Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Maori (Language Studies)'

Recognizing the continual restructuring of Pakeha-Maori relations as dominance and subordination, this thesis sets out to gain an understanding, through a critique of ideology, of the place of schooling in the securing and maintenance of those relations. Theoretically, it draws mainly upon the concept of ideology as interpreted by Jorge Larrain but also upon Gramsci's concept of hegemony, the notion of social amnesia as presented by Jacoby and the concept of resistance as developed by Giroux. It also examines the historical development of the concepts of 'race' and 'culture' which are employed ideologically to rationalize educational policies concerning the Maori. Tracing the progression of policies and practices in Maori education from the 1830s to the present day, the research shows the schooling of the Maori to have contributed significantly to the securing of Pakeha economic and political dominance in the nineteenth century and to the maintenance of that dominance through much of the twentieth century. Of particular significance has been the control of Maori access to knowledge. With Maori resistance playing a considerable part in the shaping of these policies and practices, the school is recognized as one of the sites of Maori-Pakeha struggle. Widespread underachievement of Maori within education - revealed in 1960 by the Hunn Report - is recognized as an outcome of these processes. Taking account of policies in recent years directed at improving Maori educational achievement, the thesis examines fieldwork research conducted within Auckland primary and secondary schools, in order to understand the extent to which current policies and practices of schools contribute towards overcoming the asymmetry in social relations. Focussing upon teacher perceptions of Maori children and their needs, the way schools sort and classify their pupils, provisions for a Maori dimension in schooling, including 'taha Maori', and the place of history in social studies programmes, the research finds that the struggle still continues, with tensions surrounding the efforts of the minority of teachers and other educationists working within the education system towards Maori interests. While a significant number of teachers, particularly in primary schools seem concerned to implement the 'taha Maori' policy and other aspects of 'multicultural education', these efforts are not matched by a concern to address the problem of Maori educational under-achievement, with teachers either explaining away the problem or accepting it as a quasi-natural state of affairs. Over all the research shows that schools in general continue, in a variety of ways, to control and limit Maori access to knowledge-power and thereby help to maintain the asymmetry in Maori-Pakeha relations. Maori children who do succeed within the education system are seen to do so primarily because they and their families have learned to deal with the system. The multicultural policies of education as presented by the Department of Education are recognized as ideological responses to Maori resistance and challenges, creating an appearance of change and of commitment to Maori interests while, in essence, functioning to maintain the asymmetry in social relations.
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Biculturalism is a relationship in government between the British Crown and the indigenous [Māori] people of New Zealand. I show that this relationship permeated some Māori healing practitioners’ healing knowledge and perception. A key way in which this occurred was through the practitioners recognizing biological and social boundaries between Māori and Pākehā [New Zealanders of European descent]. A second was through the practitioners’ embodiment of connections with social groups including the nation, a history and present shared between Māori and Pākehā and an idealized pre-contact past. A fundamental principle of Te Oo Mai Reia was that for the practitioners to harness the power of the various forces that sustained life they had to be in touch with their whakapapa [genealogy] for it was through their ancestors that they could commune with the Ultimate Deity, Io, the source of the most potent of all forces of life. A further key principle was that spiritually inspired and traditional Māori culture heightened the wellbeing of Māori, not modern, Pākehā culture. Spiritual and ancient knowledge was supra-conscious and made knowable through an embodied awareness of self and other. To make my argument I draw on literature inspired by Foucault that shows how states govern by implementing their operations and securing their penetration into the citizenry by drawing and building upon pre-existing bodies of knowledge and relations of power. I also draw on literature that shows how the human body bears the effects of such practices of government. To this literature I integrate perception by showing how, in this Māori healing context, the government of the bicultural nation-state worked through the ways the practitioners made sense with the body (especially through feeling, seeing and touching).

In acknowledging continual educational under-achievement of Maori children, this thesis investigates the relationship between education policy and Maori under-achievement. It argues that under-achievement is framed within boundaries of changing recognitions and realisations of power and difference: that conceptions of difference have influenced education policy and schooling practices for Maori. Theoretically, the thesis examines 'what counts as difference' and 'what differences count'. In recognising that unequal power relations between dominant and subordinate groups produce distinct views about difference, 'what counts as difference' encompasses the perspectives of dominant groups and 'what differences count', subordinate groups. The former view is developed to expand the basis for investigating 'Pakeha conceptions of difference', and the latter, 'Maori conceptions'. The thesis traces the interactions and relationships of 'difference' and 'power', and examines, historically, how they have contributed to and sustained Maori educational under-achievement. The contribution of these conceptions of difference to informing schooling practices is investigated through four sequential 'Classification Schemes' of Assimilation, Integration, Multiculturalism and Biculturalism. The thesis argues that Biculturalism is based on a positive view of Maori cultural differences, and examines the extent of Maori influence on four recent education policy making processes. The thesis also acknowledges a Maori focus on the importance of structural differences for addressing their needs. On the basis of those two different perspectives, the thesis develops the concepts 'Maori-friendly' and 'Maori-centred', to examine processes, and structures and the relative influence of Maori on mainstream policy forming processes. The thesis shows that Tomorrow's Schools, Education for the Twenty-First Century and the Maori Affairs Select Committee Inquiry encapsulate different degrees of both Maori-friendly and Maori-centred approaches, though arguing that ultimately, it is Pakeha conceptions of difference that inform and influence all the policy forming processes. However, the fourth policy process examined was originally a wholly Maori-centred initiative - Te Kohanga Reo. The thesis points to and traces the incorporation of Te Kohanga Reo into the mainstream education system and its consequences for Maori, and concludes that structural differences ensure continuing Pakeha control over Maori conceptions of difference and henceforth Maori educational under-achievement.

The primary aim of this thesis Me he korokoro kōmako [‘With the throat of a bellbird’] is to demonstrate the existence of a distinctive Māori aesthetic in Māori literature written in English. Its introductory section, of three chapters, investigates the ways in which mainstream critical discourse in various ways appropriates Māori literature to its own Western-derived models of meaning and values, and proposes instead a definition of a Māori aesthetic grounded in the principle of whakapapa, whose whole cultural components for Māori literature include distinctive textual functions for myth, orality, acts of naming, other aspects of language, and symbolism. The concept of whakapapa also provides the organizing principle and methodology of the central chapters of the thesis, which are divided into two Parts – each of six chapters. These are framed by a Prologue and Epilogue, whose subject is the profound cultural symbolism of the waka in the work of a founding figure for Māori writing in English, Jacqueline Sturm, and in Star Waka, by a major later writer in English, Robert Sullivan. Part One devotes three chapters each to the adult fiction of one female writer, Patricia Grace (Potiki and Baby No-Eyes), and one male writer, Witi Ihimaera (The Matriarch). Part Two, following the principle of whakapapa, devotes six chapters to Māori literature for children. Its primary text is the major anthology of such writing – Te Ara O Te Hau: The Path of the Wind, Volume 4 of Te Ao Mārama, edited by Witi Ihimaera, with Haare Williams, Irihapeti Ramsden and D.S. Long. It grounds its reading of the volume’s many texts (literary and visual, in Māori and in English) in the many distinctive cultural behaviours and meanings attached to the figure of Māui. Each of the authors and texts has been chosen in order to study and exemplify a particular aspect of the Māori aesthetic defined in the Introduction, through close readings which draw strongly on the work of major Māori social historians, authors of iwi histories and genealogies, and interpreters of cultural meanings attaching to the natural worlds, and recent work on literary stylistics by Geoffrey Leech and others. It also draws on conversations with numerous Māori informants, including some of the authors discussed. The readings are designed to reveal the rich, culturally contextualised knowledges which Māori readers bring to the texts, and which their authors share and invoke through their deployment of the values and practices of whakapapa. While such representations and explorations of self offer new interpretive possibilities for Pākehā readers, they are also part of a global movement in which indigenous peoples engage in the politics of decolonisation from a position of strength, the stance of self-knowledge. E kore e hekeheke he kākano rangatira Our ancestors will never die for they live on in each of us.
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This thesis explores the ways that colonisation has resulted in Maori being cast as different and the other in Aotearoa/New Zealand. It challenges perceptions of relationships between Maori and western knowledge and between science and practice, drawing on a range of theorists, scholarly writings and multiple research and evaluation projects. The study examines how these perceptions, and the definitions arising from them, tend to compartmentalise Maori knowledge and research and, in doing so, serve non-Maori agendas more than they serve Maori aspirations. The thesis looks at the impacts that the world of the coloniser has had on our ways of knowing and ways of practising. Through illustrating initiatives that operate within Maori paradigms and collaborations between Maori and non-Maori, the development of equitable relationships is explored. Key findings are the need for a more inclusive understanding of knowledge and research practice in order to reframe the way we (coloniser and colonised) look at and express our understandings of the world and how these might be operationalised through research relationships. Part of the contribution of this thesis is to provide a framework for more equitable research relationships, focusing on non- Maori development. This is suggested as a counter to the constant examination and defining of Maori as different and in need of development.

The work I have presented here pulls together Maori epistemologies as evidenced in the whakapapa knowledge particularly of Ngati Maniapoto to see if and where connection lies with understandings of Maori cultural wellbeing. Whakapapa knowledge is the unbounded collection of theory, observation and experience as seen through Maori eyes. It is intricately connected by whakapapa, a tool for working with and extrapolating understanding and is the common thread that binds hapu, whanau and iwi (O’Regan, 2001). The aim is to investigate contemporary Maori realities with a strong interest in these traditions of wisdom and knowing. The rangahau presented here is of necessity both deconstructive and reconstructive. As a deconstructive project the rangahau seeks to place under the microscope of indigenous gaze the colonial theoretical, ethical, moral and political construction of Maori ways of knowing and being and the ontological orders of western paradigms and non-Maori worldview (Romero-Little, 2006). As a constructive project I am concerned with placing on the record and opening up sites for, but not defining, Maori epistemology as legitimate and ‘tika’ and at the same time putting forward ‘alternate epistemologies’ (Collins, 1991; Lopez, 1998; Smith, 1999; Marsden, 2003) that challenge certified knowledge and critically challenges dominant constructions of the truth as related to knowing. The implications of these explorations of epistemologies for Maori lives, opportunities and experience are also considered. This work argues for the maintenance of Maori cultural identities via whakapapa knowledge using connections to Maori ways of knowing. This includes examination of the effects of coming to terms with, of encountering, coming to terms with and engaging with Maori cultural practices, as well as, processes commonly referred to as ‘culture shock’ (Weaver, 1993) the psychological, emotional and physical responses to the phenomenon of identity reclamation and how these realities can be negotiated. What I found is that Maori knowledge systems are replete with elements that contribute positively to the maintenance of cultural identities and these identities are uniquely and distinctively contextually and culturally relevant. These systems have been and continue to be threatened by the impacts of colonisation and colonial ideologies. The work has found that elders and relevant contexts retain and provide a large volume of knowledge that when engaged with can provide useful insights into living within Maori paradigms that can enhance wellbeing in the present. Maori communities and whanau are under high levels of stress with the pressures of contemporary living and the dis-location from ancestral lands, and the living activities, knowledge sharing opportunities and learning practices they support. This work seeks to offer up solutions via the maintenance, enhancement and advancement of cultural identities as a way for mediating and removing some of the effects of the stresses. The implications are that the continued disconnection of Maori from unique cultural identities informed by whakapapa korero knowledge may serve to weaken important elements and connections to an individual’s and group’s cultural identity, including personal history, stories, land and people. The potential exists for further investigation of how crucial cultural connections that acknowledge contemporary realities and yet support the maintenance of cultural identities with strong and vibrant connections to whakapapa korero knowledge connections might be maintained, enhanced and advanced. Additionally, the work here opens up the space for and advocates for much deeper exploration of distinctive elements of a groups identity through contextually located knowledge in forms such as waiata, purakau, pakiwaitara, whakairo, rongoa, wairua and the many other knowledge forms of tea o Maori to further depths/heights not yet achieved to reclaim (k)new and subjugated knowledge forms. This potential is exciting but there are a range of risks involved (including appropriations of indigenous knowledge) that requires certain minimum standards of knowledge protection such as discerning which knowledge is suitable for public consumption and that which is not. This is most suitably done after receiving guidance from the knowledge holders as to what the appropriate forums for such knowledge might be and analysing risks for abuse, risks of misinterpretation and risks of unintended use that might cause whakama. The enquiry suggested above as being of benefit is of course a deeply personal exploration and ideas of what is appropriate for public consumption and what is not is something that must be explored at the time of enquiry. As in my work here I was asked to include some things and to exclude others as a result of views by the elders that the public consumption of some knowledge they contributed was inappropriate to be shared beyond our korero because it could be perceived in a number of ways, some helpful and some not, for the people concerned, or for different groups of people. The knowledge that has been shared here and that which has not has therefore been discerned.

This thesis is made up of three parts; the first is an outline and discussion of the various approaches taken in the description of Polynesian languages in the last 30 years. It provides background discussion of the model of description used in the rest of the thesis. The second deals with the phonology of the 'Ua Pou dialect, concentrating in particular on two areas; the phonetics of the glottal stop phoneme, and penultimate vowel extension. The latter is a feature which has received no mention in any literature to date but is the most noticeable suprasegmental phonetic difference between the Marquesan dialects and the other Eastern Polynesian languages. The last four chapters describe the structure of phrases in the 'Ua Pou dialect. The first two of these deals with the centripetal particles of the noun and verb phrase respectively, that is, the particles within phrases which modify the base of that phrase. Particles which relate phrases to other phrases, that is, the prepositions and ai, are dealt with separately in the last two chapters since their description requires some comments on the syntax of the language.
Thesis now published as a book. Margaret Mutu with Ben Teʻikitutoua (2002). Ùa Pou : aspects of a Marquesan dialect. Canberra, ACT: Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies. ISBN 0858835266.

This thesis consists of two sections. The intention of Section One, 'Biographical Texts: Theoretical Underpinning', is to explore and discuss the theoretical underpinnings of Maori feminism and Kaupapa Maori as they relate to biography as a research method into the lives of Maori women. Biography, as a literary genre is also examined with particular reference to feminist, women of colour and Maori biography. Section One is a wideranging section, encompassing a broad sweep of the literature in these areas. It both draws from existing literature and contributes to the discourse regarding Maori feminism, Maori biography and Maori research. It is relevant to but unconstrained by the content of Section Two. The intention of Section Two, 'Locating the Story of Betty Wark; A Biographical Narrative with Reflective Annotations', is to provide an example of the biographical method and what might constitute Maori biography. The subject of the biographical narrative, Betty Wark, was a Maori woman who was actively involved with community-based organisations from the 1950s until her death in May 2001. Several major themes which emerged from Betty's biographical history occur throughout her narrative and provide a framework in which her story is located. One of the most significant themes was the notion of 'home'; both literal and metaphorical. This theme is reflected in the title of the thesis, Writing Ourselves 'Home'.

The main objective of this thesis was to understand the function, design and distribution of New Zealand adzes, aspects little studied in Polynesia as a whole. Methodology involved functional and manufacturing replication experiments and comparisons of these results with statistics derived from the analysis of almost 12,000 archaeological adzes. Methodology was guided by technological organization theory which states that technological strategies reflect human behaviours and that artefacts like adzes are physical manifestations of the strategies employed by people to overcome problems posed by environmental and resource conditions. Variability in adze morphology was discovered to be the outcome of ongoing technological adjustments to a range of conditions that were constrained by a set of functionally defined parameters. The nature of the raw material, both for the adzes themselves and to make them, had a major influence on adze technology and morphology within these functional parameters. Four basic functional adze types were identified fi-om distinct and consistent combinations of design attributes not previously recognized explicitly in previous adze typologies. It was found that design attributes previously considered significant like crosssection shape and butt reduction were more heavily influenced by raw material quality than functional specifications. It was also important to recognize that form and function changed over time with use, and because adzes were so valuable due to manufacturing costs, they were intensively curated. The majority of archaeological specimens studied for this thesis had seen major morphological and functional change. This dynamic was included ,in a typology based on 'adze state7 as findings suggested (1) that extending adze use-life and optimizing reworking potential was incorporated in initial design strategies, (2) that intensive curation may have played a major role in changes in adze morphology over time, and (3). that it had a major influence on distribution and discard patterns in the archaeological record. Having identified these influences on adze discard and distribution, two complex production and distribution networks were observed for the North Island based around Tahanga basalt and Nelson~Marlborough argillite. Each was complimentary to the other and involved other major and minor products and materials. Influential factors in the roles different settlements played in distribution included where people and raw materials were in relation to one another and the mode of transportation. The coastal location of early period settlements and important stone sources was an important aspect of these networks.

The health of the environment is integral to the health and wellbeing of the people. When the balance between Atua, whenua and tangata is disrupted, desecrated, disturbed or violated, it can have a detrimental impact on these relationships. This research study explored alternative indigenous paradigms for conceptualizing an environmental health framework that would improve the potency and health of all living things. A key question of the research study was to explore how Ngati Kuri sought to strengthen their relationship and connection with the natural world. The Hapu established Te Tai O Marokura health and social services as a vehicle to improve potency: healthy environments, healthy people. The specificity of Ngati Kuri experiences provided a broader context for researching and theorizing about restorative models that utilized traditional knowledge localized to a particular area. Another key question was to examine how Maori cultural values that were embedded within a worldview, could offer insights and constructs for new ways of being and thinking in the modern world. Kaupapa Maori philosophical positioning and theorizing informed the approaches and practices underpinning the study. The key aspects of the methodology were constructed around the tikanga principles of tinorangatiratanga, whakapapa and kaitiakitanga to provide a rationale for the collaboration formed with the Hapu. At the heart of the thesis is the validity given to the collective ownership of indigenous knowledge which challenges the fictional notion of a singular, temporally bound authorship. The thesis reflects the whakawhanaungatanga (reciprocal understanding) relationship between the Tuakana represented by Miriama Kahu and the Teina, Benita Wakefield working collaboratively with the Kaitiaki construct group formed to ensure that the use of indigenous knowledge and its transmission processes had honest transparency. The Tuakana was responsible for providing guidance, wisdom and mentoring to the Teina, the enrolled academic student responsible for producing the written thesis. These innovative collaborative Kaupapa Maori methods and practices in the study have tested the boundaries of conventional doctoral processes, breaking university academic regulations and challenging the western academy in the political nature of collective knowledge production and validity of indigenous knowledge. Qualitative and quantitative processes, approaches and methods were also utilized to inform the study and to ensure reflexivity of research practices. The key findings of the study were: • Improving potency requires a depth of intimacy and connection with all living things that involves a reciprocal understanding of the relationship between Atua, whenua and tangata. • Indigenous knowledge is localized to a spatial area and embedded within a worldview that validates and affirms cultural values and beliefs which continue to have relevance in more contemporary times. • The transformative nature of alternative indigenous paradigms must encompass the totality of creation, humanity and their genealogical and inter-generational linkages to all life. A major contribution of this PhD has been to create new knowledge, ways of thinking and meaning for restoring potency through the environmental health conceptual framework grounded in cultural and spiritual values. The specific focus on Ngati Kuri traditional knowledge authentic to the Hapu and their application, has significantly contributed towards constructing alternative indigenous approaches for meeting the challenges within the modern world.

Educational activity preceded official British presence in New Zealand. The development of the New Zealand state from crown colony, to a system of relatively autonomous provincial councils, to a centralized administration took place within a period of four decades. Co-terminous with and essential to the state's progressive securing of its authority was the institutionalization of separate national systems of education for Maori and Pakeha. Whilst the ascendancy of the state and the securing of education as a central state concern proceeded ultimately with the sanction of the state and in accordance with its objectives it was not a straight forward process in a young nation which was born democratic, but was struggling to consolidate political and cultural unity. The various stages and the ultimate form that education in New Zealand took were closely linked to shifts in the nature and role of the state in its formative years, in the nature of its relationship with civil society, and in its official relationship with Maori. This provided the context and dynamic of the shift to state control as public schooling came to dominate over private or voluntary efforts, and as the particularism of isolated provincial settlements was replaced by a system designed to serve the nation as a whole. Positing conceptual links between the development of national education and the processes of state formation and nation building in a colonizing context, this thesis argues that the institutionally differentiated form that universal education took in New Zealand produced a site through which socially, culturally and ideologically determined conceptions of “normality” would be legitimated and become hegemonic. By nationalizing education to legitimate a culture of uniformity based on a specific set of norms, individual New Zealanders were differentially created according to class, gender and ethnicity, and to physical, intellectual, behavioural and sensory functioning.

Te Ora Ē noho anā nō i te koko ko Ōhiwa, kia whakarongo rua, Aku taringa ki te Tai o tuarā e o Kanawa, E āki ana mai ki uta r o Ōhakana. Ki te whānau a Tairongo, Kai Tāuwhare rā ko te kopua-o-te ururoa, Ko te kai rāria noa mai te raweketia e te ringaringa, Me whakarangi-pūkohu e au ki Tītītangi ao ki te Te Aitanga-ā-Wheturoa, Kia whītikiria taku hope ki te maurea whiritoi, Kia noho au ki Puhi-nui tonu ki Te Maungarongo a Te Rangiāniwaniwa, Ka mawhiti tonu rā taku haere ki ngā tihi tapu ki Maungapōhatu kia Taiturakina; Kia titiro iho au ki Ruatāhuna ki Manawarū ē ko Te Aitanga-ā-Tūhoe.... Ko te hua o te wānanga o a Tūhoe kōrero tuku iho hāngai ki ana waiata tawhito te pūtake o tēnei tuhinga roa kia auhi noa mai te wairua o ngā tūtakinga kōrero kia riro ko ēnei kōrero tuku iho hei matua hikihiki, whakataratara i te hinengaro, i te wairua, e mau ai tēnei o ngā whare whakairo kōrero o te hua o te wānanga a Tūhoe. Kia kaiaohia aua kōrero ki te ura mai o te motu ki runga i ngā pae maunga o Huiarau tau iho ki a tātau e pōkai kaha nei, e tau awhi nei ki runga i te mata o tēnei whenua ātaahua. Ka paenga rā ngā tau ka kitea, ka rangona tēnā pu kōrero, tēnā whare whakairo kōrero, whakairo waiata. Mea rawa ake kua whakangaro atu ki te tira e tauwhare mai rā. Hika rawa ake, kua mawhiti kē te haere ki te mākau nui o te iwi e tīraha mai rā, tē whakaaratia! Kia rangona, kia kitea noa e tātau te mata kōrero kia eke rā ki runga, taihoa rawa ēnei taonga e ngaro, taihoa rawa nei taonga e haukotia. Ka huri whakauta ki te hua o te wānanga, ko te waiata tawhito tēnā, ko te momo rerenga kōrero i hua mai ai i roto i ngā noho tahitanga a te tangata. He kupu ēnei hei whakaata i te hinengaro, wairua, te taiao, ngā rākau, te wai, te moana, ngā whetu, te whenua, ngā pakanga, te kawa o te marae, te noho tahitanga a ngā tūākana\tāina\tuāhine. Te reo o mātua, o kuia, koroua, ngā kaipupuri i te ahi kā roa o te wā kāinga. Inā hoki ko nga āhuatanga o te tangata tēnā tōna hanga, tōna whakatipu, ōna whakaaro, tōna ngākau, tōna wairua, me ngā momo hāhi i tipu ake ai te pono, ka titiro iho te tika i te rangi ka oti nei he waiata e tipuria ai te hua o te wānanga ki roto i a tātau katoa. Waihoki ko aua waiata nei te ahi whakakā roa o te ngākau,kei kona ōna timatatanga, engari kāore nei ōna whakamutunga. Ka pikitia ake te toi huarewa kia kite noa atu i te kaha o te whakaaro. Ko te wāhanga nui ia kia hapaina tēnei tuhinga roa, hei whakaoho, hei tuku, hei tātari i ngā whiriwhiringa kōrero ā-tuhi, ā-wāha kei roto i te whare kōrero o te whānau, hapū, iwi e timata ai, e mau ai te hua o te wānanga o te whaitua whenua. Tae atu ki ngā takahanga whakaewa ka oti nei he waiata tawhito hei kaiarataki ki ngā tihi maunga o te whakaaro. Ko te kapunga whakaaro ko te whātoro, i te tātari i te kupu, ki te whakamārama i te hua o te wānanga hei tumu whakarae kōhikohi mōhiotanga ki runga, ki raro ki ngā tai timu o te hua o te wānanga. I roto i tēnei tuhinga roa ka takea mai te wānanga i te kore, i te pō, i te ao mārama e tohea ai ngā kete e toru o te wānanga hei anga tohutohu, piki tūranga whakaakoranga ki hea mai nei! Mai i roto i aua kete ka nanahu te hinengaro kōkoi o tātau tīpuna mai anō i te ao Māori. Ko te ao mārama tēnā, ko te ao whenua tēnā, ko ngā pakanga tēnā, ko ngā tinihanga ēnā, ko te apakura, ko te hakamomori ka hua nei te wānanga. Nō reira he mahi, he kaupapa nui tā tēnei tuhinga roa ki te whakakao mai i ngā waiata e mohio ana tātau hei papa kōrero, hei wānanga mā te hunga kei te piki ake i ngā takutai moana o te whakaaro, o tēnei ao e wehi mai nei ki a tātau. Kāre e mihi kei te hopo te iwi, te hunga mau i ēnei waiata ki runga i o tātau marae kei ngaro memeha noa ēnei taonga a tātau. Ae! Kei te tika tā rātau hopo. Inā hoki kua riro kē te reo whakaarorangi i te oro o te waiata i ngā tai nenehawa, whakapōrearea e hukahuka mai nei. Ahakoa tēnei kei te whakaara ake ēnei waiata i runga tonu i te kaha o tēna, o tēna ki te whakaara. Kei te tahuri nui mai te hunga rangatahi, taiohi ki ēnei waiata koia tēnei te tūmatanui o tēnei tuhinga roa, hei tāhu whakaea mo te hinengaro, mo te ngākau o aua whakatipuranga e hiahia nei rātau ki ēnei taonga. Mā te karakia hei waere te whenua, mā te taki i ngā kōrero mo ngā atuā te whakataukī, te whakapepeha ka pupuke mai te hihiri o te mahara i ō tātau tipuna kōkoi e whakakitea nei tātau i ēnei rā ki aua tohu. Ka huia rnai aua pitopito kōrero katoa hei kākahu maeneene ki roto i te kupu o te waiata tawhito, kā mau. He whakaatu tēnei tuhinga roa kei te ora tēnei o ngā momo whare pupuri kōrero i te pū; i te more, te weu me ngā pātaka iringa kōrero o te ao ō Tūhoe ō neherā, tae noa mai ki ēnei rā. Kāti he wā anō i roto i taua ora ka tōia te whakaaro ō Tūhoe, ō te Māori e tauiwi hei tinihanga māna. Engari e kitea ai i roto i tēnei tuhinga roa, ko te toki hei kaupare atu i taua tinihanga ko te kōrero i tuarātia rā: 'Hokia ki o maunga kia purea koe e ngā hau o Tāwhirimātea' Koia tēnā te kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa he tātari i te hānuitanga, te taiwhakatū o taua kōrero: Hokia ki o maunga... Ma taua kōrero Hokia ki o maunga ... ka rangona te mātaotao o te hua o te wānanga o te pakanga o te whenua, o ngā pikikōtuku i tukitukia, kātahi ka kōrero ai ki roto i tā Tūhoe whakatau i ana whakaaro, e taea ai te ruruku ka puea ake. Koia tēnei ko te mana i roto i ngā whakatakotoranga kōrero e mau ai te kurataininihi, te kurataiwawana o te whakaaro. He hua wānanga tēnei e whakaatungia ai e te hinengaro ngā takahanga motuhake, me te hāngai o ā rātau kupu mo ngā whakaaro e tau nei ki tēnei Ao Hurihuri. Nā ngā mahi a ō tātau tīpuna, te para i te huarahi kia takahuritia ai ngā mahi kikino o te riri Pākehā i tū ake ai ngā poropiti o aua tau kikino i rnurua ai ngā whenua, i tukua ai te iwi ki raro. I tū ake ai rātau te hunga poropiti ki te rapu i te ora i te kaupapa tōrangapū mo ngā whenua i hahanitia. Mai i ēnei kaupapa ka hau te rongo o te waiata tawhito hei tūāpapa whakaohooho, whakanekeneke i a tātau katoa, ahakoa ko wai. Whā tekau katoa ngā waiata o tēnei tuhinga roa rnai i tēnā kokona o Tūhoe, rnai i tēnā kokona o Tūhoe e kawe ana i te hua wānanga hei whakaata, hei kōwhiri i te hunga i kaha i rnau tonu te ngangahau i ngā totohe kōrero, totohe tangata, totohe whenua. I kona ka hua te wānanga ka tohea te riri ka mau, i ea ai tētahi wāhi o te mamae. Koia tēnei ko te whakaatu i te kaha o te tohe i te pō, i te awatea. Ko te kawa o te marae te ātamira whakatāhu, tuku i aua hua wānanga i nei rā e rangona ai te kōrero ā-iwi, te hī o te mita o te reo waiata hei hokinga atu ki te nohoanga o te kupu. Ko tētahi anō kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa he whakahoki mai anō i te rnatapihi o Matariki, kia meinga ai ki te kairangi o te kawa o te marae, ka tau ki te whenua i maringi ai te toto. Ko ēnei hua wānanga te oro o te ngākau o Te Ūrewera, te whītiki o te kī mo te tuakiri mo tēnā whakatipuranga, rno tēnā whakatipuranga. Ae! Mā te hua wānanga a Tūhoe e whakaea te mamae e puta ai te pātai. Ko wai rā au? I ahu mai taku wānanga i whea? E ahu ana au ki whea? No te rā nei kua riro mā tēnei tuhinga roa e whakaatu ētahi o ngā hau kikino i whakawhiua kirunga i te iwi e te kāwanatanga i a ia e āki mai ana mo ngā rawa a te iwi, hei tuku he tangatakē. Nō reira i tikina ai te tauparapara a Te Kapo o te Rangi hei whakatauira i te takenga mai ongā kōrero mai i te koko ki Ōhiwa ki te pō, ki te pouri, ki te ao mārama. 'Hokia ki maunga' ko te tangata, ko te iwi, ko te hapū, ko te whānau te tīmatanga o te hua o te wānanga. Koia tēnei tētahi anō kaupapa o tēnei tuhinga roa, he āhuru i aua pukenga tautōhito kōrero kia mau te rangi, kia mau te hā, kia rangona te hua wānanga, oho ake ki te ao ka oti nei he waiata tawhito hei hoa haere whakamua. Ko te kōpae o te whare tēnā e tautokona ana hoki te ahu whakamuatanga o ngā mōrehu kōrero e arohatia nei e tātau. He huarahi atu tēnei hei āwhina, hei tohu i te kei o te waka ki ngā ngaru kokoti e pukepuke rnai nei. Ko te whakapae o tēnei tuhinga roa e titikaha ai ki te hinengaro o Tūhoe me mau ana momo kōrero ki ngā momo hangarau o tēnei ao hurihuri kā tika. Kua roa ēnei taonga e ārikarika ana hei whakarei i te kupu kōrero ki te hunga mate, ki te tira e tatari rnai rā i te waharoa o te marae ki te whakaeke. Kei roto i te wairua o tēnei mahi ka tukua āianei ēnei taonga kia kore ai tātau e taka ki roto i te korekore o te hinengaro, hei whakamahi mā te tamaiti o Tūhoe e hiki ake nei i ngā pae tata, i ngā pae tawhiti. Ko tēnei tuhinga roa te kura kimihia o te ura rnai o te motu i tua atu o Huiarau. Kia hau ai te rongo o a tāitau kōrero ki mua i a tātau hei homai i te aroha kia au ai te matatū tonu, ka maranga kei runga. Kia taria te roanga o te kōrero. Ae! Me hoki rā kā tika: Kā hoki nei au ki te mauri o taku waka a Mātaatua Ko Pūtauaki ki a Ngāti Awa Ko Tāwhiuau, ko Tangiharuru Ko te rae rā o Kohi ki a Awatope Ko Mānuka tūtahi ki Whakatāne, kia Apanui Ko te mauri haria mai nei hei whakaoho i taku moe Ē kō kō ia e ara ē!

It’s like the sun and the tide. The aim of this study was to understand the meaning of ‘being aged’ through the everyday experiences of those who are aged. Philosophically, this interpretive study was informed by hermeneutics and interpretive phenomenology. The writings of two twentieth-century philosophers, Hans-Georg Gadamer and Martin Heidegger, guided the study’s design and research methods. The phenomenon of interest is ‘being aged;’ a thing which is ordinarily taken-for-granted in the everyday. However, much is already spoken and empirically ‘known’ about the phenomenon by those who are not yet aged. Methodologically the study’s design sought to ‘put aside’ those voices and listen in closely to what elders themselves had to say about being in their everyday lives. Individual research conversations were conducted with fifteen participants; four Maori elders aged 71 to 93 and eleven non-Maori elders aged 80 to 97 years. All were living in private residences on Auckland’s North Shore and recruited by way of the general electoral roll. The conversations were focused on gathering the stories of particular everyday events as well as the person’s reflections on aging. Anecdotes drawn from the conversations formed the research text. Hermeneutics informed the interpretive engagement with this text. As a non-Maori researcher, cultural integrity of the text and the interpretations was enhanced through partnership with a Maori advisor. Dwelling hermeneutically with the anecdotal text was a way of listening to the spoken and unspoken words. Four overarching notions were illuminated and form the study’s findings. They are my interpretive descriptions of the ordinary ways of ‘being in the everyday,’ the experiences of ‘being with others’ in advanced age, the announcing of being aged in the uncomfortableness of ‘experiencing the unaccustomed’ and how ‘aging just is’ there in an everyday way. Reflecting phenomenologically on the findings, the meaning of being aged is in its ordinariness. My thesis is that being in the ordinary everyday in advanced age both conceals and reveals the phenomenon of being aged.

This study investigates linguistic, perceptual, and pedagogical change (LPPC) in a short-term, study abroad English immersion program. It proposes the LPPC Interactive Model of second language acquisition based on Gardner's 1985 socioeducational model and Woods' 1996 beliefs, attitudes, and knowledge (BAK) structure. The framework is applied in a cross-cultural context, highlighting participants in the 1993 Camosun Osaka Aoyama English Language Institute involving Japanese English-as-a-Second-Language (ESL) students from Aoyama Junior College in Osaka, Japan, and non-Japanese ESL teachers at Camosun College and Canada's University of Victoria in British Columbia. The study examined the definition of teacher achievement; distinctions between language activation and language acquisition in the short-term, study abroad context; development of the constructs student BAK+, teacher BAK+, and class BAK+ to describe interactions in "class fit"; and the influence of temporal parameters on linguistic, perceptual, and pedagogical change. Data from teacher and student surveys and interviews suggest that change occurs in each of the linguistic, perceptual, and pedagogical dimensions and support constructs proposed for the model.

A Geographic Information System visually communicates both spatial and temporal analyses and has been available for at least twenty years in New Zealand. Using a Kaupapa Māori Research framework, this research investigates the benefits and barriers for Māori if they were to adopt GIS to assist their development outcomes. Internationally, indigenous peoples who have adopted GIS have reported they have derived significant cultural development benefits, including the preservation and continuity of traditional knowledge and culture. As Māori development continues to expand in an increasing array of corporate, scientific, management and cultural arenas, the level of intensity required to keep abreast of developments has also expanded. GIS has been used by some roopū to assist their contemporary Māori development opportunities; has been suggested as a cost effective method for spatial research for Waitangi Tribunal claims; has supported and facilitated complex textual and oral evidence, and has also been used to assist negotiation and empowerment at both central and local government level. While many successful uses are attributed to GIS projects, there are also precautionary calls made from practitioners regarding the obstacles they have encountered. Overall, whilst traditional knowledge and contemporary technology has been beneficially fused together, in some instances hidden or unforeseen consequences have impeded or imperilled seamless uptake of this new technology. Challenges to the establishment of a GIS range from the theoretical (mapping cultural heritage) to the practical (access to data) to the pragmatic (costs and resources). The multiple issues inherent in mapping cultural heritage, indigenous cartography and, in particular, the current lack of intellectual property rights protection measures, are also potential barriers to successful, long-term integration of GIS into the tribal development matrix. The key impediments to GIS establishment identified by surveyed roopū were lack of information and human resources, and prioritisation over more critical factors affecting tangata whenua. Respondents also indicated they would utilise GIS if the infrastructure was in place and the cost of establishment decreased. Given the large amount of resources to be invested into GIS, and the opportunity to establish safe practices to ensure continuity of the GIS, it is prudent to make informed decisions prior to investment. As an applied piece of Kaupapa Māori research, a tangible outcome in the form of an establishment Guide is presented. Written in a deliberately novice-friendly manner, the Guide traverses fundamental issues surrounding the establishment of a GIS including investment costs and establishment processes.

In 1518, Martin Luther is reputed to have nailed his 95 theses to the door of the Castle Church at Wittenberg, an act that sparked the Protestant Reformation. Luther sought change in the Catholic Church: a return to an unmediated relationship with God based on a closer understanding of the Word. Since then, Protestant evangelism has been a force for social change: and this is particularly true in New Zealand, where evangelism has gone hand in hand with the colonisation of the country. This thesis proposes that it is not, in fact, the literal understanding of the Word that gives these services meaning, and that such an understanding is problematic and perhaps even impossible: the Word is always a translation. Instead, it is through what is not said - the performative aspects of evangelistic services, including the use of space, the actions of the evangelist, and pre-existing cultural “horizons of expectation” - that meanings are produced. Taking as material Samuel Marsden’s first service in New Zealand in 1814, in which the Word was preached in English to a congregation who primarily spoke only Maori, the more contemporary example of televangelist Benny Hinn, who performs miracles to television cameras, and the religious and political performances of Destiny Church’s Brian Tamaki, this thesis uses the tools of performance studies to undertake an ethnographic study of evangelistic services. This brings into focus the ways in which evangelists may create congregations and produce meanings in their services through different modes of performance and the ways in which these ulterior meanings impact, and have impacted, on New Zealand society.

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The texts of Maori oral tradition preserve special information for communication within Maori society. The forms in which that information is communicated are varied and in named types. Whakataukii are one of those types and they are one means of making public and preserving knowledge about Maori society. The knowledge which is contained in whakataukii, or referred to by them, ranges from simple observations of daily life, to philosophical concepts and records of history. This thesis proposes that whakataukii are a genre of Maori oral tradition. By examination and interpretation of a selection of sayings arranged in two categories, one which relates to Maori society as a whole and the other which relates to individual tribes, it considers the role of these texts in transmitting cultural information. Oral texts are often represented as unsophisticated forms of language, dependant for sophistication on a development to writing. Sayings are generally studied as colloquial texts and are seldom the subject of the serious interpretative study given to written literature. In this thesis the sayings of Maori oral tradition, with their culturally distinct but highly developed use of language, are regarded as comparable in their own sphere to compositions of written literature.

I nga rua tekau ma rima tau nei ka puta ake ētahi kaupapa mātauranga hei whakaora i te reo tūturu o Aotearoa, i te reo Māori me ōna tikanga. Ka tirohia e tēnei tuhinga roa te kaupapa, arā, ma te kōrero Māori o te hunga tata ki ngā tamariki e ako ana i roto i te reo e puawai ai te kaupapa ako i te reo Māori. Ka tirohia te kaupapa nei, te ārohi i nga kōrero pukapuka-a-whānau hei tautoko i te reo. He huarahi te 'ao tuhi' i roto i nga mahi o ia rā hei whakawhānui i te whakaora i te reo, ki te pupuri hoki i nga tikanga Māori. Ka rangahautia e rua nga mahi e pā ana ki nga ritenga kōrero pukapuka-a-whānau o ngā tamariki nohinohi kātahi anō ka uru ki te kura kaupapa Māori. Ko te māramatanga i puta mai i ēnei rangahau, ma te hāngai tonu ki te kōrero tahi i nga pukapuka ki nga tamariki kua rima nga tau, e tupu ai te kōrero i te reo Māori i nga kāinga, e hāpai ai hoki nga kōkiritanga ki te whakaora, ki te whakawhānui i te reo i roto i nga kura me nga whānau. In the last quarter of the twentieth century a number of educational initiatives have emerged aimed at regenerating Māori, the indigenous language of Aotearoa-New Zealand. This thesis explores the premise that in order for such educational initiatives to be effective, those who have intimate contact with students in their personal domains of life also need to be interacting with them in the target language. It examines interactions in family literacy practices as a constitutive context for adult Māori language elaboration and acquisition processes. 'Literacy' is conceived as providing tools within sociocultural practices to amplify Māori language regeneration and cultural persistence. Across two separate studies the home literacy practices of ten families with new entrant children in a Māori medium sclooling initiative, kura kaupapa Māori, are examined. The results of the studies indicate that specific literacy-related strategies sited in bookreading with 5 year olds can increase the use of Māori language within homes, thereby increasing the effectiveness of Māori language regeneration programmes and initiatives across school and family settings.

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This thesis is a regional study using several kinds of evidence, The focus of the work is the South Kaipara peninsula, on the west coast north of Auckland and the successive Maori peoples whose home it was, There are four major sections: the social environment, the natural environment, archaeological research and, drawing these three together, a multi-disciplinary approach to analysis. The first section comprises three chapters. Chapter 1 traces the doings of the ancestors, using traditions and whakapapa gathered during the latter part of last century. Chapter 2 studies early eyewitness accounts, the advent of Europeans and the changes they effected. Chapter 3 considers the serious consequences of nineteenth century land alienation on the Maori inhabitants of the peninsula, and of population decrease through warfare, European diseases and economic change. The second section contains two chapters. Chapter 4 provides a background to subsequent chapters and covers geomorphology, soils, climate, flora and fauna. Chapter 5, using ethnographic material, explores the resources which would have been important to the Maori people, and the impact which successive groups made to the environment over time. Section 3, of two chapters, describes the archaeological research undertaken on the peninsula since the late 1950s. Chapter 6 includes results of the intensive site recording which began in 1975, and was largely completed in 1978. An overall analysis of the different kinds of sites and their locations is made in relation to soils, topography and height above sea level. Chapter 7 describes and analyses a midden sampling project which produced radiocarbon dates, palaeoenvironmental and shellfish species studies, and a detailed examination of the common cockle which occurred in all middens. The fourth section, Chapter 8, analyses settlement patterns. Because of the very large number and concentration of sites, the peninsula is divided into 14 geographic units so that aspects of these could be compared. Included are 1) landscape and topographic features, 2) historical settlement information, 3) the recorded sites and their frequencies, and 4) site type locations and frequencies. The findings for the areas are compared and conclusions drawn to suggest an overall culture history of the Maori people of the South Kaipara Peninsula.

This thesis uses a discourse analytic approach to the language used by Pakeha in talk about Maori in Aotearoa/New Zealand. The research begins with an assay of a large body of public submissions and, using the finding of common themes and patterns of ideas, images and usages running though the data, proceeds to examine texts arising from other contexts in order to comment on the generality of the original results. It is suggested that the commonalities described amount to an ideological and linguistic resource base for the construction of a powerful "standard story" of Maori/Pakeha relations, which underpins and legitimates the oppressive status quo. Further extensions of the investigation examine changes in the discourse in the contemporary setting and pursue origins of the themes in historical texts arising from the period of contact between Maori and Pakeha prior to the colonisation of the country.

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This is an archaeological study of Maori occupation along the lower Waihou River, Hauraki from the time of first settlement at about 1450 until 1850 AD. It identifies changes in the environment, economy, settlement distribution and demography over time, and details four pre-contact and three post-contact phases of occupation with differing economic, social, political and spatial responses. These are brought together in a developmental framework describing a series of cultural changes, thereby enabling the underlying processes to be ascertained. This research makes several arguments. Firstly, that Maori material culture has to be understood in the light of the functional and socio-political context in which the objects were made and used. Secondly, that regional analysis of this type employing a range of detailed environmental, settlement location, historical and excavation data are necessary in order to provide an historical developmental framework. Thirdly, that New Zealand settlement distribution studies have to adopt a more flexible approach using models more appropriate to Maori society. Fourthly, that cultural processes can best be analysed through the underlying ideological concepts of the society whose culture is being studied. The thesis concludes that the people of Hauraki displayed a range of dynamic socio-political responses to a variety of natural and human induced events that occurred over a four hundred year period.

I roto i ngā toru ngahuru tau kua tupu haere ngā kaupapa mātauranga mō te reo Māori mai i te kōhanga reo, ki te kura kaupapa Māori, ki te whare kura tae atu ki ngā whare wānanga Māori. Nā tērā whanaketanga o ngā kura reo Māori i rerekē ai te whakaako. Ka kitea ka huri te reo Māori hei kaupapa ako, ā, nā reira ka nui haere ngā kupu ā-kaupapa. technical language, subject specific Kātahi ka whakaputaina he marautanga reo Māori hei āwhina mā ngā kaiako ki te whakatutuki i ngā whāinga ako i roto i te akomanga. Engari, kāore i kitea te whānuitanga o ngā momo-kōrero i roto i te marautanga reo Māori, ahakoa e tāia ana te manomano rauemi. Kāore i whakanahanaha te takoto i ngā momo-kōrero hei āwhina mā ngā pouako reo Māori. Ahakoa he mea nui tērā inā ka whakaakona te reo matatini literacy ki te reo Māori. Kei te tapanga, He Pātaka Momo-Kōrero, He Kete Momo Kīpeha, ngā whāinga nui o tēnei rangahau mō te reo matatini, mō te mātātuhi literature hoki. Tuatahi, ka whakaemia tētehi huinga momo-kōrero Māori, kātahi ka whakarōpūtia aua momo-kōrero ki ētehi anga momo-kōrero. He tātai momo-kōrero, me kī. Tuarua, ka tīpakohia tētehi o aua rōpū hei āta tātari. Koia ko te kīpeha me ngā anga momo kīpeha. Ka whakaaturia te wetereo, te tikanga, te whakamahia o aua kīpeha ki ngā kupu ake a ngā kaiuru me ētehi tauira mātātuhi. Ka tohea he tino whai pānga aua āhuatanga reo kia mōhio ai te tangata ki te whakakounga i te reo Māori. Ka toko ake ngā kōrero nei i ngā whakawhitinga kōrero a ngā kaiuru 28. Ka arotakea ngā anga reo e tētehi atu rōpū tāngata, tekau nei, kia kitea ai mēnā he whai hua, he whai māramatanga ki te hapori reo Māori. He nui kē atu ngā kōrero ka whakahokia mai mō te kounga o te reo pērā i te aronga Māori, i te kaupapa Māori, i te takotoranga Māori. Heoi, ko tētehi kitenga nui o tēnei rangahau, ki tā te Māori titiro, he wāhanga nui te reo peha kia kounga te momo-kōrero, ā, kei tēnei tuhinga kairangi ētehi whakamāramatanga o aua kīpeha hei manaaki i te mauri ora o te reo Māori.

This study investigates the nature of the relationship that the state in New Zealand, the Crown, has established with Māori as a tribally-based people. Despite the efforts of recent New Zealand Governments to address the history of Crown injustice to Māori, the relationship of the Crown with Iwi Māori continues to be fraught with contradictions and tension. It is the argument of the thesis that the tension exists because the Crown has imposed a social, political, and economic order that is inherently contradictory to the social, political, and economic order of the Māori tribal world. Overriding an order where relationships are negotiated and alliances built between autonomous groups, the Crown constituted itself as a government with single, undivided sovereignty, used its unilateral power to introduce policy and legislation that facilitated the dispossession of whānau and hapū of their resources and their authority in the land, and enshrined its own authority and capitalist social relations instead. The thesis is built round a critical reading of five Waitangi Tribunal reports, namely the Muriwhenua Fishing Report, Mangonui Sewerage Report, The Te Roroa Report, Muriwhenua Land Report, and Te Whanau o Waipareira Report.

Background Prior to the commencement of this study, gambling was not considered a significant health issue for Maori, even though the first national gambling prevalence study in New Zealand in 1991, identified that Maori had at least three times the risk of problem gambling of non-Maori. In the early 1990s, through the provision of a gambling telephone helpline and gambling counselling services, it was identified that Maori and in particular Maori women, were increasingly seeking help with problems with gambling. Gambling is an integral part of the culture of New Zealand. To understand gambling and problem gambling requires an understanding of the social, economic and cultural context it plays in being Maori. Aim of Study This study investigated whether gambling and problem gambling is an emerging health issue for Maori and if so, the extent of the problem, its effects on Maori and health approaches, and interventions which are likely to be effective for Maori. A public health approach to address problem gambling has been investigated and a plan developed. Methodology This study has been undertaken from a Maori-centered and an action-oriented research approach. It has involved integrating existing and new information from the following sources: Maori patterns of gambling and expenditure, gambling prevalence data, Maori utilisation of gambling treatment services and gambling by indigenous people. Fifteen Maori problem gamblers have been interviewed to understand from the "inside looking out" their experience of problem gambling. Thirty key informants have also been interviewed to understand from the "outside looking in" their perspective as to whether gambling is an emerging health issue for Maori. This research has involved quantitative analysis and qualitative research. Findings This study has found that problem gambling is an emerging public health issue for Maori. The effects of problem gambling for Maori are invisible and masked by other health problems such as alcohol abuse or mental health problems. Maori prevalence of problem gambling is similar to other indigenous populations which have shared similar historical and socio-economic experiences. Problem gambling often leads to crime, imprisonment, development of other health problems and the break down of families. Focusing alone on problem gambling ignores the real issues for Maori, a wider perspective is needed which focuses on Maori and tribal development. A public health strategy is proposed to reduce Maori gambling related harm.

This thesis explores representations of Maaori women characters in plays written by Maaori between 1980 and 2000, arguing that, as the level of self-determination in Maaori theatre has increased, these representations have become less stereotyped and more reflective of a range of Maaori women’s realities. The thesis suggests that waahine dramatists in particular represent contemporary Maaori cultural identity as flexible, diverse and changing. The Introduction gives reasons for the thesis' focus on Maaori women and outlines three major influences which have determined the approach to close-readings and analyses of waahine characters in the body of the thesis: an early Paakehaa representation of Maaori women, an increase of Maaori dramatists and the emergence of Maaori women's feminism. The thesis comprises a further six chapters. Chapter One contextualises the play analyses which appear in Chapters Four Five and Six by describing a Maaori theatre and drama whakapapa that stakes a significant and influential place for waahine theatre practitioners. Chapters Two and Three explore tino rangatiratanga/sel-determination and marae-concept theatre (respectively), arguing that between 1980 and 2000 these aspects of content and form have created theatrical conditions which facilitate Maaori women's representation. Chapters Four, Five and Six show that, as Maaori women such as Renee' Rena Owen, Riwia Brown, Roma Potiki and Briar Grace-Smith have become more active in the Maaori theatre whakapapa, contemporary representations of Maaori women have become more complex and diverse. A set of bibliographic appendices provides detailed lists of first productions of plays mentioned in the thesis. Throughout, the thesis maps the increased visibility and presence of Maaori women on the New Zealand stage, showing how in the years 1980-2000 the theatre has become a potent site for expression and exploration of Maaori cultural identity.

This study looked at the functions and uses of the problematic particle ai in New Zealand Māori. Ai is described primarily as a verbal particle. It appears in a number of seemingly disparate constructions, has no parallel in English, and there has never been a satisfactory explanation of all its uses. The data consists of a large corpus of sentences containing ai that were extracted from selected texts written by native speakers from as early as the 19th Century up until 2005. Sentences were also solicited from fluent speakers. Analysis of the data and discussions with native speakers led to the conclusion that ai exists as two distinct particles, which were labelled habitual ai, and anaphoric ai. Habitual ai is a verbal marker that confers habitual aspect on its verb. It was found that it is mainly used by speakers from the Eastern regions of the North Island. Anaphoric ai refers back to some element earlier in the discourse. It has two forms, labelled resumptive ai and resultative ai. Resumptive ai is an anaphoric pro-form that resumes a specific noun phrase in its clause. It was found to have a grammatical function. When resumptive ai was deleted from its clause consultants judged the results ill-formed. An example of a construction with resumptive ai is a sentence with an adverbial of reason located before the verb. Resultative ai locates its clause in prior discourse, making a causal link between its clause and the prior element. It was found to have a mainly lexical function. When resultative ai was deleted from its clause consultants judged that the meaning had altered and that the causal link was weakened or lost. An example of a construction with resultative ai is a purpose clause which follows an action that has been carried out for that specific purpose. This thesis provides a unified explanation for all uses of ai. It also accounts for previously unexplained appearances, by showing that one form of ai may occur in environments restricted to another. Its appearance in non-verbal phrases are accounted for, and observations have been made about changes in its use over time.

This thesis investigates the iwi (Māori tribal) organisations established in New Zealand in the 1980s and 1990s to manage resources being transferred as a result of Treaty of Waitangi settlements and the devolution of government services. The research has two objectives. Firstly, it aims to document iwi organisations’ establishment and operation from the viewpoint of those working inside the organisations. Secondly, it compares insider perspectives with economic theories concerning the causes, consequences and development of economic institutions. To address the first objective, the research gathers qualitative data for three iwi organisations and uses these to construct case reports. An inductive comparison across cases finds that while the underlying motivation for creating the iwi organisations is a desire to live as Māori, the immediate stimuli are opportunities negotiated with government. Iwi are chosen, in preference to other Māori groups, because of their size and traditional status and organisational success is dependent on meeting the requirements of both members and external parties. To address the second objective, the research examines a number of theories from new institutional economics which assist understanding of the empirical findings. To adequately explain iwi organisations as a whole, however, and to assess the relative explanatory power of the theories, they must be connected into a single explanatory framework. The research constructs a framework using the concept of social capital, understood as the combination of all the socio-economic institutions operating to make collective action possible. The framework proposes that socio-economic institutions can have an influence and value independent of other forms of capital. Viewing new iwi organisations through the constructed theoretical framework casts them as intermediaries, managing relational contracts between tribal members and external parties. The relational contracts with members constitute bonding social capital and are characterised by informal institutions of high intrinsic value, considerable relationship-specific social capital, transferability across tasks but not persons, and a preference for voice over exit. Relational contracts with external parties are primarily instrumental in value and formal institutions play a significant role; they show variability in the importance of informal institutions, relationship-specific social capital, transferability and preference for exit over voice. The thesis presents an insider’s view of new iwi organisations and then translates this view into the concepts of new institutional economics. In doing so, it contributes to two discussions: first, on the appropriate way to understand new iwi organisations; second, on the appropriate way for new institutional economics to understand society’s economic institutions.

ABSTRACT Several writers have argued that New Zealand’s colonial history has thwarted optimal identity development among Māori (Awatere, 1984; Lawson Te-Aho, 1998a; 1998b). In recent decades the view that Māori identity may be restored via enculturation has gained widespread acceptance (Broughton, 1993; Edwards, 1999). Recent research indicates, however, that many Māori perceive their identities in ways that differ from the enculturated ideal (Borrell, 2005; Te Hoe Nuku Roa, 1996; 1999). Relatively little is known of the diverse interpretations that comprise ‘alternative’ Māori identity forms. This thesis aims to contribute to current understandings of Māori identity by exploring identity change across three generations of Māori women. For the purposes of the research, identity was treated as ‘held’ within personal life-stories and transformations were investigated by comparing the life-stories of 35 Māori women from different age groups. Attention was given to the impact of three socio-historical processes on identity: the mass migration of Māori from rural to urban locations after the 1950s, the drive towards Māori assimilation which underpinned Government policy towards Māori until the late 1960s, and the Māori political and cultural renaissance which gathered momentum in New Zealand from the 1970s. Data analyses found participants born prior to urbanisation evaluated their Māori identities positively and this seemed to reflect their isolation from Pākehā and exposure to competent Māori role models during their formative years. Participants aged between 35 and 49 expressed disharmony and tension around their Māori identities which many attributed to their early exposure to negative evaluations of Māori people. ‘Post-renaissance’ Māori, aged between 18 and 35, reported prizing their cultural distinctiveness from a young age and affirmed Māori political, cultural and social equality despite what they perceived as enduring Pākehā prejudice. This interpretation appeared to reflect their early exposure to educational experiences which imparted a sense of cultural pride and a national news media which publicised Māori political activism. Women’s life-stories reveal distinct intergenerational differences, a multiplicity of interpretations of Māori identity not widely articulated in literature, and the need to expand current paradigms of Māori identity to incorporate the individuality of group members.

The present research consists of an interdisciplinary approach which combines mainly sub-disciplines from the anthropological and psychological perspectives as theoretical background. Regarding the latter, from the cognitive anthropology perspective the research highlights Bradd Shore’s (1996) view on cognitive models, together with the theories put forward by the sociocultural approach in psychology based on Vygotsky’s school of thought. The main objective of the study is to achieve a broad view on the use of traditional korero paki and korero o nehera (Maori folktales/legends and myths) as pedagogical tools and as cognitive models. The latter includes a bibliographical review which covers the analysis of narratives and their usage from different areas, such as Maori epistemology and education, cultural psychology and cognitive anthropology. Being a research stemmed from an anthropological concern –how do people from different sociocultural backgrounds construct and transmit knowledge- it considered as a fundamental element an empirical or “fieldwork” approach to the matter. Therefore, the research analyses –based on semi-structured interviews- the perspectives and understanding of the usage of traditional Maori narratives as educational tools of scholars in the Maori studies/education field and of a sample of Maori teachers, most of them connected to a Kura Kaupapa Maori school, constituting a “study case” for this qualitative study. A period of complementary participant observation was also carried out, focusing on the pedagogical practises and styles of the participant teachers. Through this, the research aims to contextualise the bibliographical and theoretical findings, considering the contemporary applications, limitations and understandings encountered through concrete experience.

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This thesis is a history of Maori ship and flourmill ownership set into the wider economic context of mid-nineteenth-century New Zealand. It examines why and how Māori purchased flourmills and trading ships in this period and questions the currently popular view that these were ill-advised investments driven by a desire for status symbols or mere fads resulting from a culturally characteristic neophilia. It argues that both industries were generally well-considered enterprises, appropriate to contemporary conditions, and that they made significant contributions to the New Zealand colonial economy at a particularly fragile stage. An examination of Māori trading practices from the time of European contact establishes that certain aspects of their social relationships and commercial practice were 'traditional' and therefore provide points from which to consider the process of change. It is argued that customary modes facilitated the optimisation of economic benefits presented by a hugely expanded marketplace but that contemporary Christian and western political economic ideas, which gave ideological support to flourmill and ship ownership, also contributed significantly to the involution of Māori commercial enterprise. Māori necessarily responded to these teachings, but a consideration of the rationale behind their acquisition of these assets supports the appropriateness of such investments under contemporary conditions. Evidence from a wide range of Māori and Pakeha sources forms the basis for examining the motivations and management of Māori shipping and flourmilling enterprises and for tracking changes in understandings of proprietary rights. In this context, philosophical and political intervention by missionaries and other Pakeha agents, including the valorisation of individual ownership and enterprise, can be seen to have enticed those from the lower echelons of Māori society to forsake the obligations of a communal economy. As well as undermining the communal nature of Māori society and the authority of traditional leaders, these interventions also fostered greater rigidity in Maori social, economic, and political structures so that the advantages of customary ways were lost. Combined with the loss of resources and a concomitant rise in the political power of the rapidly growing Pakeha population, these changes made it increasingly difficult for Māori to sustain their economic predominance.

Abstract/ Whakarāpoto Take The specific aim of this study is to identify critical features of wānanga or the traditional Māori learning institution and how these might inform Māori education today in a University setting. It also examines the responsiveness of the tertiary institution in creating an indigenous infrastructure aimed at Māori educational participation. A number of ‘critical events’ relating to Māori educational development interventions in the 1980’s will be considered with the expectation that they will serve to inform the development of better educational outcomes for access, participation, recruitment, retention and the advancement of Māori in the conventional University setting. For the purpose of this study contemporary Māori academic sites, which include state funded wānanga, as well as other indigenous academic sites will be discussed, including the First Nations House of Learning at the University of British Columbia1. There is thus an international perspective in this study. Whare wānanga were a key institution in traditional Māori society and represented in all regions of Aotearoa/ New Zealand. The ability to travel and share each other’s knowledge attested or benchmarked by others was a key part of the maintenance of the tribal lore. Tōhunga were central to the entire process of controlling the knowledge and selecting to whom it was to be imparted. This raises a question of what a contemporary wānanga, as an intervention and an academic entity would look like at the University of Auckland and would it withstand international scrutiny? As a kaupapa Māori educational intervention, it is a theoretical test in the configurations of conscientization, resistance and transformative praxis. The inclusive approach in using existing material and people resources to maximize the impact of the intervention is to be discussed in this thesis. Specific case studies provide a means for checking the evidence for the processes and the predicted outcomes for kaupapa Māori theory. The recalling of events is central to both case studies. An event such as the rugby match that took place between both countries in 1927, discussed later in this thesis, combined with similar initiatives embarked upon by indigenous leaders from both tertiary communities to create a physical presence for First Nations and Māori, are identities at the core of the case studies. Cultural connection, and a style of operation that is inclusive, enact in part the values raised by Madeleine McIvor: respect, reciprocity, relevance and responsibility. The factors all converge to build this thesis into a series of conversations. The collaboration undertaken over long distances and periods of time has motivated the creation of this record of the stories of both institutions, that can be added to by others in the future. The markers of success for the University of Auckland include the arresting of the decline of Māori student enrolments alongside the growth of Māori participating in post-graduate study and research, therefore providing opportunity to contribute to the bank of knowledge in New Zealand society. While the regeneration of the language in New Zealand has been the driving force behind the wānanga development at the University of Auckland building further on the foundations of kohanga reo, kura kaupapa Māori, whare kura and wānanga, the development of Māori as with First Nations initiatives has been in the area of education. Tertiary institutions offer a context in which kaupapa Māori theory brings together common threads of communication for people. Whether this is through elements of struggle within societies or just survival, the main thing is that people need each other to develop and progress.

This study examines children’s development and incorporation of literacy expertise across multiple sites and the transitions to school by four Māori preschool children, their whānau (families) and their teachers in Aotearoa/New Zealand. This study is embedded in a Kaupapa Māori framework of understanding and explaining teaching and learning processes across multiple sites of learning for children whose practices reflect ways of being and acting Māori. Descriptions of teaching and learning processes are also explained utilising a co-constructivist theoretical framework. These descriptions and explanations focus on the psychological processes of learning and development that children, whānau and teachers’ engage in their practice. A two phase case study design was employed that examines the teaching and learning processes of literacy across multiple sites. The first phase provides qualitative data that describes and explains how the different sorts of literacy and language activities are coconstructed by whānau and children. The ways by which literacy activities are constructed are inherent in parents ideas about teaching and learning reflected out of their diverse pedagogical practices. The distinct pedagogical practices also highlight the multiple pathways to learning that children developed and experienced in becoming an expert. This study also reported the influence of early educational settings as alternative and multiple contexts by which learning is organised and constructed. The different contexts provided families with specific ideas and practices about the teaching and learning process. The second phase of the study provides descriptions of how children’s literacy expertise was incorporated into classroom literacy and language activities. This phase of the study examines how teachers provided opportunities by which children’s literacy expertise was incorporated into classroom activities. This study reported incidents where incorporation of children’s level of literacy expertise was enhanced while other children’s literacy expertise was discouraged in classroom activities. The significance of the reported differences of incorporation was provided from teacher’s ideas and beliefs about children’s literacy expertise upon entry to school. The study showed how teacher’s ideas reflected the way that they organised and constructed literacy activities. Teacher’s ideas also reflected their awareness of the diversity of children’s literacy expertise. The earlier phase of this study examined the multiple ways and multiple contexts by which children learn and develop literacy expertise. Incorporation of children’s literacy expertise into classroom activities was determined by the degree to which teachers made connections that resonated children’s expertise. This was also determined by teacher’s instructional practices in the context of the classroom environment. The implications of this study make important contributions to pedagogical practices for teachers in classroom environments. The descriptions and explanations reported in this study highlight the complexities of teaching and learning for children of diverse cultural and language communities.

This thesis examines modern iwi governance systems and their effect on whakapapa as an organisational framework in Māori societies. The main question addressed was; can whakapapa survive as an organisational process, or will it be stifled, as Māori societies struggle to establish a strong identity in contemporary New Zealand. As an organisational framework for Māori societies, whakapapa works through a series of principles that function through relationships between people, and between people and other elements that make up the world. Contemporary Māori groups continue to claim that they are whakapapa-based societies. This thesis examines that claim by investigating to what extent of "being Māori" today is about adherence to those principles and to whakapapa-based processes and relationships, and how much is it about being shaped by non-Māori constructs that have been formed by state-intervention and legislated changes to Māori social organisation. If being Maori today has as much or more to do with the latter, what place does whakapapa have in contemporary Māori society, and to what level and to what extent can the principles of whakapapa be upheld as the basis for contemporary Māori societies. A series of stories and case studies were used to answer the questions posed in the thesis. The case studies demonstrated the ways in which whakapapa worked in everyday situations, and how the people who take part in whakapapa-based relationships understood them to work. They also demonstrated how state intervention through legislation has challenged the way Māori groups structure themselves when new circumstances have required compromise and change. The institutionalised evolution of Māori societies is examined in more detail using one example of a modern tribal structure, Te Rūnanga o Ngāi Tahu. The Ngāi Tahu example typifies the implications for Māori if they choose to move from a whakapapa-based organisational model of governance to a centralised legalbureaucratic model of governance. The adoption of the new centralised governance structures, such as Te Rūnanga o Ngāi Tahu, will mean that Māori hapū and iwi societies are in danger of disappearing to be replaced by a generic group,shaped by legislation and integrated into the wider nation-state of New Zealand. Whakapapa can only remain at the core of Māori societies, if Māori allow it to, but when Māori adopt centralised "generic" system of governance, hapū and iwi societies, become censored versions of their former selves.
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The thesis will show that a distinctive New Zealand voice in the arts may be found not in an "essence", as has sometimes been suggested, but at chronologically specific intersections of discourses. Each of the six works I examine has been made in New Zealand and is a mixture of music and language. As generic hybrids, combinations of music and language make appropriate objects of study for a thesis that explores a specific local dialogue between the 'mixture' and the 'essence', the 'hybrid' and the 'authentic', the 'indigenous' and the 'exotic', the 'local' and the 'imported', the 'centre' and the 'periphery.' Like acquisitive magpies, New Zealand artists constantly collect and select their material. They sift, save, reject and synthesise, and in so doing they create new combinations out of old ingredients. One of the characteristics of New Zealand poetry is that it has often been combined with music. There have been many collaborations between poets and musicians since colonial times. These collaborative texts occupy a complex space between art forms, just as New Zealand artists negotiate between orientations, positioning themselves between different cultural traditions. In its own process of selection, the thesis selects six works for close analysis which represent not only different periods but also different forms of synthesis. Each work represents 'New Zealand', yet what this means in practice is different in each case.

Recent research focusing on improving educational outcomes for Māori students in mainstream secondary schools in Aotearoa/New Zealand have asserted that building positive student-teacher relationships in the classroom are fundamental (c. f. Bishop, Berryman, & Richardson, 2003; Bishop & Tiakiwai, 2003; Ministry of Education, 2002, 2006). In contrast, attempts to investigate the educational benefits associated with Māori students participating in cultural learning activities, such as kapa haka, and the implications for improving levels of Māori student achievement, remains relatively unexplored. To embark on such an investigation, Māori kapa haka students and teachers from four mainstream secondary schools were invited to take part in an interview process informed by using a Kaupapa Māori theoretical approach. As a result, the study revealed quite emphatically that not only does kapa haka provide Māori students with an appropriate ‘culturally responsive’ learning experience, but that they also feel more confident and optimistic about school and their education. Moreover, kapa haka provides the opportunity for students to celebrate who they are as Māori and as ‘culturally connected’ learners in mainstream schooling contexts. In addition, Māori students through the kapa haka experience learn to ‘protect’, ‘problem-solve’, ‘provide’, and ‘heal’ their inner self-worth, essence and wellbeing as Māori. Similarly, most teachers agreed that kapa haka provides Māori students with a creative, dynamic and powerful way to access their learning potential as cultural human beings. An overwhelming response by both students and teachers is that kapa haka should be timetabled as an academic subject to provide greater access to indigenous and cultural performing art that affirms their identity as Māori, and our uniqueness as New Zealanders. Finally, the research proposes a ‘culturally responsive’ learning strategy to assist what mainstream secondary schools and teachers provide as valid and purposeful learning opportunities for ‘culturally connected’ learners who are Māori.

This thesis is a case study that examines the educative activities of two Church Missionary Society (CMS) women, Marianne Coldham Williams and her sister-in-law Jane Nelson Williams, during the period 1823-1835. This study examines the role and status of these two missionary women in the early CMS mission station at Paihia in northern New Zealand. Marianne and Jane Williams were missionary educators whose primary task was to establish schools for local Maori pupils and resident missionary pupils. These first mission schools were established according to a perceived hierarchy of "need." Consequently, the first schools, established in 1823 were for Nga Puhi women and girls followed by a school for the missionary daughters in 1826. A school for Nga Puhi men and boys was not established until 1827 and a school for the missionary sons was delayed until 1828. Through the re-formation of Maori women as Christian women, Maori society was to replicate the "pleasantries" of (Pakeha) "Christian society." The schoolroom, not the pulpit became the central site to instigate changes in Maori society and the CMS initially charged Marianne and Jane Williams with the responsibility for this task. One of the strategies developed by Marianne and Jane Williams to survive in a frontier society was to form a network based on their sister-hood. Through the exchanging of letters between the two women in New Zealand and their "sisters" in England, a reciprocal friendship was created that provided Marianne and Jane with the support they sought. These letters and diaries provide valuable autobiographical accounts of the daily lives and missionary activities of Marianne and Jane. This study, therefore, presents a challenge to prevailing historical narratives that position men at the centre of missionary activities. Missionary policy documents and manuscript material written by early nineteenth century missionary women and men reveal that in New Zealand women played a critical role in the "Christianising" and "civilising" policies and practices. In placing women at the centre of historical inquiry and as historical agents, this study re-presents the historical narrative in a different voice.

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This thesis may be regarded as both a history of the present and a signifier for the future. Developed during a time of dramatic global upheavals and transformations, it is concerned with the political economy of world order and the ontologies of being upon which world order is predicated. As the framework for the world order of nation states, international law was the means whereby indigenous peoples within colonised territories reconstructed from sovereign nations to dependent populations. Undperpinning this body of law and the political formations of world order were sets of social and political ontologies which continue to be contested. These ontologies are frequently at variance with those of indigenous peoples and shape the arena within which the struggle for self-determination and the validation of indigenous knowledge, values and subjectivities is played out. Contextualised within the international political and juridical framework, the thesis utilises critical theoretical traditions to examine the participation of indigenous peoples in the construction of world order and new global formations. Positioned from a Maori perspective, the thesis also tracks the historical role of education in the development of world order and considers the role and form of Maori educational resistance. In engaging with these issues across macro and micro levels, the thesis identifies the international arena, the national state and forms of regionalism as sites for the reshaping of the global politico/economic order and the emergence of Empire. Allied to this are the reconstruction of hierarchies of knowledge and subjectivities within new Manichean divides. Key questions raised in the thesis concern the positioning of indigenous ontologies and epistemologies within the emergent global order, and the nature of resistance or response. Calls for a new ontology of world order are increasingly being articulated in response to the multiple and increasing crises of globalisation. This thesis argues that, far from irrelevant, traditional indigenous social, political and cosmological ontologies are profoundly important to the development of transformative alternative frameworks for global order.

The principal objective of this doctoral research is to examine the ways in which key contemporary (2000-2005) fictional writings by Māori women authors Patricia Grace, Paula Morris, and Kelly Ana Morey demonstrate “survivance” – a term used by University of New Mexico Professor Gerald Vizenor and Ohio State University Professor Chadwick Allen to refer to the ways in which indigenous authors use their texts as “a means of cultural survival that comes with denying authoritative representations of [indigenous peoples] in addition to developing an adaptable, dynamic identity that can mediate between conflicting cultures” (Allen “Thesis” 65). I argue that acts of Māori cultural survivance are manifested in the works of these three authors both internally, in terms of the actions of characters in their fictional narratives, and externally, by the authors themselves who fight for survivance in a literary publishing world that is often slow to recognize and value works of fiction that challenge traditional (Western) modes of novel form and style. Thesis chapters therefore include both extensive critical readings of Grace’s novel Dogside Story (2001), Morris’s novels Queen of Beauty (2002) and Hibiscus Coast (2005), and Morey’s novel Bloom (2003) as well as detailed biographical information based on my interviews with the authors themselves. The thesis emphasizes the ways in which each woman’s approach to writing survivance fiction is largely driven by her personal history and whakapapa. The study also asserts that Grace, Morris and Morey are producing acts of indigenous literary cultural survivance that “imagine the world healthy,” something author and critic Maxine Hong Kingston demands that contemporary writers of critical fictions must do if they are going to convince the book-buying populace “not to worship tragedy as the highest art anymore” (204). Grace, Morris, and Morey depict the creative, generative, and “healthy” aspects of Māori cultural survivance as taking place in both the real and imagined communities which they live in and write about. Their texts offer hope for the ongoing survival – and survivance – of Māori culture in the twenty-first century.

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How meaning is articulated, suggested or repressed in transition processes is an inherently social phenomenon. The history of theorising about ornament bears evidence to this as much as do current practices of ornamentation. From myths, as narratives of meaning, to ‘mere ornament’ – the various signifying practices (and forms of life within which they take place) determine how meaning changes. People will perceive such change differently, depending on their perspectives and circumstances and, under certain conditions, change can be conceived of as loss. This thesis, in its theoretical part, explores issues pertaining to meaning and ornament in epistemology, philosophy, sociology, semiotics, aesthetics and psychoanalysis. In its practical part it seeks to make connections with signifying practices involving ornament in the life-worlds of users, the use of ornament in public buildings, bicultural relationships involving appropriation or misappropriation, and the education of designers in New Zealand. For that, data derived from four empirical research projects are presented and theorised. In the fourth part, theories and practices are brought together to shed light on struggles with ornamental meaning in the past and in the present. Theories, with their classification of myths, symbols and ornament, ignore wide ranges of signifying practices and privilege some form of significations at the expense of others. Because of their separation from the language- games and forms of life of ornamental practice, they often fail to grasp issues that are important to non-theorists. All the research projects demonstrated that the large majority of participants like and relate to ornament. They also showed, however, that Pakeha traditions of ornament are not only perceived to have suffered the same historical rupture as those in the West but also that the theoretical discreditation upon which they were based was used as a tool of oppression when applied to Maori art. Attempts to explain bicultural practices of appropriation or misappropriation without reference to the history of colonisation and present power configurations must fail. Whether or not a cultural image retains or loses its meaning depends on factors such as knowledge, understanding, relationality and co-operation. If culture is, however, treated as a resource for commodification – as it is by the culture industries – cultural elements are subjected to rules inherent in marketing and capitalist economies and their meaning is deliberately changed. Those who ought to be able to deal competently with these issues (designers and other cultural intermediaries) receive little in their education to prepare them for the ornamental strategies and tactics of their future clients. The academic environment is still largely determined by modernist agendas, and ornament as a topic and as practice – continues to be repressed. If a meaningful ornamental language and practice relevant to Aotearoa is to be shared, created, and sustained the divisions between theory and the life-world need to be interrogated; the distance through an assumed superiority of Pakeha to Maori history, culture and people relinquished; and a type of conversation must commence that takes seriously the Treaty of Waitangi as the founding document of this country. The partnership concept of this document facilitates conversation about differential positions and rules and can ‘take us out of our old selves by the power of strangeness, to aid us in becoming new beings’ (Rorty, 1980: 289).

This research studies Pakeha who have engaged with Maori cultural learning contexts. Within a social constructionist theoretical framework, and with a combination of the critical and communicative approaches to cultural identity, the research explores the meaning these Pakeha bring to being Pakeha. Discourse analysis tools of interpretative repertoires and linguistic resources are used to analyse data from semi-structured interviews with six Paheha participants. Participants have experienced Maori cultural learning contexts before or during the research, through learning te reo, tikanga Maori and about nga ao o nga iwi Maori. The research found that, largely, meanings participants brought to being Pakeha were in contrast to stereotypical notions of what it means to be Pakeha. Participants demonstrated that for them being Pakeha meant being connected to nga ao o nga iwi Maori; being aware of Pakeha privilege; mediating and negotiating being Pakeha with dominant notions of Pakehaness; valuing the history of Aotearoa-New Zealand, along with valuing te reo me ona tikanga. Furthermore, the research also found that the consistently postcolonial identity participants brought to being Pakeha shifted according to context, troubling the meanings of Pakeha also.

This research takes an autoethnographical approach to exploring the connections between being a nurse, doing nursing work, and experiencing a mental illness. Data is comprised of autoethnographical stories from 18 nurses. Drawing on Lyotard’s (1988) postmodern philosophy of ‘regimes of phrases’ and ‘genres of discourse,’ the nurses’ stories yielded three motifs: Nursing, Tangata Whaiora (people seeking wellness) and Bullying. Motifs are recurring topical, emotional and contextual patterns which have been created in this research by means of the formation of collective stories from the content of the nurses’ stories, artwork, fictional vignettes and poetry. Interpretation of the motifs was undertaken by identifying and exploring connected or dissenting aspects within and between the motifs. Using Fine’s (1994) notion of hyphenated lives, the spaces between these aspects were conceptualised as hyphens. The Nursing motif revealed a hyphen between the notion of the nurses as selfless and tireless carers, and the mastery requirements of professionalism. The nurses’ hope for caring, belonging, expertise and ‘goodness’ were also features of the nursing motif. The Tangata Whaiora motif revealed the hyphen between being a compliant patient and a self-determined person seeking wellness, and also foreshadowed the notion that the nursing identity does not ‘permit’ the dual identities of nurse and tangata whaiora. This research has found that nurses who have experienced, or are vulnerable to, mental illness negotiate a nexus of hyphens between societal, professional and personal expectations of the nurse. Ongoing unsuccessful negotiation of their identities is exhausting and leads to enduring distress. At times, negotiation is not possible and the nurse is immobilised in a differend of silence and injustice. At such times, the only resolution possible for the nurse is to leave the nursing profession. Bullying surfaced as a feature of the hyphen between the nursing and tangata whaiora identities, as well as being a part of each identity as colonising, silencing and/or discriminatory acts. Successful negotiation between and among the nursing and tangata whaiora hyphens requires a radical restructuring of the nursing image and culture across the education, workplace and personal/clinical areas. Three strategies are proposed for the discipline of nursing to achieve this change: transformatory education, a conscientisation programme, and mandatory emancipatory clinical supervision.