Academic literature on the topic 'Mantua (Italy) – Ethnic relations'

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Journal articles on the topic "Mantua (Italy) – Ethnic relations"

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Chambers, D. S. "A Defence of Non-Residence in the Later Fifteenth Century: Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga and Mantuan Clergy." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 4 (October 1985): 605–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690004402x.

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Was non-residence in benefices necessarily an abuse? It was an old problem, usually linked with pluralities, and even if the Councils of Constance and Basel had done nothing about it, non-residence had been denounced by Gerson, by Panormitanus and by Denys the Carthusian; it remained a live issue in the later fifteenth century. An interesting discussion of the subject emerges from the correspondence of Cardinal Francesco Gonzaga (1444–83) with his father and brother, successive rulers of Mantua. It raises points of wider importance than the particular matters at stake and throws some light upon relations between the Italian powers and the papacy over Church appointments; in Italy there was no Pragmatic Sanction, and appointments would often depend upon official request and more or less informal ways and means of accommodation with the Roman court. It is, however, not only about appointment to, and absenteeism from, major benefices, but also minor ones. In the absence of any general treatment in depth of the subject, these documents contribute some specific and important evidence about practical problems and attitudes in Italian ecclesiastical life. Resentment in the small Lombard principality of Mantua towards non-resident ‘foreigners’ and papal reservations, professions of concern about pastoral standards and the social standing of the local clergy are among other themes which emerge; not least remarkable is that the cardinal's viewpoint as revealed in the correspondence was sometimes distinctly different from that of the lay rulers, in spite of his being their close relative and top-level agent in the papal court.
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Fantino, Ana Maria. "Wendy Pojmann, Immigrant Women and Feminism in Italy (Research in Migration and Ethnic Relations)." Journal of International Migration and Integration / Revue de l'integration et de la migration internationale 9, no. 1 (March 2008): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-007-0042-8.

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Kadria, Sali. "A VIEW ON ALBANIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS DURING 1922-1923." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 1/2022 (February 1, 2022): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.1.kad.17-38.

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This scientific article aims to reflect some of the aspects of Albanian-Yugoslav relations in the years 1922-1923. During this period, there were two options facing the political leaders in Albania: Orienting their country toward Italy or the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, as the two countries that were interested the most on the Albanian issue. Albanian-Yugoslav relations during these years were affected by several factors, such as: the Albanian issue in Kosovo and other ethnic areas located within the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes; the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry in Albania, as well as the orientation of the various Albanian political groups in Albania in relation to its neighboring countries.
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Montali, Lorenzo, Paolo Riva, Alessandra Frigerio, and Silvia Mele. "The representation of migrants in the Italian press." Discourse and politics of migration in Italy 12, no. 2 (August 2, 2012): 226–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.12.2.04mon.

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The research analyses media discourse on migration in Italy, regarded as a means of reproducing and maintaining a racist interpretation of inter-group relations. The theoretical framework is the Critical Discourse Analysis approach. Quantitative and qualitative analyses were performed on data consisting of headlines and articles from the Italian newspaper Corriere della Sera, published between 1992 and 2009. Overall, it emerged that discourse is built according to themes and discursive strategies already identified by similar research based on European media, indicating how this system of representations defines a common sense of cultural belonging and a shared construction of ethnic relations. The rather long time span considered in the study allowed us to focus on how the discourse on migration in Italy might have evolved over time, but also to identify any elements that may have remained unchanged.
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Sañudo, Eva Pelayo. "Multicultural Little Italy: A Literary Comparison of Canadian and US Urban Enclaves." Italian Canadiana 34 (September 16, 2021): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/ic.v34i0.37450.

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Drawing on Paul Moses’ An Unlikely Union: The Love-Hate Story of New York’s Irish and Italians (2015), this article explores the history and literary reflection of multicultural cities. Particularly, Louisa Ermelino’s novel The Sisters Mallone (2002) challenges accepted views of certain urban enclaves as ghettos. This assumption obscures cross-cultural relations and renders superficial the term multicultural as only a mosaic of discrete cultures living together. In this respect, a comparison to official multiculturalism in Canada discusses the complex nature of identity and belonging. A unique case study is Quebec, as is reflected in the position of the trilingual writer and the affiliation to world literature. This article is divided into two parts. Firstly, it analyzes a literary text that looks at US ethnic relations beyond conflict and segregation. The second part, using Italian/Canadian literary history, reflects on Canada as a multicultural country characterized by cultural diversity yet where cultural difference entails unequal power relationships such as regarding migrants and migrant literature.
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Baldassar, Loretta. "Migration Monuments in Italy and Australia: Contesting Histories and Transforming Identities." Modern Italy 11, no. 1 (February 2006): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940500492241.

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Rather than focusing on how Italians share the neighbourhood with other groups, this paper examines some of the intra-group processes (i.e. relations between Italians themselves) that produced various monuments to Italian migration in Australia, Brazil and Italy. Through their distinct styles and formulations, the monuments reflect diverse and often competing elaborations of the migrant experience by different generations at local, national and transnational levels. The recent increase in the construction of such monuments in Australia is linked to the gradual disappearance of ‘visibly’ Italian neighbourhoods. These commemorations effectively transform Italian migrants into Australian pioneers and, thus, resolve moral and cultural ambiguities about belonging and identity by de-emphasizing difference (ethnic diversity) and concealing intergenerational tensions about appropriate ways of expressing Italianness. Similarly, the appearance of monuments in Italy is linked to an emergent ‘diasporic’ consciousness fuelled by Italian emigrants’ growing ability to travel to Italy, but also to the attempt to obscure potentially destabilizing dual identities by emphasizing (one, Italian) ‘homeland’.
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Holzer, Werner, and Rainer Münz. "Ethnic Diversity in Eastern Austria: The Case of Burgenland." Nationalities Papers 23, no. 4 (December 1995): 697–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999508408412.

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Unlike the Habsburg Empire, the Republic of Austria established in 1918 saw and sees itself basically as an ethnically homogeneous state—as did the Weimar Republic and Federal Republic of Germany. Austria's constitution of 1920 made German the official language, just as Hungarian became the official language in Hungary. The relatively high degree of ethnic homogeneity in Austria and Hungary were a result of the collapse of the multi-ethnic Austro-Hungarian Empire and the new borders of these two successor states. Before 1918, the German-speaking and Hungarian-speaking population of the Empire were politically dominant, but. from a quantitative point of view, “minorities.” It was only the borders established by the Entente in the peace treaties of Saint-Germain and Trianon that reduced Austria and Hungary geographically to two territories, in which the German-speaking population on one side and the Hungarian on the other also became numerically superior, while creating large German and Hungarian minorities in the neighboring countries of Italy, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and SHS-Yugoslavia.
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Pretelli, Matteo. "Mussolini’s Mobilities." Journal of Migration History 1, no. 1 (June 9, 2015): 100–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00101006.

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This article taps into a growing literature interested in the multifold relations between sending-states and their migrants who have settled in foreign countries. Specifically, it considers circular and transnational (symbolic and concrete) mobility that Mussolini’s Italy put in motion towards, and including, its communities of emigrants. The dictator sought to use migrants as lobbies and incorporate them in a totalitarian building-state project in Italy. With the objective of reinforcing ties with the communities themselves and obtaining their consent, the fascist regime established an outflow of propagandistic materials and a network of travellers who were entrusted to export a ‘visual presence’ of the homeland outside of Italy. At the same time, Rome encouraged ethnic Italians to undertake root-tourism in Italy to observe the supposed ‘achievements’ accomplished by the regime in the homeland. After the proclamation of the Italian empire in 1936, fascism elevated its tone and by the outbreak of the Second World War the regime sought the repatriation of Italians settled abroad. Yet this project failed because of the unwillingness of migrants to betray their host countries and favour the imperialist designs of the Italian dictator.
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Ricatti, Francesco, Matteo Dutto, and Rita Wilson. "Ethnic enclave or transcultural edge? Reassessing the Prato district through digital mapping." Modern Italy 24, no. 4 (September 26, 2019): 369–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2019.48.

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Relations between Italy and other countries – such as China – are often imagined within a binary frame that essentialises national and ethnic communities and fails to recognise the complex transcultural ramifications of an increasingly globalising world. This is particularly problematic when studying those social and cultural spaces that Ilaria Vanni (2016) has described as transcultural edges. These are marginal spaces of transition and encounters between different cultures and societies, which have the potential to create new, innovative and productive ecosystems. We argue that one such space is Prato, an industrial town near Florence, well known for its textile district, and host to one of the largest Chinese communities in Europe. Significant academic attention has been devoted to the Chinese community in Prato, including studies of its social and economic impact on the host local community and the textile industry. Most of these studies tend to isolate the Chinese community from the ethnic complexity of the area, within a binary frame that fails to acknowledge the large presence of other migrant groups and the reciprocal permeability and transculturation between the Chinese community, the Italian community, and other ethnic groups. As part of a larger project, a group of scholars is currently digitally remapping Prato, to include quantitative and qualitative geolocalised information collected through a multidisciplinary method that includes ethnography, media analysis, translation studies, transcultural studies, and digital participatory action research. Through a brief description of the aims and characteristics of this research project, the paper will discuss the importance of rethinking the relationship between Italy and China, and between Italians and Chinese, within a more complex and nuanced transcultural frame.
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. "Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 20, 2018): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.

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The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land. Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally. Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Mantua (Italy) – Ethnic relations"

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Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.

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Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
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BERNARDINI, Paolo. "Gli ebrei a Mantova 1779-1814: Rapporti politici, situazione giuridica, struttura sociale nell'eta della prima emancipazione." Doctoral thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5726.

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Defence date: 18 February 1994
Examining board: Prof. Vittore Colorni ; Prof. Cesare Mozzarelli ; Prof. Salvatore Rotta ; Prof. Robert Rowland ; Prof. Stuart J. Woolf (supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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SCHMIDTKE, Oliver. "Politics of identity : the mobilizing dynamics of territorial politics in modern Italian society." Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5378.

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Defence date: 14 January 1995
Examining board: Prof. Klaus Eder (supervisor, EUI and Humboldt Universität, Berlin) ; Prof. B. Giesen (Universität Gießen and EUI) ; Prof. M.Th. Greven (Technische Hochschule Darmstadt) ; Prof. A. Melucci (Università di Milano) ; Prof. A. Pizzorno (EUI)
First made available online 26 May 2015.
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RUTAR, Sabine. "Kulturelle praxis im multinationalen sozialdemokratischen Milieu in Triest vor dem ersten weltkrieg." Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5963.

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Defence date: 9 July 2001
Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Marina Cattaruzza, Universität Bern ; Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Höpken, Georg-Eckert-Institut für Schulbuchforschung Braunschweig / Universität Leipzig ; Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Kaschuba, Humboldt-Universität Berlin ; Prof. Dr. Bo Stråth, Europäisches Hochschulinstitut Florenz
First made available online on 4 May 2018
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Cappiali, Maria Teresa. "Activism and participation among people of migrant background : discourses and practices of inclusiveness in four italian cities." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/13579.

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Books on the topic "Mantua (Italy) – Ethnic relations"

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1945-, Miller Robert L., ed. The Jews in Fascist Italy: A history. New York: Enigma Books, 2001.

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Bonfil, Robert. Jewish life in Renaissance Italy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.

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Jewish life in Renaissance Italy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.

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The Roman conquest of Italy. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 1997.

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Italy: Jewish travel guide. 4th ed. Brooklyn, NY: Israelowitz Publishing, 1999.

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B, Mann Vivian, and Jewish Museum (New York, N.Y.), eds. Gardens and ghettos: The art of Jewish life in Italy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989.

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Sacerdoti, Annie. Guide to Jewish Italy. Brooklyn, N.Y: Israelowitz, 1989.

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Sacerdoti, Annie. The guide to Jewish Italy. Venezia: Marsilio, 2003.

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Sacerdoti, Annie. The guide to Jewish Italy. Venice: Marsilio, 2004.

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Love, work, and death: Jewish life in medieval Umbria. London ; Portland, Or: Littman Library of Jewish Civilization, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Mantua (Italy) – Ethnic relations"

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Zanoni, Elizabeth. "Brotherly Love." In Emotional Landscapes, 91–111. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043499.003.0006.

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This chapter argues that Italian migrants in Argentina employed Italian-language newspapers to construct gendered and racialized constructions of familial love between Italians and Argentines as “brotherly people” during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These everyday articulations of emotions and love in the ethnic press, the chapter contends, were just as important to the creation of international allegiances and national identities as were the more formal decisions made by diplomats and statesmen. Newspapers like La Patria degli Italiani depicted foreign relations between Italy and Argentina as family relations—as relations between racially similar “Latin brothers”—to justify male-predominate migration, to promote favorable attitudes toward Italy and its migrants, and to rebuke unbrotherly destinations like the United States.
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Porta, Donatella della, Pietro Castelli Gattinara, Konstantinos Eleftheriadis, and Andrea Felicetti. "Comparing mass media debates in the European public sphere." In Discursive Turns and Critical Junctures, 30–54. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190097431.003.0002.

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The aim of this chapter is to provide background information about the political context in which the debate on the Charlie Hebdo attacks developed within the different national arenas. Besides some general political trends developing at the European level (including the financial crisis and its political consequences), Chapter 2 presents the main dimensions of political opportunities and constraints that are susceptible to explain cross-national differences in collective actors’ claiming, framing, and justifying. In particular, it zooms in on two sets of dimensions that social movement studies have considered relevant: factors that can influence public debates over migration and ethnic relations in general—i.e., national citizenship regimes—and factors which pertain more specifically to debates about Muslims and Islam in the secular public sphere—i.e., the regime addressing Church–State relations. The chapter then presents a quantitative empirical analysis of political claims-making in France, Italy, Germany, and the United Kingdom, during the first month following the 2015 attacks. Despite substantial cross-national differences in terms of discursive and political opportunities, the analysis of the content of the debate in the European public sphere shows that most of the mass media attention was devoted to the issues of security and freedom of expression (highly visible and non-divisive issues), which triggered much less political conflict than stories about Islam, discrimination, and migration.
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