, comes from two localities and several horizons within the Campo Chico Formation, dated on plants and spores as Givetian-Frasnian in age. Placoderms are most common, with the antiarch <i>Bothriolepis perija</i> n. sp., showing affinity with species from the Aztec fish fauna of Victoria Land, Antarctica. A second antiarch, <i>Venezuelepis mingui</i> n.g. n.sp., is also closely related to an Antarctic species, which is reassigned to this new genus. Fragmentary remains of a phyllolepid placoderm show similarity to the genus <i>Austrophyllolepis</i> from southeastern Australia. Chondrichthyan spines are provisionally referred to the Antarctilamnidae, and acanthodian remains include spines of the widespread taxon <i>Machaeracanthus</i>. Osteichthyans are represented by osteolepid and dipnoan scales and teeth, and scales lacking cosmine which may belong to another major taxon. This fauna has provided the first Devonian record from South America of three major fish groups: antiarch and phyllolepid placoderms, and dipnoans. These are widely distributed on most other continents. Although invertebrates and plants from the same sequence closely resemble those of eastern North America, the endemic elements in the fish fauna indicate Gondwana affinities. Phyllolepid placoderms are common in Givetian-Frasnian strata of Australia and Antarctica, but are only known from the Famennian in the Northern Hemisphere. The new phyllolepid occurrence extends their range across the northern margin of Palaeozoic Gondwana. The age and affinities of this new fish fauna are consistent with a model of biotic dispersal between Gondwana and Euramerica at or near the Frasnian-Famennian boundary. A narrow marine barrier separating northern and southern continental landmasses is indicated, in contrast to the wide equatorial ocean for the Late Devonian postulated from palaeomagnetic data. <br><br> Es wird eine neue devonische Fischfauna aus dem Gebiet zwischen Caño Colorado und Rio Socuy, Sierra de Perijá, beschrieben. Die Funde stammen aus zwei Lokalitäten und mehreren Horizonten innerhalb der Campo Chico Formation, die auf Grundlage von Untersuchungen der Pflanzen- und Sporenfunde dem Zeitabschnitt Givetium-Frasnium zugeordnet werden. Placodermen sind durch den Antiarchen <i>Bothriolepis perija</i> n. sp. häufig vertreten. Sie sind mit Arten der Aztec-Fischfauna von Viktoria Land, Antarktis, verwandt. Ein zweiter Antiarche, der <i>Venezuelepis mingui</i> n. g. n. sp. ist eng mit einer Spezies aus der Antarktis verwandt, die ebenfalls dieser neuen Gattung zugeschrieben wird. Fragmentarische Reste eines phyllolepiden Placodermen weisen Ähnlichkeiten mit der Gattung <i>Austrophyllolepis</i> aus dem Südosten Australiens auf. Wirbel eines Chondrichthyer werden vorläufig den Antarctilamnidae zugeschrieben. Acanthodir-Reste schließen das weitverbreitete Taxon <i>Machaeracanthus</i> ein. Osteichthyer sind durch Schuppen und Zähne osteolepider Sarcopterygier und Dipnoi vertreten. Andere Schuppen, denen die Cosminschicht fehlt, gehören vermutlich zu einem anderen Haupttaxon. Damit ist durch diese Fauna der erste Nachweis für das Vorkommen der drei Hauptfischgruppen Antiarchi, phyllolepide Placodermi und Dipnoi im Devon Südamerikas erbracht. Sie sind auch auf den meisten anderen Kontinenten weit verbreitet. Obwohl Invertebraten und Pflanzen aus derselben Zeit sehr denen aus dem Osten Nordamerikas ähneln, weisen die endemischen Elemente in der Fischfauna auf eine Affinität zu Gondwana hin. Phyllolepide Placodermen sind im Givetium-Frasnianium Australiens verbreitet, aber erst aus dem Famennium in der Nordhemisphere bekannt. Das Auftreten eines neuen Phyllolepiden weitet den Vorkommensbereich über die nördliche Linie des paläozoischen Gondwanas hinaus aus. Alter und Verwandtschaftsbeziehungen dieser neuen Fischfauna stimmen mit dem Modell der biotischen Verbreitung zwischen Gondwana und Euramerika an bzw. nah an der Frasnium-Famennium-Grenze überein. Es gibt Hinweise für eine die nördlichen und südlichen Landmassen trennende schmale Meerenge. Dies steht im Gegensatz zur Annahme eines weiten äquatorialen Ozeans im späten Devons, die sich auf palaeomagnetische Daten stützt. <br><br> doi:<a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/mmng.20020050111" target="_blank">10.1002/mmng.20020050111</a>

Sediments from mangrove and saltmarsh areas at Yaringa, Western Port contained high concentrations of chloride (c. 330-2100 mmol per litre of interstitial water) and sodium (c. 320-1900 mmol 1-1). The concentrations recorded during the study were highest in March and lowest in July-August; salinity in the marsh during summer was considerably higher than that commonly reported for saltmarshes in other parts of the world. Sediment ammonium contents (c. 180-580 nmol per cm3 of fresh sediment) were variable across the marsh and throughout the sampling period, with there being little overall pattern to these changes. In contrast, concentrations of nitrate plus nitrite were low (< 100 nmol cm3) for most of the year except for a period in March when they were extremely high (c. 1100-1800 nmol cm-3). The leaf-cell sap of all saltmarsh and mangrove plants contained high concentrations of chloride (c. 300-1200 mmol per litre of cell sap), sodium (c. 280-900 mmol l-1) and potassium (c. 40-200 mmol l-1). Glycinebetaine was accumulated in the leaf-cell sap to concentrations of up to about 90 mmol l-1 by Atriplex paludosa, Avicennia marina, Sarcocornia quinqueflora, Sclerostegia arbuscula and Suaeda australis. Proline and glycinebetaine were accumulated by Limonium australe, Samolus repens, Selliera radicans and Triglochin striata, but no species accumulated proline alone. Concentrations of inorganic osmotica in the foliage were generally highest in March, whereas glycinebetaine and proline were at their most concentrated in April. No significant relationship was detected between concentrations of organic osmotica in the plants and that of salt or inorganic nitrogen in the sediments.

La casa número 21 de la calle Mariblanca, el proyecto de Miguel Fisac para el instituto Nuestra Señora de la Victoria, los retablos de la Catedral, la plaza del Siglo, el Corralón de la Aurora, la composición abstracta en dos planos de Dámaso Ruano para la plaza del Niño de las Moras, la casa palacio de la Familia Gálvez, la arquitectura de la Acera de la Marina, la casa n.º 5 de la calle Sagasta, el mercado de Atarazanas, la arquitectura de González Edo para el restaurante Antonio Martín, el Matadero Municipal, los jardines de la Hacienda del Retiro, el proyecto del Edificio Horizonte… Sin lugar a dudas, la guía histórico-artística que dirigió la profesora Rosario Camacho en 1992 fue y es un instrumento indispensable para comprender por qué la mayor parte de estos espacios hoy son lugares de Málaga, en suma, la imagen patrimonio-cultural que ofrece la ciudad de Málaga. La Guía históricoartística es un instrumento en la praxis del patrimonio cultural.

Observation of azimuthal shear wave anisotropy can be useful for characterization of fractures or stress fields. Shear wave anisotropy is often estimated by measuring splitting of individual shear wave events in vertical seismic profile (VSP) data. However, this method may become unreliable for zero-offset (marine) VSP where the seismogram often contains no strong individual shear events, such as direct downgoing shear wave, but often contains many low-amplitude PS mode converted waves. We have developed a new approach for estimation of the fast and slow shear wave velocities and orientation of polarization planes based on the multicomponent linear traveltime moveout velocity analysis. This technique is applicable to zero-offset VSP data, and should take advantage of the presence of a large number of shear wave events with the same apparent velocity (which, for a horizontally layered medium, should be close to the interval velocity). The approach assumes that the VSP data are acquired in a vertical well drilled in an orthorhombic medium with a horizontal symmetry plane (including horizontal transverse isotropy). The main idea is to estimate the dominant apparent velocity for a given polarization direction by measuring the coherency of the seismic signal of a large number of events as a function of the apparent velocity. The algorithm was tested on marine three-component (3C) VSP acquired in the North West Shelf of Australia, and on land 3C VSP acquired with different sources in the same borehole located in Otway Basin, Victoria. These tests show good agreement between anisotropy parameters (magnitude and orientation) derived from the VSP and cross-dipole sonic log data.

Abstract By examining Thomas Carlyle's scientific writings (often buried in his “literary” texts) and placing them in relation to Charles Kingsley's work on marine biology, this essay explores how these writers posit a transcendent, eternal origin in order to stabilize a normative hierarchy of subjectivity in the present. Their concept of the eternal origin was internally subverted, however, through the metaphorical irruption of organisms from natural history, especially the roots of plants and coral. These nonhierarchical, rhizomatic organisms express, as Carlyle puts it, so many “rhizophagous” threats to a stable English society. Due to the ontological and epistemological instability of the biological referent, these metaphors also continually subvert Carlyle's language and political message, from his early essays on Goethe to the Latter-Day Pamphlets (1850). Kingsley presents an analogous case. In the dream sequence in Alton Locke (1850), for example, he paradoxically portrays the transcendent origin of male subjectivity as materialist and matriarchal: the “madrepore” (or “mother-passage,” a type of coral) that forms the basis of Alton's identity is described in terms of its femininity, temporal flux, and biological indeterminacy (only later is this origin subsumed in the telos of the divine “All-Father”). Ultimately, both Carlyle and Kingsley reveal the extent to which concepts of temporality and biology formed and deformed Victorian subjectivity in the pre-Darwinian period.

Conocimos a Emilio en mayo de 1991, cuando vino a tomar posesión de su puesto de trabajo como jefe de la Unidad de Valoración Médica de Incapacidades de Madrid (UVMI), encuadrada en la estructura del Instituto Nacional de la Salud, situada en la Clínica del Trabajo, en la tercera planta del número 21 de la calle Reina Victoria de Madrid. En esos momentos, la UVMI disponía de una plantilla de 10 médicos inspectores para realizar tanto los informes de valoración de la incapacidad permanente en el área nacional e internacional como las valoraciones de incapacidad temporal de más de 12 meses de duración para autorizar la prórroga de la antigua incapacidad laboral transitoria como el pase a la extinta invalidez provisional, así como para el resto de los informes para las distintas prestaciones de seguridad social. Eran tiempos de escasez de medios humanos y materiales en la UVMI, superados en parte con su ayuda y entusiasmo. En esos años empezó a tomar cuerpo un nuevo proyecto de integración de las UVMI en la estructura del Instituto Nacional de la Seguridad Social (INSS). Emilio fue un firme defensor de este proyecto desde su inicio, convencido de que la incorporación de las unidades de valoración médica de incapacidades a la estructura de las Direcciones Provinciales del INSS supondría una mejora importante tanto para los asegurados al sistema de la Seguridad Social como en el reconocimiento de la labor profesional de los médicos inspectores y en la disponibilidad de medios materiales y humanos para llevar a cabo sus funciones. El Real Decreto 1300/1995 de 21 de julio (BOE de 19 de agosto) estableció las competencias del INSS en materia de incapacidades laborales, creó los Equipos de Valoración de Incapacidades (EVI) y en su disposición adicional tercera suprimió las UVMI, cuyas funciones serían asumidas por los EVI, y el personal médico de las mismas quedaría adscrito a la correspondiente dirección provincial del INSS. En noviembre de 1995 Emilio se trasladó a la Dirección General del INSS como coordinador nacional de los Equipos de Valoración de Incapacidades, con el reto de colaborar en la puesta en marcha de los diferentes equipos de valoración de incapacidades a nivel de todo el territorio nacional. Desde el año 1995 hasta 2002 se fueron creando de manera paulatina los distintos EVI en el INSS, siendo los últimos los de las Direcciones Provinciales del País Vasco. En Cataluña hubo varios intentos de creación, pero no obstante se sigue manteniendo la estructura anterior al RD 1300/1995 hasta la actualidad. La integración en el INSS de los médicos inspectores del antiguo INSALUD no fue pacífica. La esperanza de mejora en el reconocimiento profesional que formaba parte del proyecto inicial tardó en llegar para los médicos inspectores del INSS, precisando incluso la creación de un complemento específico de nivel 23, que no existía en la estructura del INSS, para acoger las retribuciones de los nuevos médicos inspectores del INSS en la misma cuantía que tenían en el INSALUD. No fue sino hasta agosto de 1998 cuando se produjo la equiparación de ese complemento específico con otros profesionales del grupo 1 existentes en el INSS. Las condiciones materiales tampoco fueron las adecuadas en esos momentos iniciales: las instalaciones en las que se ubicaron las unidades médicas estaban preparadas para tareas de gestión y administrativas y no contaban con las instalaciones adecuadas para realizar una labor sanitaria. No contaban con espacio suficiente en las consultas médicas para camillas, optotipos, negatoscopios… y la mayoría no disponían de lavamanos. Emilio fue el único médico inspector con destino en la Dirección General del INSS desde el año 1995 hasta el año 2000 y en todo momento se mostró incansable e inasequible al desaliento superando todas las dificultades con el único objetivo de trabajar por la integración de los médicos inspectores en el INSS y por su reconocimiento profesional a todos los niveles. Convencido de la necesidad de formación y actualización continua de los médicos inspectores de forma reglada, en el año 2000 puso en marcha las jornadas de formación para médicos del INSS y fue su coordinador hasta el año 2018. Han tenido siempre un prestigio excepcional estas jornadas formativas, conocidas cariñosamente desde del INSS como “La semana fantástica”. Han sido centenares de médicos inspectores no sólo del INSS sino también de los servicios públicos de salud y del Instituto Social de la Marina los que hemos recibido esa imprescindible actualización formativa para el desempeño de nuestra labor con la garantía suficiente para la sociedad. Impulsó la creación del Manual de Actuación para médicos del INSS, publicándose su primera edición en el año 2004, seguida de otras dos publicaciones hasta la tercera edición en el año 2014. Ha sido autor y colaborador de múltiples publicaciones del INSS desde el año 2004, entre las que destacamos las siguientes: Manual de tiempos óptimos de incapacidad temporal, Guía de valoración Profesional del INSS, Guía de valoración de enfermedades profesionales, Guía de ayuda para la valoración del riesgo laboral durante el embarazo y Guía de ayuda para la valoración del riesgo laboral durante la lactancia natural. Ha participado en múltiples ponencias y congresos, ha impartido cientos de horas de docencia tanto en las jornadas de médicos del INSS como en el máster de valoración de incapacidades y en otros cursos de valoración de incapacidades, siendo un referente en esta materia para los médicos inspectores del INSS. Por último, ha realizado una labor fundamental en las oposiciones de médicos inspectores del INSS, participando como secretario de los tribunales de la oposición en múltiples ocasiones y en las comisiones de selección de médicos inspectores interinos. Durante todos estos años siempre estuvo a disposición de toda la plantilla de médicos inspectores del INSS prestando asesoramiento y apoyo, solucionando problemas e incidencias, acudiendo presencialmente a apoyar en determinadas direcciones provinciales y, en fin, estando dedicado en cuerpo y alma a su actividad profesional. Los dos últimos años de su vida laboral estuvieron condicionados ya por problemas de salud jubilándose finalmente en diciembre de 2018. Quisimos hacerle una despedida como se merecía, y desde el INSS múltiples compañeros de otras provincias también le insistieron reiteradamente, pero Emilio se negó y finalmente nos despedimos solo los compañeros de la subdirección médica con una comida entrañable, en la que aparecieron algunas lágrimas. Le hicimos entrega de un video elaborado en la subdirección médica, en el que se recogían algunas imágenes de su larga trayectoria profesional, para que lo guardara como recuerdo. Desde entonces tuvimos ocasión de disfrutar de su compañía en contadas ocasiones, en las que había que insistirle mucho porque se mostraba reacio a acudir y éramos conscientes de que sus problemas de salud se habían agravado. Cuando nos llegó la noticia de su fallecimiento el pasado 20 de agosto nos sentimos consternados. Se nos ha ido un compañero de forma demasiado prematura. Solo nos consuela el legado que ha dejado en la memoria colectiva de todos los médicos inspectores del INSS y en particular en la Subdirección General de Coordinación de Unidades Médicas, donde todavía guardamos un archivo con sus carpetas perfectamente organizadas.

This chapter examines how paintings depicting the classical past became a way of talking about—or not talking about—sexual desire by focusing on the art of John William Waterhouse. It considers four of Waterhouse's paintings—Saint Eulalia, Mariamne, Hylas and the Nymph, and Circe Offering the Cup to Odysseus—and shows that they are a paradigmatic site for reflecting on the complexity of the circulation of classical knowledge in Victorian culture—reception in action. It also explores how Waterhouse represents the male subject of desire, and how his representational devices position, manipulate, and implicate the viewer. The discussion places Waterhouse at the center of a Victorian worry about male self-control and erotic openness, and suggests that his case is an example of how one strategy of modern self-definition loves to oversimplify “the Victorians” as a contrastive other to today—and nowhere more obviously than in the field of sexuality.

This chapter considers drink and temperance in Victorian ports and resorts. Where there was drink there would invariably be temperance; the visibility of drunkenness in the major British ports made them the focus of temperance reform. Temperance also figured in smaller towns, becoming one aspect of polite society in fashionable resorts and even financing public works. But was there anything specific about drink and temperance on the coast? Rob Shields once suggested that such ‘places on the margin’ might allow heterotopic reworkings of social order. The ‘Battle of Torquay’ between well-heeled Torquay society and working-class Salvation Army members suggests the coast as a site of transformation, but also that social control could be turned on abstainers as well as drinkers, producing less progressive places on the coast as well as more liberal ones.

This chapter examines how George and Charles Townshend addressed the crisis of sovereignty that arose in the British empire following its victory over France in the Seven Years' War. It first considers the scandal involving James Wolfe, a British army officer who played a key role in Britain's victory in 1759 over France at the Battle of the Plains of Abraham in Quebec, as well as George Townshend's views on Wolfe. It then discusses the issues that the Townshends and other officials had to grappled with after the Seven Years' War, including the crises relating to debt and the Stamp Act, and how the Stamp Act and the ensuing debates affected America and Ireland. It also explains how stadial theory, classical antiquity, and the history of England on the margins produced a compelling blueprint for the Townshend brothers in the years after the Seven Years' War.

While HEW and USDA pondered these appellate court decisions, we turned our attention to several more local DDT problems. From a New York Times article (May 3, 1970), we learned that the Olin Chemical Corporation was manufacturing about 20% of the nation’s DDT in buildings owned by the federal government and leased to Olin on the site of the U.S. Army’s Redstone Arsenal near Huntsville, Alabama. A DDT-contaminated effluent from this plant was leaking into the Wheeler National Wildlife Refuge at concentrations known to inhibit reproduction of birds and fish. The refuge also served as a drinking water supply for the city of Decatur, implying a human health hazard as well. Downriver fisherman were also eating their catch, thus concentrating DDT to higher levels as well. In October 1969, the federal Water Quality Administration had recommended a stricter pollution control standard for the Olin plant. Olin said it could not meet that standard, and the Army then overruled the Water Quality Administration’s recommendation. So on June 5, 1970, EDF, along with the National Audubon Society and the National Wildlife Federation, sued in Federal District Court against Olin, the Department of the Army, and the Corps of Engineers seeking to stop the DDT-contaminated discharge. The complaint was written by EDF’s new attorney, Edward Lee Rogers. I supplied the scientific support, which was easy, since it was similar, although steadily expanding, to the Wisconsin hearings and the USDA and HEW cases. Only three days later Olin threw in the towel! On June 8 Olin decided to close its DDT plant and no longer make DDT. DDT apparently was not worth defending. They said they had reached that decision shortly before our case was filed. True or not, it was a quick and easy victory. We needed it. We had won by winning. Even as the legal briefs went back and forth between EDF, USDA, HEW, and the appeals court, another DDT battle was brewing in California. For years scientists had been puzzled by the extremely high levels of DDT contamination along the coast of Southern California compared with other marine environments.

The Conclusion looks ahead to the political and literary changes that accompanied the transition into the Victorian age, drawing a contrast between recent critical discussions of the ‘liberal’ subject and this book’s more unsettled account of the interaction between literary forms and the political arena. The 1820s and ’30s—examined here with reference to contemporary accounts of Byron and Austen as well as George Eliot’s later Felix Holt (1866)—look ahead to subsequent efforts to harmonize literary and political domains and to subsume earlier political divides within changed conceptions of governance and of the political nation. As the Conclusion demonstrates, these appeals to a coming age of equipoise not only consigned the unrest around the French Revolution to a closed past; neglect of the directly preceding decades amounted, at least in places, to strategic erasure, as the Conclusion shows through a series of examples including the novels of Sir Walter Scott. By contrast with these later efforts to maintain an autonomous literary or artistic domain, the authors addressed in this book emphasize an account of authorship as in the thick or the margins of a messy political world (whether the authors in question liked this fact or not). Literature thereby helped, directly or otherwise, to introduce alternative possibilities into the political arena, if only as a reimagined role for literary authorship itself.

As a boy, I saw my dad cry on only three occasions. One was his father’s funeral. The other two involved dead orcas. In the 1970s, he worked as curator of Sealand of the Pacific, a small oceanarium near Victoria, British Columbia, and then for the Seattle Marine Aquarium and Sea World. On both sides of the US-Canadian border, across the Salish Sea, he helped capture killer whales for sale and display—or, as he darkly joked, “for fun and profit.” Tell someone today that your father caught orcas for a living and you might as well declare him a slave trader. Killer whales are arguably the most recognized and beloved wild species on the planet. They are certainly the most profitable display animals in history, and with the 2013 release of Blackfish, their fate became an international cause célèbre. Broadcast and distributed by CNN, the film became one of the most influential documentaries of all time. Already years into my research for this book when the movie came out, I found little in it surprising. But Blackfish turned my father, long conflicted about his past, sharply against orca captivity. He wasn’t alone. Almost over­night, viewers, politicians, and activists turned their sights on Sea World—a multibillion-dollar corporation famous for its killer whale shows. In this debate, it seemed there was no room for nuance or history. Millions around the world simply knew in their hearts that orcas had to be saved from captiv­ity. What they didn’t realize was that, decades earlier, captivity may have saved the world’s orcas. Orcinus orca is the apex predator of the ocean, but that ocean has changed rapidly in recent decades. Following World War II, rising populations and new technology drove humans to plunder the sea as never before, and many regarded killer whales as dangerous pests. By the 1950s, whalers, scientists, and fishermen around the world were killing hundreds, perhaps thousands, per year. In a single expedition, celebrated by Time magazine, US soldiers slaughtered more than one hundred off Iceland. But then a curious thing happened.

Ever since the speculations of the Victorians about the inexorable progress of Man from the savagery of foraging to agriculture and civilization, Europe has been one of the main theatres of debate about transitions from foraging to farming (Chapter 1). The dominant model in the twentieth century, first developed explicitly by Gordon Childe in The Dawn of European Civilization (1925) and The Danube in Prehistory (1929), has been that of ex oriente lux, ‘light from the Near East’. According to this theory, farming began in Europe because it was introduced by Neolithic farmers from South-West Asia, who brought with them domesticated plants and animals together with a new technology that included pottery and polished stone tools. They colonized a land thinly occupied by Mesolithic foragers except at the coastal margins. In southern Europe, the first farmers would have ‘taken to their boats and paddled or sailed on the alluring waters of the Mediterranean to the next landfall—and the next’ (Childe, 1957: 16). In temperate Europe, expansion was facilitated by ‘slash-and-burn’ (swidden) agriculture practised by the first farmers: they arrived at a particular location, cleared the forest, burnt the cut timber, and planted their crops, and then moved on after a few years. The first suite of 14C dates from European Neolithic sites obtained in the 1960s astonished archaeologists, because the (uncalibrated) dates of c.6000 bc from Greek Neolithic settlements such as Nea Nikomedeia and Knossos (Fig. 9.1) were 3,000 years older than Childe’s suggested date for the beginning of the European Neolithic: c.3000 BC. He established the latter by an elaborate process of cross-dating European prehistoric sites with historically dated cultures in the eastern Mediterranean, in turn dated by links to Pharaonic Egypt. At the same time, the 14C data appeared to confirm Childe’s ex oriente lux theory, because there was a clear trend of increasingly younger dates with distance from South-West Asia (J. G. D. Clark, 1965; Fig. 1.7). The dates of c .6000 BC in south-east Europe were in the same time-frame as dates for PPNB Neolithic settlements in South-West Asia, dates in central Europe and the Mediterranean were of the order of 4500 BC, and dates from Early Neolithic sites on the Atlantic margins of Europe were nearer 3000 BC.

Before he died, the well-known anthropologist of African religion Victor Turner (1920–83) turned his attention to Catholic forms of pilgrimage and, with Edith Turner, traveled across the world visiting Marian shrines. Victor and Edith Turner were themselves Catholic. The book that resulted is a classic of early anthropological writing about Catholicism and has done much to lay down an analytical “grammar” for thinking about it. In this chapter the Turners draw attention to the long-standing tension in Christianity between iconoclasm and iconophily—a topic that resonates deeply with contemporary debates about semiotics.¹ In this chapter the Turners explore the potent affordances of material form through an analysis of shrines, images, and statues. Of interest here are the multiple and sometimes contradictory layers of personification and signification that accrue to devotional objects and places over time, through repeated human interaction. The shrine’s semantic field has a diachronic axis as a well as a synchronic one—both axes further layered with political and historic events that inscribe themselves upon the place. Both in and out of structure and time, shrines condense symbols, practices, histories, and culturally specific influences and affordances. An analytical question running through this chapter is thus whether the power of the divine is compressed within and hence generated by the image or whether the image simply represents the power of the divine. This, of course, is something of an age-old theological problem in Christianity, which the Turners as Catholics themselves are eminently aware of. In their treatment of this issue, however, they remain steadfastly anthropological, taking seriously the sensorial plasticity of devotional objects and their inherent capacity to exceed the roles intended of them by official theology. Rather than “materiality” or “aesthetic formations,” the Turners describe devotional objects as “outward vehicles” for symbols. “Outward vehicles,” they argue, have a tendency to become more bound up with the orectic pole of signification than the normative pole. Here the “orectic” encompasses the emotional, sensorial, and affective field of semantics, whereas the “normative” encompasses the abstract, ideational field. The Turners see this as a basic religious structure common to all religious traditions, although the respective stability of each pole is reversed in different cultures. Thus in non-Christian “tribal” societies the orectic pole is more stable than the normative one, whereas in hierarchically organized, scripturally complex religions such as Christianity the normative is more stable than the orectic. Although the language the Turners employ is reflective of the structuralist and symbolic-humanist fields they were very much embedded within, their work is relevant to a renewed anthropology of Catholicism for the way it helps to make sense of the relationship of parts to wholes, and for the creative attention it draws to the circulation of ideas and affects within Catholic institutional territories.

Uchodźcom z Ukrainy zapewniono bezpłatny dostęp do wszystkich usług służby zdrowia w krajach sąsiednich, w tym do rutynowych szczepień dzieci. Od wszystkich ukraińskich dzieci przebywających w Polsce przez okres dłuższy niż trzy miesiące wymaga się poświadczonego odpowiednim dowodem szczepienia wykonanego zgodnie z ogólnym kalendarzem szczepień obowiązującym na Ukrainie lub w Polsce. Niski wskaźnik szczepień pośród przemieszczających się uchodźców wzbudził zaniepokojenie już w początkowej fazie kryzysu. Niniejszy dokument skierowany jest do działaczy samorządowych, organizacji pozarządowych (NGO) i agencji międzynarodowych wspierających uchodźców w Polsce. Zawiera podsumowanie informacji na temat czynników wpływających na decyzje dotyczące szczepień na obecnym etapie kryzysu, a ponadto strategiczne i praktyczne informacje, które mogą posłużyć do opracowywania planu działania ukierunkowanego na przekonanie ukraińskich uchodźców o celowości rutynowych szczepień. Rozpoczyna się od przedstawienia perspektywy historycznej i postaw społeczeństwa ukraińskiego wobec szczepień rutynowych. Następnie omówiono wpływ kontekstu historycznego na stosunek do szczepień Ukraińców mieszających w Polsce przed wybuchem trwającego obecnie konfliktu (luty 2022 r.) oraz stosunek uchodźców ukraińskich do szczepienia się w Polsce. Na zakończenie, w oparciu o trwające nadal badania, wyjaśnimy, jak niepewność co do długoterminowych planów uchodźców wpływa na ich niechęć do poddawania się szczepieniom. Niniejsze opracowanie zostało sporządzone na zlecenie UNICEF Emergency Response Team (Genewa) przez Ericę Richardson (European Observatory on Health Systems and Policies, London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine). Opracowanie zostało zweryfikowane przez Olivię Tulloch (Anthrologica), Marinę Bragę, Tetianę Stepurko (Narodowy Uniwersytet „Akademia Kijowsko-Mohylańska”), Marianę Palavrę (UNICEF) i Sanję Matovic (Euro Health Group). Niniejszy dokument został zredagowany przez Victorię Haldane (Anthrologica). Za jego treść odpowiada SSHAP.