Journal articles on the topic 'Māori heritage'

Motivations of Māori heritage language learners are explored within this qualitative study. Te reo Māori (the Māori language) is currently classed as endangered (Reedy et al., 2011), which calls for the exploration of the motivational experiences of Māori heritage language learners. A total of 19 interviews with beginner, intermediate and advanced level learners were conducted. Results demonstrated how Māori heritage learners were motivated to learn due to their cultural heritage connection to the language and to other ingroup members. This study explores some of the motivations why Māori heritage language learners learn te reo Māori. For this group of indigenous language learners, cultural and language revitalisation are tied to language motivation. Furthermore, the ability to participate in cultural practices was central to language motivations.

Māori tribal and social histories are founded on whakapapa (genealogy). Whakapapa and the knowledge of one’s ancestry is what connects all Māori to one another and is the central marker of traditional mātauranga Māori (Māori knowledge). Knowledge of one’s whakapapa and ancestral links is at the root of Māori identity and heritage, which can be re-connected with even if a person has been dislocated from it by colonization, urbanization and/or marriage. The collective experiences of Māori are contextualized within whakapapa and narratives of iwi (tribe), hapū (sub-tribe) and whanau (family). Within the context of colonization, whakapapa as a meaningful epistemological framework has not been erased and continues to connect Māori to one another and our tribal lands, histories and stories. Whakapapa and Māori identity are underpinned by an epistemology based on Māori tikanga (customary practices) that take into account the importance of a collective vision. However, research on counseling with people of indigenous descent from Aotearoa/New Zealand has found that for people of mixed Māori and Pākehā (European) heritage, it is important to recognize both sides of a person’s family in working on mental health issues. To address the complications of mixed identity, this article is written from an autoethnographic point of view to share how whakapapa and genealogical links have shaped my identity as someone of mixed Māori and Pākehā heritage.

Abstract Indigenous Māori and Pacific Peoples in New Zealand (NZ) remain overrepresented both in adverse health statistics and education outcomes. To improve education and health outcomes for Māori and Pacific communities, various strategies and interventions have been proposed. This includes efforts to increase the Māori and Pacific health workforce populations figures more reflective of the make-up of the NZ population. These health careers require participation in science and health related subject matter throughout high school and at higher education learning levels. Māori and Pacific students remain underrepresented amongst these groups. The purpose of this work was to support improved interest and participation in science related learning that was Immunologically focused, amongst high school students from underrepresented groups that included Māori and Pacific students. A visit was carried out by a Biomedical Scientist to an all-girls high school class comprised of students who were of predominantly Māori and Pacific heritage to teach and share about Immunology research work that was Cancer based. The female Biomedical Scientist was of Pacific heritage and was an important consideration in the application of the role modelling concept for the Pacific students within this interaction. Verbal and written feedback highlighted the session was well-received and enjoyed by those in attendance. An important observation was the positive impact and enthusiasm of the students in response to the emphasis on the Immunologically focused Cancer based examples. This work demonstrated the importance of cultural considerations blended with scientific knowledge communication and interactions in the classroom.

This article presents a comparative study of how Canadian First Nations and New Zealand Māori peoples have employed digital technologies in the recording, reproduction, promotion and discussion of their cultural heritage. The authors explore a selection of First Nations and Māori initiatives that resist or creatively respond to the digitization and electronic dissemination of cultural ‘objects’, knowledges and landscapes as a continuation of social processes that have dynamically endured over more than two centuries. Their comparison also considers the limitations of conventional law in regard to the protection of indigenous cultural and intellectual property. Expressions of traditional knowledge and culture generally fall outside the protection of copyrights and patents, a situation that is often exacerbated when that heritage assumes digital forms.

The article discusses the problems of translation and linguacultural adaptation of the anglophone literature of the Māori Renaissance. Most of the works of this era have not yet been translated into Russian, and this study is the first step towards doing so. The aim of this work is therefore to choose a strategy that would allow not only to carry out an adequate translation, but also to preserve all the linguistic and cultural particularities of the indigenous Māori people, that are reflected in the anglophone works of the postcolonial period. To that end, the phenomenon of the Māori Renaissance is examined from the point of view of postcolonial theory, and the work of the most prominent New Zealand authors of this era is analyzed. Then, the author examines Māori lexical borrowings that are found in New Zealand English and lists the main classes of such borrowings. Following that is an analysis of two translation strategies outlined by Lawrence Venuti. Based on the analysis, the foreignization strategy seems to be the most convenient for translating the works of Māori authors. The author carries out a phonological analysis of the Māori language and develops a system of Māori-Russian practical transcription, which is essential for linguacultural adaptation. The strategy of translation of the literature of Māori Renaissance developed in this article allows to expand its audience and, therefore, contribute to the preservation of the Māori linguacultural heritage.

For Māori in Aotearoa New Zealand, land is not only an economic foundation but an anchor for tribal identity and a spiritual base. The forced alienation of Māori land since the 1800s, due to colonisation, has distanced communities from a direct relationship with their lands. There is little published research on Māori community gardens (māra) and their potential to reconnect Māori with ancestral lands. This study explores the motivations for developing māra and examines the role of māra in Māori health promotion. The paper describes findings from kaupapa Māori research that involved interviews with seven leaders of māra initiatives. Our findings suggest that the development of māra is motivated by a desire to empower Māori collectives towards a vision of vital communities thriving as Māori. Māra provide a rich site for community development grounded in a cultural connection to ancestral land. The utilization of ancestral lands enables groups to draw on a deep sense of shared identity that is rooted in those lands and fosters an intergenerational orientation. Māra offer activity linked with ancestral knowledge, customary practices and tribal connection. They provide opportunities to practice Māori language and cultural processes in functional everyday ways, and thereby strengthen a sense of commitment to protect cultural heritage as a resource for community life. Importantly, hands-on collective activity with shared decision-making, which is characteristic of māra, fosters social cohesion and collective efficacy. Overall our findings indicate that māra are land-centred community development initiatives that fit within the parameters of Māori health promotion and have much potential to contribute to achievement of Māori health promotion outcomes.

Abstract Students and young people of Indigenous Māori and Pacific Peoples heritage living in NZ, remain underrepresented for STEM and health related courses. Health and STEM focused careers require participation in science and health related subject matter throughout high school and at higher education learning levels. This work sought to support, promote and encourage positive learning experiences for STEM related teaching content that was Immunologically based for a group of high school female students from underrepresented population groups that included Māori and Pacific students. Rheumatic Fever related Penicillin research work was presented to an all-girls high school class, comprised of students who were of predominantly Māori and Pacific heritage to support appropriate knowledge translation of STEM related Immunology based work that was also relevant to Māori and Pacific communities. This was carried out by a female Pacific Biomedical Scientist. Student feedback highlighted the session was very well-received and enjoyed by those in attendance. Strong interest was also expressed by the students who participated in the Rheumatic Fever related Penicillin based focus to the in-class interactions. A key element for undertaking this work was the inclusion of a female Pacific Biomedical Scientist in the teaching, aligning with the role modelling concept important for the Pacific students in particular who were involved with this STEM related outreach effort. These findings highlight the importance and relevance of cultural context in fostering positive learning and teaching interactions in the classroom for female high school students when engaging with Immunologically based STEM related content.

The design of Māori wharenui (meeting houses), refined over the last 180 years, has given rise to a distinctive typology that demonstrates an understanding of tectonic-narrative expression. It is a visual codex designed to be read. Set within the context of pre-disaster readiness, this current study investigated the resilience of Māori buildings and communities through a dual interpretation of seismic, regulatory and historical frameworks. The literature on Māori building technologies scarcely addresses matters of resilience and there is currently no formalized methodology to guide wharenui seismic retrofit practice. Through a macro level analysis of recently completed retrofit projects, this current study identified issues present in current practice. The resulting research presented a pathway for the future development of an approach (to inform methodologies) and strategy (to build capability) founded on the recognition of wharenui as a new category of building within building regulations. It is also recommended that research continues to develop alternative engineered solutions, expert knowledge bases and best practice guidelines. This article is part of the theme issue ‘Environmental loading of heritage structures’.

This report discusses the overriding significance of cross-cultural relationships in heritage management and conservation with regard to Hinemihi o te Ao Tawhito, the whare whakairo (“carved meeting house”) “displaced” in the late nineteenth century from Te Wairoa in Aotearoa New Zealand to Clandon Park in England. Looking at the history and meanings of the meeting house through the relationships of those who interacted with her, it demonstrates how listening, learning, and understanding are at the heart of improving professional practice in museums and heritage practice globally. This article is derived from and expands upon an assignment written for the course MHST507 “Museums and Māori” taught by Awhina Tamarapa as part of the PG-Dip in Museum and Heritage Practice at Te Herenga Waka Victoria University of Wellington in May 2020.

This article describes an intervention strategy, initiated under the New Zealand Government's tribal partnership scheme, which promotes a culture-based/place-based approach to education in mainstream schools and early childhood centres in one tribal region. Through place-based education children are immersed in local heritage, including language and culture, landscapes, opportunities and experiences. The strategy is a tribal response to the overwhelming evidence of Māori underachievement in education in the tribal catchment. A case study is presented of a place-based/culture-based initiative called the Ngāti Kahungunu Cultural Standards Project (NKCSP). It is argued that the development of cultural standards offers an opportunity by which teachers and others within the education sector can develop and incorporate practice that reflects, promotes and values the student's culture. The core assumption underpinning the project is that cultural knowledge contributes to Māori student success in education.

This article discusses a method for researching and writing whakapapa (genealogy) based on the symbolism of the tree. Utilizing tree symbolism as a method for researching and writing genealogy is conceived as a literary device for documenting both individual and collective life histories. It is an approach that was developed as being distinctively Māori, but at the same time able to be adapted by other ethnic groups and communities. The method consists of the following aspects of tree symbolism: the roots (family heritage); the trunk (what sustains and gives purpose to one’s life); the branches (the different paths our lives follow); the fruits (what we bring to our maturity); the forest (connections with others). Tree symbolism can be adapted for any ethnic group by utilizing the metaphor of a tree that has particular relevance to the particular group. It can also be adapted for community groups. For the most part, though, this article will focus on the Tōtara tree and its significance around researching and writing about whakapapa for Māori.

Abstract In New Zealand (NZ) children and young people of Māori and Pacific Peoples heritage are underrepresented in high school science and higher education science, medical and health courses. To help support improved engagement and interest in laboratory science learning that was clinically relevant amongst high school students from underrepresented groups that included Māori and Pacific students, a laboratory workshop session was arranged to incorporate a visit from a Pacific Biomedical Scientist teaching laboratory content with an Immunological focus. This visit was organised during the workshop session to support the Immunologically based teaching and also to field questions from the students directly. Amongst other discussion points, the implications of Penicillin as an antibiotic of choice to prevent the autoimmune response to Group A Streptococcal bacteria known as Acute Rheumatic Fever (ARF) was also discussed. It is recognised that Indigenous Māori and Pacific population groups remain disproportionately affected by Acute Rheumatic Fever (ARF) and Rheumatic Heart Disease (RHD) in NZ and in the Pacific Region. Feedback from the high school students indicated that a key source of interest remained the clinical relevance of the scientific discussion emphasised with the Pacific Biomedical Scientist. This work demonstrated the value of Immunology incorporation within the laboratory focus for this wider context and also the role modelling concept for the Pacific students in particular, both as important factors to support heightened interest and engagement levels of underrepresented high school students in science.

Abstract Acute Rheumatic Fever (ARF) is an autoimmune condition resulting from untreated Group A Streptococcal (GAS) infection of the upper respiratory tract and possibly skin. Repeated untreated and severe episodes of ARF can cause permanent cardiac damage known as Rheumatic Heart Disease (RHD). Rates of ARF in New Zealand and Australia are among the highest in the world, particularly amongst Māori and Pacific and Indigenous Aboriginal children. Monthly injections of Benzathine Penicillin G (BPG) are given intramuscularly to prevent GAS infections that can lead to ARF and cause RHD. Early studies exploring the Pharmacokinetics (PK) properties of BPG were conducted in healthy, fit, young military recruits without ARF/RHD. BPG bioavailability, metabolism may differ in paediatric populations groups with ARF who have comorbidities and vary in Body Mass Index. This project seeks to determine the PK characteristics in a paediatric population currently receiving monthly injections of BPG while at the same time monitoring antibody immune responses to possible GAS infections. This is a prospective cohort study in a paediatric population of Wellington based children and teens (aged 5–21 years of predominantly Pasifika and Māori heritage) with a previous diagnosis of ARF and are receiving monthly BPG injections via community services. Participants will contribute finger prick blood samples over time for Dried Blood Spot assays designed to quantify penicillin G levels in the blood and measure streptococcal serology. Routine throat swab samples will also be collected with ASOT antibody levels monitored for GAS breakthrough infections. This is the first population PK study exploring use of BPG in Māori and Pacific children previously diagnosed with ARF.

AbstractThe Protected Objects Amendment Act (POA) was passed by the New Zealand Parliament in 2006, so New Zealand could fulfil its obligations under the UNESCO Convention on the Means of Prohibiting and Preventing the Illicit Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property 1970 and the UNIDROIT Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects 1995. This represents a significant delay after the drafting of these two conventions. This article explores why New Zealand has taken so long to give domestic effect to these conventions and examines the manner in which they have been given domestic legal effect in the POA. The article also focuses on issues of Māori cultural property, the practical implementation of the POA, and the cultural heritage climate in New Zealand.

This article provides a context for understanding indigenous immersion education and the issues surrounding the model as a critical strategy for revitalization of indigenous languages. Through articulating narratives and drawing on literatures internationally, an image of indigenous language education models emerges. Inspired by strong heritage language learner identities, program models are shaped around building family and community relationships, revitalizing cultural traditions and practices, and re-establishing indigenous language identity in its homeland. Indigenous language immersion models vary as they are developed in vastly different contexts. Three distinct contexts — Ojibwe, Māori, and Hawaiian — are described to illustrate the diversity and range of models. The article closes with some reflections from practice that will provide a context for building a research agenda to advance the revitalization of indigenous languages through immersion.

Summary Sociolinguists suggest language death entails significant cultural, personal, and ecological loss. Socio-cultural and socio-political factors exacerbate language erosion and encourage supplantation by another more dominant language. Hence, we ask: what are the sociocognitive principles which make language death hurtful and symbolic? Within this article, we attempt to outline a sociocognitive account of language death, situating the Hallidayan perspective of language as a “social-semiotic” system alongside a Cognitive Linguistic approach. We further contextualise language as inseparable from culture, drawing insight from the sociological thought of Bourdieu. We contend that language death entails psychological trauma, representing the destruction of cultural genealogy and the loss of knowledge intrinsic to personal self-imagery and identity. To this end, we present a case study of the Māori languaculture in Aotearoa (New Zealand), tracing the impact of colonialism and marginalisation to current efforts and ambitions to ensure the languacultural survival of Māori and reclaim space in Aotearoa as a respected knowledge system and means of expression, particularly in the socio-technical age of artificial intelligence (AI) and the Web. We argue that our analysis bodes practical implications for language maintenance and revitalisation, concluding that sociolinguistic practitioners should consider a socio-cognitivist as well as socio-technical paradigm for language intervention. In closing, we discuss leveraging AI technologies towards language heritage, archival, and preservation to limit the destructive impact of the death of a language.

Culturally sustaining practices are advocated for enhancing learning experiences of Indigenous learners. Developing the use of culturally sustaining practice is challenging, in part as many educators do not have Indigenous heritage and have not themselves experienced such teaching. Here we discuss an investigation into how we develop student teacher understanding of practice culturally sustaining for Indigenous Māori learners in our initial mathematics teacher education courses. We show how a four-dimension framework (accommodation, reformation, transformation, and representation) can expose strengths and opportunities for improvement in course content and approaches towards developing culturally sustaining practices. Factors considered include education policy, resources, course development and content. Affordances (e.g., ease of use) and challenges (e.g., contextal factors) of using the framework are discussed. We demonstrate that the framework can be a useful tool for teacher educators working to strengthen their focus on developing culturally sustaining teacher practice to enhance educational opportunities of Indigenous learners.

Abstract. Aotearoa New Zealand has a unique earth building heritage. For centuries, Māori used earth for floors and as a binder for fibrous walling materials. When settlers arrived in the nineteenth century, they brought earth building techniques with them, and in the early days of colonisation, earth buildings were commonplace. Many still survive, but as processed timber became readily available, building in earth declined; by the middle of the twentieth century it had almost ceased. Following renewed interest after World War Two, earth building continued into the twenty-first century, albeit as a non-standard form of construction. Databases compiled by Heritage New Zealand, Miles Allen, and the author, supplemented by accounts from a variety of sources, provide a relatively detailed record of earth buildings from all over Aotearoa but no cohesive history has yet been written. This paper considers possible approaches to writing such a history. Methodologies employed in local and international architectural histories are analysed, and a number of structural hierarchies are identified: for instance, Ronald Rael organises his material firstly by technique and then chronology in Earth Architecture, while Ted Howard uses location and then chronology for his Australasian history, Mud and Man. Information from New Zealand sources is then applied to these frameworks to arrive at an appropriate structural hierarchy for a complete history of earth building in Aotearoa.

The following plenary took place at the seminar ‘Reassembling the material: A research seminar on museums, fieldwork anthropology and indigenous agency’ held in November 2012 at Te Herenga Waka marae, Victoria University of Wellington, Aotearoa New Zealand. In the papers, indigenous scholars and museum professionals presented a mix of past legacies and contemporary initiatives which illustrated the evolving relations between Māori people, and museums and other cultural heritage institutions in New Zealand. Whereas most of the papers at this seminar, and the articles in this special issue, are focused on the history of ethnology, museums, and government, between about 1900 and 1940, this section brings the analysis up to the present day, and considers the legacy of the indigenous engagement with museums and fieldwork anthropology for contemporary museum practice. What do the findings, which show active and extensive indigenous engagements with museums and fieldwork, mean for indigenous museum professionals and communities today?

Copyright grants exclusive rights to authors of qualifying works. However, the Copyright Act 1994 permits reproduction, communication and commercial exploitation of certain artistic works which are on permanent public display. This exclusion from copyright, which is widely referred to as "freedom of panorama", is distinguishable from other permitted uses which tend to be narrow in scope and commonly manifest an element of fair dealing. Like other corresponding provisions of British heritage copyright legislation, New Zealand's freedom of panorama exclusion is significantly wider than comparable permitted uses in other jurisdictions. This article examines freedom of panorama in New Zealand. Note is taken of the Waitangi Tribunal report Wai 262, which considered among other issues the protection of Māori cultural treasures within the intellectual property law system. As points of comparison, selected overseas approaches to freedom of panorama are outlined. This article questions whether the current exclusion strikes an appropriate balance between competing rights and interests.

This paper highlights the importance of people as a central factor in improving health for Māori (Indigenous people of New Zealand). How whānau (family) relationships, connections, values and inspiration are integral to achieving Indigenous health goals is explained. Descriptions of how community researchers, healthcare staff, consumers and academics worked together to design interventions for two health services (in the Waikato and Bay of Plenty regions) is included. Through highlighting the experiences of health consumers, the potential for future interventions to reduce the advancement of pre-diabetes among whānau is described. Evidence from the study interviews reinforces the importance of whānau and whakapapa (heritage) as enabling factors for Indigenous people to improve health. Specifically, the positive effect of whānau enhancing activities that support peoples’ aspirations of tino rangatiratanga (self-determination) in their lives when engaging with health care has been observed. This study highlights the many positives that have emerged, and offers an opportunity for taking primary health to the next level by placing whānau alongside Indigenous primary care providers at the centre of change strategies.

This article argues that the language of ‘diversity’ does multidirectional work – highlighting issues of social justice, as well as obscuring the varied experiences of those gathered underneath its umbrella (Ahmed, 2012). It builds on existing debates about widening participation in higher education, arguing that nuanced accounts of ‘diversity’ and doctoral aspiration are required. We present a duoethnographic text about two doctoral students’ pathways to study. While both students may be positioned as ‘diverse’ within their institution’s equity policy – as a sexuality minority student, and a working-class woman of Māori and European heritage – they reveal dissimilar expectations of what university study was, or could be. These histories of imagining the university shaped their trajectories into and through doctoral study. Drawing on Appadurai’s (2004) work, we argue that aspiration can be a transformative force for ‘diverse’ doctoral students, even if the map that informs aspiration is unevenly distributed. We then investigate why the idea of the ‘academic good life’ might have such aspirational pull for politically-engaged practitioners of minority discourse (Chuh, 2013). The article makes two primary contributions. First, we call for more multifaceted understandings of doctoral ‘diversity’, and for further reflection about the ways that social difference continues to shape academic aspiration. And second, we demonstrate the potential for duothenography to provide insights into the experiences of ourselves and an-Other through a shared examination of university imaginings.

Abstract The global emphasis on stakeholder engagement in protected area management has increased over the last three decades. Here we present key values of statutory and non-statutory stakeholder groups as they relate to their relationship with the former Te Urewera National Park (NP), New Zealand, which is now recognised as “a legal entity” with “all the rights, powers, duties, and liabilities of a legal person.” Non-statutory stakeholders conveyed a close, personal connection to Te Urewera NP in terms of heritage and legacy, which include both consumptive (e.g., hunting; fishing) and non-consumptive use (e.g., sight-seeing, hiking, boating). In contrast, statutory stakeholders expressed a more distant and procedural relationship with the park. Both stakeholder groups perceived the possible transfer of ownership or governance of Te Urewera NP to Tūhoe (the Indigenous Māori peoples of the Te Urewera region) favourably and expressed a desire to be engaged in the future stewardship of the NP. Stakeholders considered the fostering of relations with Tūhoe and other stakeholder groups as important to nurturing and maintaining their links with the area in future. Importantly, common interests that emerge from these relationships can increase mutual understanding between cultures and willingness to collaborate. Moreover, we posit that the legal personhood status for protected areas will be a powerful tool for reconciling pluralistic values and enable deliberative processes and flexible modes of collaboration between Indigenous peoples and non-indigenous stakeholders.

The term paradigm lost (with apologies to Milton) references the lost opportunities arising from a discrepancy in both what the New Zealand education context promises and what is implemented in many schools. Honouring the Treaty of Waitangi inherently promises an education system that draws on the worldviews of both Māori and Pākehā. We argue that the schooling model, adopted in 1877 and substantively unchallenged since, does not reflect the views of the uniqueness of every child as contained in the heritages of both Treaty signatory partners. More concerning is that the accompanying assimilatory practices within schooling have perpetuated their disastrous impact on Māori. This article explores the impacts of the ‘lost paradigm’ on students’ sense of self and therefore on their sense of belonging at school. The potential and hope for paradigm regained is also presented, drawing from the responses of educators who have participated in a professional learning and development course, where participants engage in a process of conscientisation, resistance and transformative praxis, that changes both their personal educational practice and that of their school. Through this course, participants experience what Freire (1996) refers to as ‘radical hope’ – the belief that we can make life better for others and change the paradigms that lead to oppression and despair.

The last two years have been incredibly challenging for the domestic and international hospitality industry. To gain insights from New Zealand hospitality professionals who are also AUT alumni, Lizzy Coughlan, Human Resource Manager of the Hotel Britomart, Auckland, was interviewed by AUT’s Associate Professor Tracy Harkison. When Coughlan was asked about working in hospitality, she responded: I love hospitality because daily you encounter so many different types of people, it is a family feel industry. You meet people from around the world, so it gives you so much exposure to different life experiences. I am a people person, and it has been an industry I have loved ever since I started at AUT. I wanted to be in an industry where people are the main subject, and hospitality is that industry to a tee. When asked about the unique aspects of the New Zealand hospitality industry, she explained: We have a lot of history. Hotels are learning more about Māori heritage and incorporating it into their establishments. New Zealand is a unique travel destination, from the mountains and snow in Queenstown to the big city feel in Auckland. With such diversity we appeal to a wide range of travellers world-wide. When Coughlan was asked why someone should start a career in hospitality and what advice she would give, her view was that: People often don’t realise that within hospitality it’s not just the operational roles you can do, it’s everything from revenue management through to HR. There are so many different things you can be exposed to within hospitality. It’s not just waiting tables, cleaning dishes and being a chef; careers wise you can move up very quickly in hospitality into a different field that you may not have thought of before. Coughlan stressed the importance of starting from the entry level. Start in the industry at an entry position. It gives you the understanding of how a hotel operates; you can go through lots of different departments. It gives you the skills that you need in a management role, as you understand the facets of the business and you can be a very effective leader. Studying and gaining a degree will serve your career very well. My best piece of advice is to just get in the door and work your way from there. When Coughlan was asked about her greatest leadership challenge, the COVID-19 situation, and what she would change about the industry, she emphasised passion and being agile: In hospitality you have a lot of very passionate people, and everyone has very different leadership styles. So, it is about understanding how best to lead when you have different personalities and styles to content with. So, my greatest leadership challenge has been understanding all the different leadership styles and then trying to figure out how to work with them, especially within a HR function role, because it can be challenging at times. But the more you understand them, the more you learn, and the easier it gets. For COVID-19 our biggest decision was first and foremost the health and safety of our team and our guests. We took the stance that we need to take care of our people first, and then we made the business decisions from there. One thing remained throughout lockdown – taking care of our team and making sure they were supported. It was also about being really agile, as things were changing daily, and you have got to have a Plan A and a Plan B. So being agile and take it from there. However, she also warned of the dangers of the industry, advising of ways to preserve one’s work-life balance. The industry is going through a huge transformation with a new generation of workers coming through. We are seeing a lot more people wanting, and rightfully so, more fair pay, more flexibility, more work life balance. Within traditional hospitality there is the mentality that you sometimes work long hours, so industry really needs to become more agile and open minded to different ways. We can approach work life balance by working from home, but within the parameters of an operational business, that is what I would like to see more of.

have been on an ongoing journey of self-discovery. I grew up knowing my maternal grandfather's indigenous Cook Island Māori heritage, however I knew little of my Māori whakapapa or biological father’s Cook Island Māori heritage. As a result, I undertook this journey to find out 'who I am' and how I belong in the world. This article I will describe key experiences and people that have impacted my life, and explain how these experiences have influenced my interest in my identity. Having experienced this journey to reclaim my identity, I now realize my mana. Therefore, I acknowledge and celebrate my identity. My identity is taonga, and as a Māori and Cook Island Māori man I believe I am privileged with my birth right. My indigenous practice is the promotion of Māori and indigenous identity for the positive development of Māori and indigenous youth. In this essay, I will argue that having a strong sense of identity strengthens an individual's mana and the mana of the individual's family.

This article has been inspired by “Why Isn’t My Professor Māori?” (McAllister et al., 2019), an article which appeared in this journal and addressed the under-representation of, and inequities facing, Māori academic staff in universities in Aotearoa New Zealand. I present some personal reflections and raise some questions with regard to academics with Māori heritage but who struggle to identify as Māori. I also describe some of the discomfort of being in the “middle ground” of cultural identity and how this has come about, and argue that we need to engage with such troubled identities and histories if we are to decolonise ourselves and our universities.

This article explores the idea of hereditary entanglement as a concept for recognising whakapapa and the inseparability of genealogical locatedness within the context of Māori research. This article will look at my hereditary entanglement within the context of doctoral research that I completed at Auckland University of Technology. This article will argue that hereditary entanglement is not only unavoidable for Māori researchers who research aspects of their histories and heritage, but that Māori researchers with these connections are, in fact, the only people that can adequately carry out this type of research.

This study analyses media coverage of two Māori women politicians in Aotearoa New Zealand. This article adopts an intersectional lens to critically examine the discriminatory ideologies at play in mainstream New Zealand media coverage of Metiria Turei and Paula Bennett. The analysis reveals that although the coverage examined in this article presents the Māori heritage of the two women very differently, the coverage pays close attention to both women’s gender and bodies while simultaneously diminishing their individuality by folding them into stereotypes. Classification and disempowerment of ‘stroppy women’/‘stirrer Māori’ are enabled by the intersection of racist, sexist and classist discourses.

Carin Wilson is one of New Zealand’s significant designers and makers of studio furniture. This analysis of his career is enmeshed with New Zealand contemporary craft history, and the national Pākehā (non-Māori) organization that advocated for craft issues and education from 1965 to 1992. During this period and subsequently, Wilson negotiated his bi-cultural heritage to engage in one-of-a-kind furniture-making as well as benefit non-Māori and Māori communities and the nation. Unlike New Zealand’s coat-of-arms, which portrays its founding cultures as equal yet separate, Wilson’s career shows that New Zealand’s cultures merge into each other, manifesting in hybrid individuals and communities.

AbstractTe reo Māori, the Indigenous language of Aotearoa New Zealand, is a distinctive feature of the nation’s cultural heritage. This paper documents our efforts to build a corpus of 79,000 Māori-language tweets using computational methods. The Reo Māori Twitter (RMT) Corpus was created by targeting Māori-language users identified by the Indigenous Tweets website, pre-processing their data and filtering out non-Māori tweets, together with other sources of noise. Our motivation for creating such a resource is three-fold: (1) it serves as a rich and unique dataset for linguistic analysis of te reo Māori on social media; (2) it can be used as training data to develop and augment Natural Language Processing (NLP) tools with robust, real-world Māori-language applications; and (3) it will potentially promote awareness of, and encourage positive interaction with, the growing community of Māori tweeters, thereby increasing the use and visibility of te reo Māori in an online environment. While the corpus captures data from 2007 to 2020, our analysis shows that the number of tweets in the RMT Corpus peaked in 2014, and the number of active tweeters peaked in 2017, although at least 600 users were still active in 2020. To the best of our knowledge, the RMT Corpus is the largest publicly-available collection of social media data containing (almost) exclusively Māori text, making it a useful resource for language experts, NLP developers and Indigenous researchers alike.

I am an Indigenous Practitioner, but I am still on a journey to discover what that truly means. Our struggle as Māori in Aotearoa, as a colonised people, has created a raft of inter-generational issues that we are still feeling and dealing with. For me growing up, it has been hard to fully embrace my “taha Māori”. Although I went to a Māori high-school, and my whanau identified strongly with our Māori heritage, outside these spaces, “being pakeha” offered advantages I would never have received had I looked Māori. It is only in the past 15 or so years that I have truly come to understand the power, resilience, love and grace of te ao Māori. And here I find myself, challenged to position myself in this world, and therefor to be able to define what it means to be Indigenous. On the surface the word Indigenous seems self-evident, but I actually need to understand its significance, its use in both local and global contexts, and how it impacts how we do what we do. It appears to me as if we go through decades where a particular set of words become the every-day buzzwords. Over the past couple of years, I have often said to people that I work with, that while innovation is the buzzword of this decade, indigenous will be the buzzword of the next decade. What I mean by this is that I can see the word indigenous being used and commercialised by western organisations and systems, with little or no regard to the true understanding of what it means to be indigenous. We only need to google “cultural appropriation” to see examples of this in practice. While I only have anecdotal evidence of this trend, living in a world that straddles both digital innovation and kaupapa Māori, I believe this to be true. In this position paper, I will explore the meanings of the words indigenous and indigeneity, and look at how they are used by various organisations around the world. I will define what indigenous means in my practice, and why I believe it is important for us, as Māori, to own the use of Indigenous and Indigeneity in Aotearoa.

Russia is a country of extensive and unique collections of all kinds from the Pacific. Over many centuries Russian travellers, explorers and avid private collectors were bringing and exchanging rarities and antiques. The stunning cultural treasures, taonga Māori, preserved and kept on the vast Russian territory are of ultimate importance and enduring value to the world, and especially to New Zealanders as they bear sacred significance and are considered to be ancestors. This article opens the discussion of the urgent need to thoroughly record and study Māori heritage in Russia. It reflects on a particular collection from Queen Charlotte Sound in the South Island of New Zealand brought to Russia by the Bellingshausen-Lazarev expedition two centuries ago. The study also provides a description of previously unstudied taonga in Russia recently attributed to this expedition.

Colonised indigenous minorities around the world are constantly navigating the complex space between their heritage culture and mainstream society. In this paper, we explore how embeddedness in heritage cultural values, beliefs, and practises influence the behaviours of indigenous minorities, particularly during intercultural contact with the post-colonial majority where values, beliefs, and practises often clash. To support our theorising, we introduce the concept of cultural embeddedness, relating to enculturation in one’s heritage cultural values, beliefs, and practises. We then introduce the Dual-Pathways Model of Embeddedness to Culturally Valued Behaviours for Indigenous Minorities (DPM), which seeks to outline the two separate but interrelated pathways through which cultural embeddedness leads to culturally valued behaviours. The dual pathways include an implicit pathway, which begins with cultural values, and an explicit pathway, which begins with cultural practises. We use an indigenous approach, drawing on the first author’s experiences as an indigenous Māori in New Zealand to illustrate the concepts of the DPM. The model attempts to integrate the various ways in which cultural identity has been defined by indigenous authors into a single theory. We invite future qualitative and quantitative research, especially by indigenous scholars, to challenge and/or validate the DPM.

06–332Asker, Barry (Lingnan U, Hong Kong, China), Some reflections on English as a ‘semi-sacred’ language. English Today (Cambridge University Press) 22.1 (2006), 29–35.06–333Baldauf, Richard B. (U Queensland, Australia), Coordinating government and community support for community language teaching in Australia: Overview with special attention to New South Wales. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 8.2&3 (2005), 132–144.06–334Bamiro, Edmund O. (Adekunle Ajasin U, Nigeria; eddiebamiro@yahoo.com), The politics of code-switching: English vs. Nigerian languages. World Englishes (Blackwell) 25.1 (2006), 23–35.06–335Barwell, Richard (U Bristol, UK), Empowerment, EAL and the National Numeracy Strategy. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 8.4 (2005), 313–327.06–336Borland, Helen (Victoria U of Technology, Australia), Heritage languages and community identity building: The case of a language of lesser status. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism (Multilingual Matters) 8.2&3 (2005), 109–123.06–337Cashman, Holly R. (Arizona State U, Tempe, USA), Who wins in research on bilingualism in an anti-bilingual state?. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development (Multilingual Matters) 27.1 (2006), 42–60.06–338de Courcy, Michèle (U Melbourne, Australia), Policy challenges for bilingual and immersion education in Australia: Literacy and language choices for users of Aboriginal languages, Auslan and Italian. 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Abstract Mayor Island is located approximately 45km off the North-East coast of the North Island of New Zealand. This island was formed by various explosive and effusive volcanic eruptions commonly influenced by magma-water interaction eruption events occurring since the Pleistocene. The wider area of the SW Pacific contains numerous volcanic islands with a similar type of volcanic evolution. Mayor Island should be studied in more detail to understand underlying volcanic mechanisms and apply this research to other volcanic islands in the SW Pacific. Mayor Island, also known by its indigenous Māori name Tūhua , provides an ideal site for studying current volcanism. The present day-island was formed around 150 thousand years ago and contains several rhyolitic lava-flows from different time periods, pyroclastic-flow deposits generated by small volume localized eruptions, and ignimbrite deposited by large explosive eruptions. Our research utilized a qualitative-quantitative assessment of geodiversity estimates to highlight possible geosites for collection of precise information about geological evolution of this area demonstrating potential of geoeducational sites. The term geodiversity recognizes geological and geomorphological elements, which have shaped the Earth's surface and underly our abiotic environment. Additionally, volcanic heritage was included in our equation specifically tailored for Mayor Island and based on expert views (qualitative model). This model allows for a wider diversity for the area of research compared to the original method, which utilized only geological elements. The results show that areas with pyroclastic deposits exposed on the cliffs and in the center of the collapse caldera should be considered for the further study for geosites' planning.

IntroductionThe debate about the responsibility of museums to respect Indigenous peoples’ rights (Kelly and Gordon; Butts) has caught our attention on the basis of our previous research experience with regard to the protection of the tangible and intangible heritage of the San (former hunter gatherers) in Southern Africa (Martin and Vermeylen; Vermeylen, Contextualising; Vermeylen, Life Force; Vermeylen et al.; Vermeylen, Land Rights). This paper contributes to the critical debate about curatorial practices and the recovery of Indigenous peoples’ cultural practices and explores how museums can be transformed into cultural centres that “decolonise” their objects while simultaneously providing social agency to marginalised groups such as the San. Indigenous MuseumTraditional methods of displaying Indigenous heritage are now regarded with deep suspicion and resentment by Indigenous peoples (Simpson). A number of related issues such as the appropriation, ownership and repatriation of culture together with the treatment of sensitive and sacred materials and the stereotyping of Indigenous peoples’ identity (Carter; Simpson) have been identified as the main problems in the debate about museum curatorship and Indigenous heritage. The poignant question remains whether the concept of a classical museum—in the sense of how it continues to classify, value and display non-Western artworks—will ever be able to provide agency to Indigenous peoples as long as “their lives are reduced to an abstract set of largely arbitrary material items displayed without much sense of meaning” (Stanley 3). Indeed, as Salvador has argued, no matter how much Indigenous peoples have been involved in the planning and implementation of an exhibition, some issues remain problematic. First, there is the problem of representation: who speaks for the group; who should make decisions and under what circumstances; when is it acceptable for “outsiders” to be involved? Furthermore, Salvador raises another area of contestation and that is the issue of intention. As we agree with Salvador, no matter how good the intention to include Indigenous peoples in the curatorial practices, the fact that Indigenous peoples may have a (political) perspective about the exhibition that differs from the ideological foundation of the museum enterprise, is, indeed, a challenge that must not be overlooked in the discussion of the inclusive museum. This relates to, arguably, one of the most important challenges in respect to the concept of an Indigenous museum: how to present the past and present without creating an essentialising “Other”? As Stanley summarises, the modernising agenda of the museum, including those museums that claim to be Indigenous museums, continues to be heavily embedded in the belief that traditional cultural beliefs, practices and material manifestations must be saved. In other words, exhibitions focusing on Indigenous peoples fail to show them as dynamic, living cultures (Simpson). This raises the issue that museums recreate the past (Sepúlveda dos Santos) while Indigenous peoples’ interests can be best described “in terms of contemporaneity” (Bolton qtd. in Stanley 7). According to Bolton, Indigenous peoples’ interest in museums can be best understood in terms of using these (historical) collections and institutions to address contemporary issues. Or, as Sepúlveda dos Santos argues, in order for museums to be a true place of memory—or indeed a true place of recovery—it is important that the museum makes the link between the past and contemporary issues or to use its objects in such a way that these objects emphasize “the persistence of lived experiences transmitted through generations” (29). Under pressure from Indigenous rights movements, the major aim of some museums is now reconciliation with Indigenous peoples which, ultimately, should result in the return of the cultural objects to the originators of these objects (Kelly and Gordon). Using the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990 (NAGPRA) as an illustration, we argue that the whole debate of returning or recovering Indigenous peoples’ cultural objects to the original source is still embedded in a discourse that emphasises the mummified aspect of these materials. As Harding argues, NAGPRA is provoking an image of “native Americans as mere passive recipients of their cultural identity, beholden to their ancestors and the museum community for the re-creation of their cultures” (137) when it defines cultural patrimony as objects having ongoing historical, traditional or cultural importance, central to the Native American group or culture itself. According to Harding (2005) NAGPRA’s dominating narrative focuses on the loss, alienation and cultural genocide of the objects as long as these are not returned to their originators. The recovery or the return of the objects to their “original” culture has been applauded as one of the most liberating and emancipatory events in recent years for Indigenous peoples. However, as we have argued elsewhere, the process of recovery needs to do more than just smother the object in its past; recovery can only happen when heritage or tradition is connected to the experience of everyday life. One way of achieving this is to move away from the objectification of Indigenous peoples’ cultures. ObjectificationIn our exploratory enquiry about new museum practices our attention was drawn to a recent debate about ownership and personhood within the context of museology (Busse; Baker; Herle; Bell; Geismar). Busse, in particular, makes the point that in order to reformulate curatorial practices it is important to redefine the concept and meaning of objects. While the above authors do not question the importance of the objects, they all argue that the real importance does not lie in the objects themselves but in the way these objects embody the physical manifestation of social relations. The whole idea that objects matter because they have agency and efficacy, and as such become a kind of person, draws upon recent anthropological theorising by Gell and Strathern. Furthermore, we have not only been inspired by Gell’s and Strathern’s approaches that suggests that objects are social persons, we have also been influenced by Appadurai’s and Kopytoff’s defining of objects as biographical agents and therefore valued because of the associations they have acquired throughout time. We argue that by framing objects in a social network throughout its lifecycle we can avoid the recurrent pitfalls of essentialising objects in terms of their “primitive” or “traditional” (aesthetic) qualities and mystifying the identity of Indigenous peoples as “noble savages.” Focusing more on the social network that surrounds a particular object opens up new avenues of enquiry as to how, and to what extent, museums can become more inclusive vis-à-vis Indigenous peoples. It allows moving beyond the current discourse that approaches the history of the (ethnographic) museum from only one dominant perspective. By tracing an artwork throughout its lifecycle a new metaphor can be discovered; one that shows that Indigenous peoples have not always been victims, but maybe more importantly it allows us to show a more complex narrative of the object itself. It gives us the space to counterweight some of the discourses that have steeped Indigenous artworks in a “postcolonial” framework of sacredness and mythical meaning. This is not to argue that it is not important to be reminded of the dangers of appropriating other cultures’ heritage, but we would argue that it is equally important to show that approaching a story from a one-sided perspective will create a dualism (Bush) and reducing the differences between different cultures to a dualistic opposition fails to recognise the fundamental areas of agency (Morphy). In order for museums to enliven and engage with objects, they must become institutions that emphasise a relational approach towards displaying and curating objects. In the next part of this paper we will explore to what extent an online museum could progressively facilitate the process of providing agency to the social relations that link objects, persons, environments and memories. As Solanilla argues, what has been described as cybermuseology may further transform the museum landscape and provide an opportunity to challenge some of the problems identified above (e.g. essentialising practices). Or to quote the museologist Langlais: “The communication and interaction possibilities offered by the Web to layer information and to allow exploration of multiple meanings are only starting to be exploited. In this context, cybermuseology is known as a practice that is knowledge-driven rather than object-driven, and its main goal is to disseminate knowledge using the interaction possibilities of Information Communication Technologies” (Langlais qtd. in Solanilla 108). One thing which shows promise and merits further exploration is the idea of transforming the act of exhibiting ethnographic objects accompanied by texts and graphics into an act of cyber discourse that allows Indigenous peoples through their own voices and gestures to involve us in their own history. This is particularly the case since Indigenous peoples are using technologies, such as the Internet, as a new medium through which they can recuperate their histories, land rights, knowledge and cultural heritage (Zimmerman et al.). As such, new technology has played a significant role in the contestation and formation of Indigenous peoples’ current identity by creating new social and political spaces through visual and narrative cultural praxis (Ginsburg).Online MuseumsIt has been acknowledged for some time that a presence on the Web might mitigate the effects of what has been described as the “unassailable voice” in the recovery process undertaken by museums (Walsh 77). However, a museum’s online engagement with an Indigenous culture may have significance beyond undercutting the univocal authority of a museum. In the case of the South African National Gallery it was charged with challenging the extent to which it represents entrenched but unacceptable political ideologies. Online museums may provide opportunities in the conservation and dissemination of “life stories” that give an account of an Indigenous culture as it is experienced (Solanilla 105). We argue that in engaging with Indigenous cultural heritage a distinction needs to be drawn between data and the cognitive capacity to learn, “which enables us to extrapolate and learn new knowledge” (Langlois 74). The problem is that access to data about an Indigenous culture does not necessarily lead to an understanding of its knowledge. It has been argued that cybermuseology loses the essential interpersonal element that needs to be present if intangible heritage is understood as “the process of making sense that is generally transmitted orally and through face-to-face experience” (Langlois 78). We agree that the online museum does not enable a reality to be reproduced (Langlois 78).This does not mean that cybermuseology should be dismissed. Instead it provides the opportunity to construct a valuable, but completely new, experience of cultural knowledge (Langlois 78). The technology employed in cybermuseology provides the means by which control over meaning may, at least to some extent, be dispersed (Langlois 78). In this way online museums provide the opportunity for Indigenous peoples to challenge being subjected to manipulation by one authoritative museological voice. One of the ways this may be achieved is through interactivity by enabling the use of social tagging and folksonomy (Solanilla 110; Trant 2). In these processes keywords (tags) are supplied and shared by visitors as a means of accessing museum content. These tags in turn give rise to a classification system (folksonomy). In the context of an online museum engaging with an Indigenous culture we have reservations about the undifferentiated interactivity on the part of all visitors. This issue may be investigated further by examining how interactivity relates to communication. Arguably, an online museum is engaged in communicating Indigenous cultural heritage because it helps to keep it alive and pass it on to others (Langlois 77). However, enabling all visitors to structure online access to that culture may be detrimental to the communication of knowledge that might otherwise occur. The narratives by which Indigenous cultures, rather than visitors, order access to information about their cultures may lead to the communication of important knowledge. An illustration of the potential of this approach is the work Sharon Daniel has been involved with, which enables communities to “produce knowledge and interpret their own experience using media and information technologies” (Daniel, Palabras) partly by means of generating folksonomies. One way in which such issues may be engaged with in the context of online museums is through the argument that database and narrative in such new media objects are opposed to each other (Manovich, New Media 225). A new media work such as an online museum may be understood to be comprised of a database and an interface to that database. A visitor to an online museum may only move through the content of the database by following those paths that have been enabled by those who created the museum (Manovich, New Media 227). In short it is by means of the interface provided to the viewer that the content of the database is structured into a narrative (Manovich, New Media: 226). It is possible to understand online museums as constructions in which narrative and database aspects are emphasized to varying degrees for users. There are a variety of museum projects in which the importance of the interface in creating a narrative interface has been acknowledged. Goldblum et al. describe three examples of websites in which interfaces may be understood as, and explicitly designed for, carrying meaning as well as enabling interactivity: Life after the Holocaust; Ripples of Genocide; and Yearbook 2006.As with these examples, we suggest that it is important there be an explicit engagement with the significance of interface(s) for online museums about Indigenous peoples. The means by which visitors access content is important not only for the way in which visitors interact with material, but also as to what is communicated about, culture. It has been suggested that the curator’s role should be moved away from expertly representing knowledge toward that of assisting people outside the museum to make “authored statements” within it (Bennett 11). In this regard it seems to us that involvement of Indigenous peoples with the construction of the interface(s) to online museums is of considerable significance. Pieterse suggests that ethnographic museums should be guided by a process of self-representation by the “others” portrayed (Pieterse 133). Moreover it should not be forgotten that, because of the separation of content and interface, it is possible to have access to a database of material through more than one interface (Manovich, New Media 226-7). Online museums provide a means by which the artificial homogenization of Indigenous peoples may be challenged.We regard an important potential benefit of an online museum as the replacement of accessing material through the “unassailable voice” with the multiplicity of Indigenous voices. A number of ways to do this are suggested by a variety of new media artworks, including those that employ a database to rearrange information to reveal underlying cultural positions (Paul 100). Paul discusses the work of, amongst others, George Legrady. She describes how it engages with the archive and database as sites that record culture (104-6). Paul specifically discusses Legrady’s work Slippery Traces. This involved viewers navigating through more than 240 postcards. Viewers of work were invited to “first chose one of three quotes appearing on the screen, each of which embodies a different perspective—anthropological, colonialist, or media theory—and thus provides an interpretive angle for the experience of the projects” (104-5). In the same way visitors to an online museum could be provided with a choice of possible Indigenous voices by which its collection might be experienced. We are specifically interested in the implications that such approaches have for the way in which online museums could engage with film. Inspired by Basu’s work on reframing ethnographic film, we see the online museum as providing the possibility of a platform to experiment with new media art in order to expose the meta-narrative(s) about the politics of film making. As Basu argues, in order to provoke a feeling of involvement with the viewer, it is important that the viewer becomes aware “of the plurality of alternative readings/navigations that they might have made” (105). As Weinbren has observed, where a fixed narrative pathway has been constructed by a film, digital technology provides a particularly effective means to challenge it. It would be possible to reveal the way in which dominant political interests regarding Indigenous cultures have been asserted, such as for example in the popular film The Gods Must Be Crazy. New media art once again provides some interesting examples of the way ideology, that might otherwise remain unclear, may be exposed. Paul describes the example of Jennifer and Kevin McCoy’s project How I learned. The work restructures a television series Kung Fu by employing “categories such as ‘how I learned about blocking punches,’ ‘how I learned about exploiting workers,’ or ‘how I learned to love the land’” (Paul 103) to reveal in greater clarity, than otherwise might be possible, the cultural stereotypes used in the visual narratives of the program (Paul 102-4). We suggest that such examples suggest the ways in which online museums could work to reveal and explore the existence not only of meta-narratives expressed by museums as a whole, but also the means by which they are realised within existing items held in museum collections.ConclusionWe argue that the agency for such reflective moments between the San, who have been repeatedly misrepresented or underrepresented in exhibitions and films, and multiple audiences, may be enabled through the generation of multiple narratives within online museums. We would like to make the point that, first and foremost, the theory of representation must be fully understood and acknowledged in order to determine whether, and how, modes of online curating are censorious. As such we see online museums having the potential to play a significant role in illuminating for both the San and multiple audiences the way that any form of representation or displaying restricts the meanings that may be recovered about Indigenous peoples. ReferencesAppadurai, Arjun. The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1986. Bal, Mieke. “Exhibition as Film.” Exhibition Experiments. Ed. Sharon Macdonald and Paul Basu. Malden: Blackwell Publishing 2007. 71-93. Basu, Paul. “Reframing Ethnographic Film.” Rethinking Documentary. Eds. Thomas Austin and Wilma de Jong. Maidenhead: Open U P, 2008. 94-106.Barringer, Tim, and Tom Flynn. Colonialism and the Object: Empire, Material Culture and the Museum. London: Routledge, 1998. 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