Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Manpower policy Australia History'
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1
Fort, Carol S. "Developing a national employment policy : Australia 1939-45 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phf736.pdf.
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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.
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Pyvis, David. "The exploitation of youth: An alternative history of youth policy in Australia." Thesis, Pyvis, David (1991) The exploitation of youth: An alternative history of youth policy in Australia. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 1991. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/51305/.
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This thesis argues against the prevailing orthodox view that governments in Australia have only recently recognised a need to isolate and address youth as a distinct population. Focusing particularly on Commonwealth policy, it provides evidence of a long and sustained history of government interventions with youth. (Attention is concentrated less on the implementation of these policies than on the rhetoric of the policy-makers: the sorts of reasons used in defence of government interventions, particularly in parliamentary debate.) This approach facilitates examining the way power is exercised over youth through the concepts in terms of which young people are identified and thought about and reveals an enduring logic underpinning government youth policy. The thesis argues that youth policy is characterised by the recognition of youth as a potential force or resource of the state to be developed and harnessed. But it goes beyond suggesting that youth is simply utilised in the national interest. Concentrating on the identity and roles politicians construct for youth in their rhetoric, it argues that this policy area marks out a generational interest, so that the old govern the young in the interests of preserving their own power. Youth policy is informed by the recognition of youth as a threat to the status quo. It is shaped by the need of each 'ruling generation' to oblige the young to accept its discipline and contribute to the maintenance and preservation of 'its' state. So the thesis ultimately argues that youth policy does not usually take the form of a benevolent intervention on behalf of youth, but is more commonly developed in the interests of its makers.
4
Frey, Christopher J. "Ainu schools and education policy in nineteenth-century Hokkaido, Japan." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3292445.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Educational Leadership and Policy Studies, 2007.Title from dissertation home page (viewed May 28, 2008). Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-11, Section: A, page: 4636. Adviser: Heidi Ross.
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Rutland, Suzanne D. "The Jewish Community In New South Wales 1914-1939." University of Sydney, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/6536.
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Yeu, Ming. "The psychological impact of long-term unemployment in mature-aged men : Volunteer work as a moderating variable." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1999. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1266.
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Previous research has recognised the negative psychological distress associated with unemployment for older workers aged over 40 years, as they are considered to be more at risk of being unemployed for a longer duration than other age groups. Several moderating variables of the negative effects of unemployment such as age, length of unemployment and leisure participation have also been identified. In examining the experiences of unemployment with an Australian mature-aged group of men, this study also investigated the potential moderating effect of volunteer work participation that had been noted previously but had never been explored. One-hundred and eighteen men aged between 38 and 60 years old (M. = 48.85 years) anonymously completed a booklet containing several measures of depression, anxiety, stress, alcohol consumption and abuse, and stress-related growth (ability to thrive as a result of negative life events). Compared to employed men, unemployed men were found to have significantly higher levels of depression, and thriving, but not increased anxiety, stress, or risk of alcohol abuse. Performing volunteer work was found to be related to lower levels of depression and stress in both employed and unemployed men. Results were explained in consideration of Jahoda's (1981, 1982) deprivation theory, Fryer and Payne's (1984) agency theory and Warr's (1987, 1994) vitamin model. Limitations of the study and recommendations for further research are also discussed.
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Pettingell, Judith Ann. "Panics and Principles: A History of Drug Education Policy in New South Wales 1965-1999." University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4150.
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PhDWhen the problem of young people using illegal drugs for recreation emerged in New South Wales in the 1960s drug education was promoted by governments and experts as a humane alternative to policing. It developed during the 1970s and 1980s as the main hope for preventing drug problems amongst young people in the future. By the 1990s drug policy experts, like their temperance forbears, had become disillusioned with drug education, turning to legislative action for the prevention of alcohol and other drug problems. However, politicians and the community still believed that education was the best solution. Education Departments, reluctant to expose schools to public controversy, met minimal requirements. This thesis examines the ideas about drugs, education and youth that influenced the construction and implementation of policies about drug education in New South Wales between 1965 and 1999. It also explores the processes that resulted in the defining of drug problems and beliefs about solutions, identifying their contribution to policy and the way in which this policy was implemented. The thesis argues that the development of drug education over the last fifty years has been marked by three main cycles of moral panic about youth drug use. It finds that each panic was triggered by the discovery of the use of a new illegal substance by a youth subculture. Panics continued, however, because of the tension between two competing notions of young people’s drug use. In the traditional dominant view ‘drug’ meant illegal drugs, young people’s recreational drug use was considered to be qualitatively different to that of adults, and illegal drugs were the most serious and concerning problem. In the newer alternative ‘public health’ view which began developing in the 1960s, illicit drug use was constructed as part of normal experimentation, alcohol, tobacco and prescribed medicines were all drugs, and those who developed problems with their use were sick, not bad. These public health principles were formulated in policy documents on many occasions. The cycles of drug panic were often an expression of anxiety about the new approach and they had the effect of reasserting the dominant view. The thesis also finds that the most significant difference between the two discourses lies in the way that alcohol is defined, either as a relatively harmless beverage or as a drug that is a major cause of harm. Public health experts have concluded that alcohol poses a much greater threat to the health and safety of young people than illegal drugs. However, parents, many politicians and members of the general community have believed for the last fifty years that alcohol is relatively safe. Successive governments have been influenced by the economic power of the alcohol industry to support the latter view. Thus the role of alcohol and its importance to the economy in Australian society is a significant hindrance in reconciling opposing views of the drug problem and developing effective drug education. The thesis concludes that well justified drug education programs have not been implemented fully because the rational approaches to drug education developed by experts have not been supported by the dominant discourse about the drug problem. Politicians have used drug education as a populist strategy to placate fear but the actual programs that have been developed attempt to inform young people and the community about the harms and benefits of all drugs. When young people take up the use of a new mood altering drug, the rational approach developed by public health experts provokes intense anxiety in the community and the idea that legal substances such as alcohol, tobacco and prescribed drugs can cause serious harm to young people is rejected in favour of an approach that emphasizes the danger of illegal drug use.
8
Totaro, Genevois Mariella. "Foreign policies for the diffusion of language and culture : the Italian experience in Australia." Monash University, Centre for European Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8828.
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Sendziuk, Paul 1974. "Learning to trust : a history of Australian responses to AIDS." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9264.
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Greene, Charlotte Jordon. ""Fantastic dreams" William Liu and the origins and influence of protest against the White Australia Policy in the 20th century /." University of Sydney, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/4028.
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Doctor of PhilosophyThe structure of this study of William Liu will closely reflect his ideas and the major historical influences in his life, and will span the period from 1893 through ninety years spent mainly in Sydney, ending in 1983, the year before the beginning of the attack on multiculturalism launched by the historian Geoffrey Blainey. The memorialisation of Liu in the post-Blainey “immigration debate” period will then be considered. The study will also reflect the changes in protest against racially discriminatory immigration policies in Australia, as Liu moved from a period in which his was an almost isolated critique to one in which he was able to embrace the ever-widening group of people opposed to the ‘White Australia Policy’. This process has not been fully examined, perhaps due to the fact that the protest often appeared to have little impact upon policy. But the way in which Liu and other protestors expressed their view of what Australia should be and how the ‘White Australia Policy’ affected this vision sheds a great deal of light on these periods in Australian history. The structure of this thesis around Liu’s life, beginning with a period in which the ‘White Australia Policy’ was widely accepted, and ending in a period in which multiculturalism was entrenched as official policy, emphasises the cultural shift which was brought about by decades of protest against the Anglo-conformist model of Australian identity
11
Gibson, Lisanne, and L. Gibson@mailbox gu edu au. "Art and Citizenship- Governmental Intersections." Griffith University. School of Film, Media and Cultural Studies, 1999. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20030226.085219.
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The thesis argues that the relations between culture and government are best viewed through an analysis of the programmatic and institutional contexts for the use of culture as an interface in the relations between citizenship and government. Discussion takes place through an analysis of the history of art programmes which, in seeking to target a 'general' population, have attempted to equip this population with various particular capacities. We aim to provide a history of rationalities of art administration. This will provide us with an approach through which we might understand some of the seemingly irreconcilable policy discourses which characterise contemporary discussion of government arts funding. Research for this thesis aims to make a contribution to historical research on arts institutions in Australia and provide a base from which to think about the role of government in culture in contemporary Australia. In order to reflect on the relations between government and culture the thesis discusses the key rationales for the conjunction of art, citizenship and government in post-World War Two (WWII) Australia to the present day. Thus, the thesis aims to contribute an overview of the discursive origins of the main contemporary rationales framing arts subvention in post-WWII Australia. The relations involved in the government of culture in late eighteenth-century France, nineteenth-century Britain, America in the 1930s and Britain during WWII are examined by way of arguing that the discursive influences on government cultural policy in Australia have been diverse. It is suggested in relation to present day Australian cultural policy that more effective terms of engagement with policy imperatives might be found in a history of the funding of culture which emphasises the plurality of relations between governmental programmes and the self-shaping activities of citizens. During this century there has been a shift in the political rationality which organises government in modern Western liberal democracies. The historical case studies which form section two of the thesis enable us to argue that, since WWII, cultural programmes have been increasingly deployed on the basis of a governmental rationality that can be described as advanced or neo-liberal. This is both in relation to the forms these programmes have taken and in relation to the character of the forms of conduct such programmes have sought to shape in the populations they act upon. Mechanisms characteristic of such neo-liberal forms of government are those associated with the welfare state and include cultural programmes. Analysis of governmental programmes using such conceptual tools allows us to interpret problems of modern social democratic government less in terms of oppositions between structure and agency and more in terms of the strategies and techniques of government which shape the activities of citizens. Thus, the thesis will approach the field of cultural management not as a field of monolithic decision making but as a domain in which there are a multiplicity of power effects, knowledges, and tactics, which react to, or are based upon, the management of the population through culture. The thesis consists of two sections. Section one serves primarily to establish a set of historical and theoretical co-ordinates on which the more detailed historical work of the thesis in section two will be based. We conclude by emphasising the necessity for the continuation of a mix of policy frameworks in the construction of the relations between art, government and citizenship which will encompass a focus on diverse and sometimes competing policy goals.
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Brankovich, Jasmina. "Burning down the house? : feminism, politics and women's policy in Western Australia, 1972-1998." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0122.
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This thesis examines the constraints and options inherent in placing feminist demands on the state, the limits of such interventions, and the subjective, intimate understandings of feminism among agents who have aimed to change the state from within. First, I describe the central element of a
13
Wigman, Albertus. "Childhood and compulsory education in South Australia : a cultural-political analysis." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw659.pdf.
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Wang, Xueliang 1956. "Taiwan and the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, January 1989-December 1992." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278339.
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This thesis divides Taiwan's impact on the Bush administration's Mainland China policy into three stages. The first period was from January 1989, when George Bush entered the White House, to June 3, when the Tiananmen Massacre took place in Beijing. The second period was from June 1989 to July 1991. The third period was from July 1991 to the end of 1992. Through examining the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, this thesis argues that Taiwan's impact on the administration's China policy evolved a tract from unimportant to important in the years between 1989 and 1992. It further argues that Taiwan has become an independent factor, whose China policy was not under the control of the United States. Sometimes it undermined American Mainland China policy.
15
Windsor, Carol A. "Industry policy, finance and the AIDC : Australia from the 1950s to the 1970s." Thesis, University of Queensland, 2009. http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:189307.
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This thesis, conceived within a Marxist framework, addresses key conceptual issues in the writing and theorising on industry policy in post second world- war Australia. Broadly, the thesis challenges the way that industry policy on the left of politics (reflected in the social democratic and Keynesian positions) has been constructed as a practical, progressive policy agenda. Specifically, the thesis poses a direct challenge to the primacy of the ‘national’ in interpreting the history of industry policy. The challenge is to the proposition that conflicts between national industry and international finance arose only from the mid 1980s. On the contrary, as will be seen, this is a 1960s issue and any interpretation of the debates and the agendas surrounding industry policy in the 1980s must be predicated on an understanding of how the issue was played out two decades earlier. As was the case in the 1960s, industry policy in the 1980s has been isolated from two key areas of interrogation: the role of the nation state in regulating accumulation and the role of finance in industry policy. In the 1950s and more so in the 1960s and early 1970s there was a reconfiguration of financing internationally but it is one that did not enter into industry policy analysis. The central concern therefore is to simultaneously sketch the historical political economy on industry policy from the 1950s through to the early 1970s in Australia and to analytically and empirically insert the role of finance into that history. In so doing the thesis addresses the economic and social factors that shaped the approach to industry finance in Australia during this critical period. The analysis is supported by a detailed examination of political and industry debates surrounding the proposal for, and institution of, a key national intervention in the form of the Australian Industry Development Corporation (AIDC).
16
Lapham, Angela. "From Papua to Western Australia : Middleton's implementation of Social Assimilation Policy, 1948-1962." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2007. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/270.
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In 1948, after twenty years in the Papuan administration, Stanley Middleton became the Western Australian Commissioner of Native Affairs. State and Federal governments at that time had a policy of social assimilation towards Aboriginal people, who were expected to live in the same manner as other Australians, accepting the same responsibilties, observing the same customs and influenced by the same beliefs, hopes and loyalties. European civilization was seen as the pinnacle of development. Thus both giving Aboriginal people the opportunity to reach this pinnacle and believing they were equally capable of reaching this pinnacle was viewed as a progessive and humanitarian act. Aboriginal cultural beliefs and loyalties were not considered important, if they were recognized at all, because they were seen as primitive or as having being abandoned in favour of a Western lifestyle.
17
De, Matos Christine, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "Imposing peace and prosperity: Australia, social justice and labour reform in occupied Japan, 1945-1949." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_De Matos_C.xml, 2003. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/480.
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Historiography tends to seek patterns of inevitability, attempting to explain a decided course rather than incorporating other evident, though unfulfilled possibilities. In the case of historiography on the Allied Occupation of Japan, this is particularly obvious. Occupation scholarship appears absorbed by the overarching US presence in Japan during this period, reflects the dominant paradigm of the Cold War and when it does venture past the US remains focused on the US-Japan dichotomy. Australia also participated in the Occupation, also held a vision for a Pacific future and developed a relationship with Japan. Often the Australian perspective did not coincide with that of the US especially on the terrain of ideological and historical experiences and interpretations. The potential for conflict between the two nations’ approaches to post-surrender Japan is particularly evident in labour reform policy and issues of social and economic justice – the focus of this thesis. Australian policies towards labour reform under the Chifley Labor Government are examined in this thesis within the context of the Australian labour movement’s historical legacy, Orientalism and racial stereotypes, the Cold War, US hegemony, idealism and pragmatism and overall Australian policy towards Occupied Japan as a dual-paradigm structure. This thesis investigates attempts to turn labour reform polices and ideals into practice, via the diplomatic control machinery established for the Occupation namely the Allied Council for Japan and Far Eastern Commission and as articulated by Australian government representatives including Dr H.V. Evatt, William Macmahon Ball, Patrick Shaw and Sir Frederick Eggleston. The thesis contests the predominant simplistic harsh peace label given to Australian policy in the current literature. By examining Australian policy towards Occupied Japan from a micro perspective, what emerges is a more complex foreign policy mosaic to which the research in this thesis is a contributionDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Parsons, Meg. "Spaces of Disease: the creation and management of Aboriginal health and disease in Queensland 1900-1970." University of Sydney, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5572.
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Doctor of Philosophy(PhD)Indigenous health is one of the most pressing issues confronting contemporary Australian society. In recent years government officials, medical practitioners, and media commentators have repeatedly drawn attention to the vast discrepancies in health outcomes between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. However a comprehensive discussion of Aboriginal health is often hampered by a lack of historical analysis. Accordingly this thesis is a historical response to the current Aboriginal health crisis and examines the impact of colonisation on Aboriginal bodies in Queensland during the early to mid twentieth century. Drawing upon a wide range of archival sources, including government correspondence, medical records, personal diaries and letters, maps and photographs, I examine how the exclusion of Aboriginal people from white society contributed to the creation of racially segregated medical institutions. I examine four such government-run institutions, which catered for Aboriginal health and disease during the period 1900-1970. The four institutions I examine – Barambah Aboriginal Settlement, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Fantome Island leprosarium – constituted the essence of the Queensland Government’s Aboriginal health policies throughout this time period. The Queensland Government’s health policies and procedures signified more than a benevolent interest in Aboriginal health, and were linked with Aboriginal (racial) management strategies. Popular perceptions of Aborigines as immoral and diseased directly affected the nature and focus of government health services to Aboriginal people. In particular the Chief Protector of Aboriginals Office’s uneven allocation of resources to medical segregation facilities and disease controls, at the expense of other more pressing health issues, specifically nutrition, sanitation, and maternal and child health, materially contributed to Aboriginal ill health. This thesis explores the purpose and rationales, which informed the provision of health services to Aboriginal people. The Queensland Government officials responsible for Aboriginal health, unlike the medical authorities involved in the management of white health, did not labour under the task of ensuring the liberty of their subjects but rather were empowered to employ coercive technologies long since abandoned in the wider medical culture. This particularly evident in the Queensland Government’s unwillingness to relinquish or lessen its control over diseased Aboriginal bodies and the continuation of its Aboriginal-only medical isolation facilities in the second half of the twentieth century. At a time when medical professionals and government officials throughout Australia were almost universally renouncing institutional medical solutions in favour of more community-based approaches to ill health and diseases, the Queensland Government was pushing for the creation of new, and the continuation of existing, medical segregation facilities for Aboriginal patients. In Queensland the management of health involved inherently spatialised and racialised practices. However spaces of Aboriginal segregation did not arise out of an uncomplicated or consistent rationale of racial segregation. Rather the micro-histories of Fantome Island leprosarium, Peel Island Lazaret, Fantome Island lock hospital and Barambah Aboriginal Settlement demonstrate that competing logics of disease quarantine, reform, punishment and race management all influenced the ways in which the Government chose to categorise, situate and manage Aboriginal people (their bodies, health and diseases). Evidence that the enterprise of public health was, and still is, closely aligned with the governance of populations.
19
Dorn, Richard D. "Investing in human capital the origins of federal job training programs, 1900 to 1945 /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1174678446.
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Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Full-text, 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/1961/1/bozinovski.pdf.
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The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the Communist Party’s praxis.
21
Cole, Peter. "Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia: modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880." Thesis, Cole, Peter (2000) Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia: modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2000. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/660/.
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The decline of public transport in Western Australia is observed in four separate historical studies which narrate the political and administrative history of each major urban transport mode. Perth's suburban railway system is examined as part of the State's widespread rail network, including the extravagantly-equipped short-lived suburban railway in Kalgoorlie. Political interference in early railway operations is studied in detail to determine why Perth's rail-based public transport systems were so poorly developed and then neglected or abandoned for much of the twentieth century. The llnique events in Kalgoorlie at the turn of the century are presented as potent reasons for the early closure of Perth's urban tramway system and the fact that no purpose-built suburban railways were constructed in Perth until 1993. The road funding arrangements of the late nineteenth century are considered next, in order to demonstrate the very early basis for the present lavish non-repayable grants of money for road construction and maintenance by all three layers of government. The development of private and government bus networks is detailed last, with particular attention paid to the failure of private urban bus operators in the 1950s and the subsequent formation of a government owned and operated urban bus monopoly. The capital structure and accounting practices of public transport modes are analysed to provide a critique of popular myths concerning the merits of each. In order to obtain an impression of the changing political view of different transport modes, the attitude of politicians to public transport and the private motor car over the last one hundred and twenty years is captured in summary narrations of some of the more important parliamentary transport debates. Two possible explanations of public transport decline are discussed in conclusion; one relying a neoclassical economic theory of marginal pricing, and the other on an observation on the fate of large capital investments in the modern party-based democratic system of government.
22
Cole, Peter. "Urban rail perspectives in Perth, Western Australia : modal competition, public transport, and government policy in Perth since 1880." Murdoch University, 2000. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20061122.125641.
Full textAbstract:
The decline of public transport in Western Australia is observed in four separate
historical studies which narrate the political and administrative history of each major
urban transport mode. Perth's suburban railway system is examined as part of the State's
widespread rail network, including the extravagantly-equipped short-lived suburban
railway in Kalgoorlie. Political interference in early railway operations is studied in
detail to determine why Perth's rail-based public transport systems were so poorly
developed and then neglected or abandoned for much of the twentieth century. The
llnique events in Kalgoorlie at the turn of the century are presented as potent reasons for
the early closure of Perth's urban tramway system and the fact that no purpose-built
suburban railways were constructed in Perth until 1993. The road funding arrangements
of the late nineteenth century are considered next, in order to demonstrate the very early
basis for the present lavish non-repayable grants of money for road construction and
maintenance by all three layers of government. The development of private and
government bus networks is detailed last, with particular attention paid to the failure of
private urban bus operators in the 1950s and the subsequent formation of a government
owned and operated urban bus monopoly. The capital structure and accounting
practices of public transport modes are analysed to provide a critique of popular myths
concerning the merits of each. In order to obtain an impression of the changing political
view of different transport modes, the attitude of politicians to public transport and the
private motor car over the last one hundred and twenty years is captured in summary
narrations of some of the more important parliamentary transport debates. Two possible
explanations of public transport decline are discussed in conclusion; one relying a neoclassical
economic theory of marginal pricing, and the other on an observation on the fate
of large capital investments in the modern party-based democratic system of
government.
23
Jennings, Reece. "The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09MD/09mdj54.pdf.
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Mizuno, Norihito. "Japan and its East Asian neighbors: Japan's perception of China and Korea and the making of foreign policy from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century." The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1101744928.
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Bozinovski, Robert. "The Communist Party of Australia and proletarian internationalism,1928-1945." Thesis, Full-text, 2008. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/1961/.
Full textAbstract:
The theory and practice of ‘proletarian internationalism’ was a vital dimension of the modus operandi of communist parties worldwide. It was a broadly encompassing concept
that profoundly influenced the actions of international communism’s globally scattered adherents. Nevertheless, the historiography of the Communist Party of Australia has
neglected to address sufficiently the effect exerted by proletarian internationalism on the party’s praxis. Instead, scholars have dwelt on the party’s links to the Soviet Union and have, moreover, overlooked the nuances and complexity of the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow. It is the purpose of this thesis to redress these shortfalls. Using an extensive collection of primary and secondary sources, this thesis will consider the impact of a Marxist-Leninist conception of proletarian internationalism on the policies,tactics and strategies of the Communist Party of Australia from 1928-1945. The thesis
will demonstrate that proletarian internationalism was far more than mere adherence to Moscow, obediently receiving and implementing instructions. Instead, through the lens of
this concept, we can see that the Communist Party’s relationship with Moscow was flexible and nuanced and one that, in reality, often put the party at odds with the official Soviet position. In addition, we will see the extent of the influence exerted by other aspects of proletarian internationalism, such as international solidarity, the so-called national and colonial questions and the communist attitude towards war, on the
Communist Party’s praxis.
26
Binnie, Anna-Eugenia. "From atomic energy to nuclear science : a history of the Australian Atomic Energy Commission." [Sydney] : Macquarie University Physics Department, 2003. http://www.ansto.gov.au/libsite/Fulltext/Binnie_atomic-energy.pdf.
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Lemar, Susan. "Control, compulsion and controversy: venereal diseases in Adelaide and Edinburgh 1910-1947." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl548.pdf.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 280-305). Argues that despite the liberal use of social control theory in the literature on the social history of venereal diseases, rationale discourses do not necessarily lead to government intervention. Comparative analysis reveals that culturally similar locations can experience similar impulses and constraints to the development of social policy under differing constitutional arrangements.
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Proust, Katrina Margaret, and kproust@cres10 anu edu au. "Learning from the past for sustainability: towards an integrated approach." The Australian National University. Centre for Resource and Environmental Studies, 2004. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20050706.140605.
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The task of producing policies for the management of Earth’s natural resources is a problem of the gravest concern worldwide. Such policies must address both responsible use in the present and the sustainability of those finite resources in the future. Resources are showing the adverse results of generations of exploitation, and communities fail to see the outcomes of past policies that have produced, and continue to produce, these results. They have not learned from past policy failures, and consequently fail to produce natural resource management (NRM) policies that support sustainable development.¶
It will be argued that NRM policy makers fail to learn from the past because they do not have a good historical perspective and a clear understanding of the dynamics of the complex human-environment system that they manage. It will also be argued that historians have not shown an interest in collaborating with policy makers on these issues, even though they have much to offer. Therefore, a new approach is proposed, which brings the skills and understanding of the trained historian directly into the policy arena.¶
This approach is called Applied Environmental History (AEH). Its aims are to help establish an area of common conceptual ground between NRM practitioners, policy makers, historians and dynamicists; to provide a framework that can help NRM practitioners and policy makers to take account of the historical and dynamical issues that characterise human-environment relationships; and to help NRM practitioners and policy makers improve their capacity to learn from the past.
Applied Environmental History captures the characteristics of public and applied history and environmental history. In order to include an understanding of feedback dynamics in human-environment systems, it draws on concepts from dynamical systems theory. Because learning from the past is a particular form of learning from experience, AEH also draws on theories of cognitive adaptation.¶
Principles for the application of AEH are developed and then tested in an exploratory study of irrigation development that is focused on the NRM issue of salinity. Since irrigation salinity has existed for centuries, and is a serious environmental problem in many parts of the world, it is a suitable NRM context in which to explore policy makers' failure to learn from the past. AEH principles guide this study, and are used, together with insights generated from the study, as the basis for the design of AEH Guidelines.
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Slagter, Marcelle. "Poverty in perception : a study of the twentieth-century prime ministers of Australia and New Zealand." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/32090/1/Marcelle_Slagter_Thesis.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Australia and New Zealand, as English-speaking nations with dominant white populations, present an ethnic anomaly not only in South East Asia, but also in the Southern Hemisphere. Colonised by predominantly workingclass British immigrants from the late eighteenth century, an ethnic and cultural connection grew between these two countries even though their indigenous populations and ecological environments were otherwise very different. Building a new life in Australia and New Zealand, the colonists shared similar historic perceptions of poverty – perceptions from their homelands that they did not want to see replicated in their new adopted countries. Dreams of a better life shaped their aspirations, self-identity and nationalistic outlook. By the twentieth century, national independence and self-government had replaced British colonial rule. The inveterate occurrence of poverty in Australia and New Zealand had created new local perspectives and different perceptions of, and about, poverty. This study analyses what relationship existed between the political directions adopted by the twentieth-century prime ministers of Australia and New Zealand and their perceptions of poverty. Using the existential phenomenological theory and methodology of Maurice Merleau-Ponty, the study adds to the body of knowledge about poverty in Australia and New Zealand by revealing the structure and origin of the poverty perceptions of the twentieth-century prime ministers.
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Spurling, Kathryn Lesley History Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Life in the lower deck of the Royal Australian Navy 1911-1952." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of History, 1999. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38685.
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This thesis studies the development of the Royal Australian Navy (RAN), during the period 1911 to 1952 from the perspective of the men of the lower deck, the RAN ratings. The early RAN was modelled very closely on the Royal Navy (RN), but the expectations of its managers and administrators, imbued as they were with the culture and tradition of the RN, were not easily compatible with the character of the Australians who became the RAN???s ratings. The class distinction which functioned in the RN, when applied to the more egalitarian Australians caused ill-feeling and led to the breakdown of discipline. The Australian Commonwealth Naval Board strongly resisted attempts by the Australian Government and the Australian people to regulate its affairs, a situation which seriously disadvantaged the RAN ratings and their families. In the wider context a continuing refusal by both the British Admiralty and the senior officers of the RAN to allow the development of a truly national navy led to significant manpower problems. This both inhibited the establishment of a navy for Australia and denied that navy full use of the unique attributes of the Australian rating.
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Fort, Carol S. (Carol Susan). "Developing a national employment policy : Australia 1939-45." 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phf736.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Bibliography: leaves 378-400. Studies the development of national employment policy in wartime Australia. This experience encouraged the establishment of a centrally controlled employment service as a lynch pin of Australian federal government's post-war reconstruction policy.
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Fort, Carol S. (Carol Susan). "Developing a national employment policy : Australia 1939-45 / Carol Susan Fort." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/19601.
Full textAbstract:
Bibliography: leaves 378-400.x, 400 leaves ; 30 cm.
Studies the development of national employment policy in wartime Australia. This experience encouraged the establishment of a centrally controlled employment service as a lynch pin of Australian federal government's post-war reconstruction policy.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History, 2000?
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Kuo, Min-Hsun Christine. "The history of human resource development in Taiwan 1950s-1990s /." 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51954796.html.
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Kerley, Margot. "Commercial television in Australia: government policy and regulation, 1953 to 1963." Phd thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/13892.
Full textAbstract:
Television came relatively late to Australia, but by 1950 the overriding issue
of whether to allow commercial as well as national television stations had
been settled in favour of a 'dual system', with reference to the examples of
Britain, Canada and the United States.
The Royal Commission on Television was set up in 1953 to determine the
residual details. It decided that television could be successfully regulated by
the Broadcasting Control Board which had proved itself a capable regulator
of radio broadcasting, and that television transmission channels would be
licensed to private individuals or companies selected by means of public
hearings. Television 'services' would, it was hoped, gradually be extended to
all major urban and regional centres in an equitable and orderly manner.
The weaknesses of the Broadcasting and Television Act 1956, began to be
manifest from the first round of licence hearings. The Control Board were
placed in an increasingly invidious position, caught between the market
imperatives which were driving the commercial television industry, and
the demands of a bevy of reformers who sought to change programme
outcomes to reflect a variety of minority interests.
Despite the existence of an avowed policy of 'localism', commercial
licensees were quick to form networks based initially on programme sharing
arrangements, but later extended by means of a web of minority
shareholdings in regional subsidiary companies.
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Tanni, Katri E. "Polemics, politics and pressure : the history of the debate over the White Australia Policy in Australia from 1945 to 1973." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149998.
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Thornley, Phoebe. "Broadcasting policy in Australia political influences and the federal government's role in the establishment and development of public/community broadcasting in Australia - a history 1939 to 1992." Diss., 1999. http://www.newcastle.edu.au/services/library/adt/public/adt-NNCU20021202.031413/index.html.
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Roberts, Glenn L. "The evolution of Soviet Muslim policy, 1917-1921." Thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/17028.
Full textAbstract:
During the revolutionary period the Soviets came into political and cultural conflict with Russia's Muslims. Despite indications that the majority of Muslims desired political unification based on their Islamic heritage, the Party divided them into separate "nationalities" along narrow ethnic lines, incorporated most into the RSFSR, and attempted to uproot traditional Islamic institutions and customs under the aegis of class war. Resistance took the form of pan-Muslim nationalism, a reformist political conception with roots in the Near East. This conflict not only aborted the export of revolution to the Islamic world, contributing to the passing of the revolutionary era in Russia, but aided Stalin's rise to power. Soviet policy succeeded politically, defining the terms of interaction between Russians and Soviet Muslims for the next 70 years, but failed culturally in 1921-22, when the Party was forced to suspend its "war on Islam" as the price of political control.
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Orchard, Lionel. "Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform / Lionel Orchard." Thesis, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18575.
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Leah, Christine Martine. "Australia and nuclear strategy." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155789.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis consists of an historical and strategic analysis of Australia's relationship with nuclear weapons, nuclear strategy, and U.S. extended nuclear deterrence. It covers the period from when Britain and the United States both began research into harnessing the power of atomic energy for military purposes, to the present day. It concludes with a forward-looking chapter that assesses the possible and probable interactions of Australia's various experiences with nuclear weapons and a strategic environment in the Asia-Pacific undergoing long-term, transformational geopolitical change. For many decades it has been assumed that Australia's ratification of the NPT was due to specific American security assurances regarding the use of nuclear weapons. This nuclear umbrella is often cited as one significant factor constraining the spread of nuclear weapons by obviating the need for U.S. allies to possess their own nuclear deterrent. However, Australia has always had a complex and conflicted relationship with the bomb. Recently declassified documents reveal that until about 1974, most senior officials, including Prime Ministers, were not persuaded that extended nuclear deterrence - whether something explicit or as a more generalized phenomenon - applied to Australia. Understanding the history of Australian thinking about nuclear weapons and its relationship with U.S. extended nuclear deterrence is important for several reasons. First, it shows how certain geopolitical circumstances can shape attitudes towards the possession and use of nuclear weapons in different geostrategic contexts. Second: it shows how different geopolitical contexts shape allied understandings of concepts of nuclear strategy. Third: it shows how different strategic circumstances can be more or less conducive to the perceived credibility of security assurances. Fourth: a proper understanding of Australia's relationship with U.S. END has implications for policy today. It helps us think about how that relationship might endure and evolve in different contexts. This is especially important given that the Asia-Pacific has just embarked on a long period of transformational geopolitical change. To think that Australia "relies" on U.S. extended nuclear deterrence per se is misleading. Australia's relationship with nuclear weapons is complex, ambiguous, distant, and multi-layered. Why did Australia pursue a nuclear weapons capability from the mid-1940s to the early 1970s? Why did Australia decide to co-operate with Great Britain on nuclear and missile research? Why did policymakers then try to develop a nuclear weapon capability independently? Why did Canberra eventually renounce that option and instead choose to sign the NPT and "rely" on U.S. extended nuclear deterrence in 1973? And under what circumstances might Australia, again, love the bomb directly rather than vicariously? The wider intent of the study is to shed light on the different ways Australia has thought about the role of nuclear weapons in international, regional, and national security, and how that thinking might evolve in the future. There is an assumption held by many political advocates that nuclear disarmament is a desirable goal in itself. This is not a view I agree with. My love and passion for this topic and broader questions of nuclear strategy and weapons proliferation lead me to believe that the role of nuclear weapons in international security must be understood within a broader context. It is not enough to say that the nuclear weapons states must reduce their nuclear arsenals and work towards the eventual goal of total elimination of nuclear weapons. Any ambition for the United States to reduce the size of its nuclear stockpile must be informed by a far stronger understanding of how different levels onuclear capabilities could shape perceptions of strategic stability between the major players in Asia, including U.S. allies who rely on American extended nuclear deterrence. Indeed, nuclear weapons are only one component of strategic stability, and their role must be understood in the context of the overall military balance. This analysis of Australia's experience with nuclear weapons and extended nuclear deterrence, it is hoped, will contribute to our understanding of all the direct and indirect ways that nuclear weapons contribute positively to international security.
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Ansori, Siaan. "Policy formulation processes in Malaysia and Australia: cultural differences do matter." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/10307.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the influence of culture in the national policy formulation processes of Malaysia and Australia. Superficially, these two countries have common stated strategic policy priorities (economic development and social stability), similar Westminster-based architectures of government, and comparable civil services. However, under the influence of culture and history, the two countries‘ policy formulation processes have developed very differently.
In seeking explanations for the similarities and differences in government processes, the thesis demonstrates how cultural and historical experiences influence the policy formulation processes themselves, the associated policy outputs and outcomes, and ultimately the governments‘ ability to achieve their stated strategic policy priorities. It uses a case study of bilateral trade policy formulation to illuminate its findings in a real‘ national policy formulation context.
Some specific examples of cultural and historical experiences shaping the policy formulation processes in Malaysia include: a legacy of pre-colonial (kerajaan) polities which existed in the Malayo-Indonesian archipelago up until the nineteenth century; colonisation by the British; and an omnipresent ethnic ideology‘ resulting from continuing fear of social unrest (experienced dramatically during the racial riots of 1969). In Australia, relevant cultural and historical experiences include: a colonial experience different from that of Malaysia, an ensuing scepticism about government leadership and the political elites; an emphasis on individualism; and values of egalitarianism and equal access to opportunity.
By drawing out the role of cultural influences and historical experiences in the policy formulation process, the thesis provides a new culturally-responsive model for the analysis of policy formulation processes. Building on traditional policy formulation models which are based on logic‘ and rational choice‘, the culturally-responsive model brings out, in addition, the more subjective and less straightforward influences bearing on a country‘s policy formulation processes.
In the final chapter, the thesis considers some of the implications of culturally-influenced policy formulation processes. It examines how country-specific policy formulation processes can create obstacles to bilateral (government-to-government) policy formulation collaboration. In light of these obstacles, the thesis argues that policy makers in Australia and Malaysia need to be more cognisant of cultural and historical differences when seeking to collaborate in bilateral policy formulation. The thesis concludes that better awareness about cultural and historical influences on the respective countries‘ policy formulation processes would likely lead to more comfortable relations between Malaysia and Australia.
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Forkert, Joshua. "Orphans of Vietnam : a history of intercountry adoption policy and practice in Australia, 1968-1975." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/71935.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis presents a detailed historical analysis of the origins of the policy and practice of intercountry adoption – the legal adoption of children from overseas – in Australia. Efforts by Australian families to adopt children from overseas were made in the years immediately following the Second World War, but it was not until the Vietnam War that significant numbers of adopted children began to arrive in Australia. This thesis focuses on the period from 1968, when the first Vietnamese children were adopted, up until Operation Babylift in 1975, and examines the development of state and Commonwealth government policies towards intercountry adoption. Through an examination of the relationship between state and Commonwealth government authorities, international social welfare organisations, volunteer groups and individual adoptive parents, it argues that each phase of the development of adoption policy was shaped by broader political considerations, such as foreign affairs, defence and immigration policies, moreso than any consideration for the interests of the children themselves.Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2012
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Neville, Warwick John. "Healing the nation : access to medicines under the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme - the jurisprudence from history." Phd thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150188.
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Standfield, Rachel. ""Not for lack of trying" : discourses of whiteness, race, and human rights in postwar Australia." Master's thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150356.
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Thornley, Phoebe Neva. "Broadcasting Policy in Australia: Political Influences and the Federal Goverment's Role in the Establishment and Development of Public/Community Broadcasting in Australia - A History 1939 to 1992." Thesis, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/24917.
Full textAbstract:
Utilizing published and unpublished sources and working with interviews of a number of participants this thesis examines the evolution of the political influences that stimulated the Australian federal government's policy decisions on public broadcasting. The background to the federal government's original involvement in broadcasting in the early years of the twentieth century is investigated to put later developments into a broader perspective. Comparisons are also drawn with progress in other comparable Western countries to highlight the unique nature of the Australian model. Since broadcasting was never an issue, like health and education, which could capture votes from the electorate as a whole, government policy was driven by pressure from particular special interest groups as their influence waxed and waned and calls from individual electorates, when the interest was strong and the seat was marginal. The government decisions that resulted from this situation were ad hoc and expedient and no really coherent policy was ever implemented. This thesis examines the forces that led to the restriction in the expansion of broadcasting services after World War 2 and to the change in the influence of pressure groups in the 1960s which led to the establishment of FM and public broadcasting in the 1970s. A detailed exploration of particular interests, such as the Public Broadcasting Association of Australia, educational broadcasters and ethnic broadcasters shows how the influence of different groups changed over time. Once public broadcasting was established the main concern of both broadcasters and government was to keep the sector economically viable. A detailed analysis is provided of how the funding arrangements altered as the sector grew. There were always some idealists who saw public broadcasting as a vehicle for putting forward their own point of view. But, this thesis concludes that, by the early 1990s, apart from its role as regulator, which was the same for commercial broadcasting, government policy on public broadcasting was largely driven by the fact that minimal funding for the sector enabled government to ensure that essential non-commercially viable broadcasting services that would be far more expensive for the government to provide itself, were able to continue.PhD Doctorate
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Thornley, Phoebe Neva. "Broadcasting Policy in Australia: Political Influences and the Federal Goverment's Role in the Establishment and Development of Public/Community Broadcasting in Australia - A History 1939 to 1992." 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/24917.
Full textAbstract:
Utilizing published and unpublished sources and working with interviews of a number of participants this thesis examines the evolution of the political influences that stimulated the Australian federal government's policy decisions on public broadcasting. The background to the federal government's original involvement in broadcasting in the early years of the twentieth century is investigated to put later developments into a broader perspective. Comparisons are also drawn with progress in other comparable Western countries to highlight the unique nature of the Australian model. Since broadcasting was never an issue, like health and education, which could capture votes from the electorate as a whole, government policy was driven by pressure from particular special interest groups as their influence waxed and waned and calls from individual electorates, when the interest was strong and the seat was marginal. The government decisions that resulted from this situation were ad hoc and expedient and no really coherent policy was ever implemented. This thesis examines the forces that led to the restriction in the expansion of broadcasting services after World War 2 and to the change in the influence of pressure groups in the 1960s which led to the establishment of FM and public broadcasting in the 1970s. A detailed exploration of particular interests, such as the Public Broadcasting Association of Australia, educational broadcasters and ethnic broadcasters shows how the influence of different groups changed over time. Once public broadcasting was established the main concern of both broadcasters and government was to keep the sector economically viable. A detailed analysis is provided of how the funding arrangements altered as the sector grew. There were always some idealists who saw public broadcasting as a vehicle for putting forward their own point of view. But, this thesis concludes that, by the early 1990s, apart from its role as regulator, which was the same for commercial broadcasting, government policy on public broadcasting was largely driven by the fact that minimal funding for the sector enabled government to ensure that essential non-commercially viable broadcasting services that would be far more expensive for the government to provide itself, were able to continue.PhD Doctorate
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Cuffe, Honae. "The search for an integrated policy: challenges to Australian national interest in the Asia-Pacific, 1921–57." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1411231.
Full textAbstract:
Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)This dissertation examines the development of a distinct Australian foreign policy over the years 1921–57. The period under study was one of immense upheaval for Australia as the nation navigated economic crises, the threat of aggressive Japanese expansion and the sifting power distributions underway in the Asia-Pacific region as the world transitioned from British leadership to that of United States of America. Successive Australian governments carefully observed these global and regional forces, searching for a policy in response. This dissertation argues that the policy that developed was an integrated one—that is, one that sought to balance Australia’s particular geopolitical circumstances with great powers relations and, in assessing the value of these relationships, ensure that the nation’s trade, defence and diplomatic interests were served. This dissertation identifies a marked continuity in how Australia’s political elite approached foreign policy over the years 1921–57. In the midst of the economic and strategic uncertainty of the interwar years, policymakers determined the need to reorient policymaking to Australia’s immediate region and acknowledged that neither the policies of Britain nor the US completely served the national interest. The government accordingly sought to intervene in the policies of the great powers to ensure the national interest was safeguarded. This thesis traces how this geopolitically informed, interventionist approach to foreign policy went on to inform policymaking throughout the 1940s and 1950s. In doing so, this thesis identifies a comprehensive and explicitly pragmatic approach in Australia’s foreign policy tradition that has not been previously acknowledged.
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Deacon, Desley. "The naturalisation of dependence : the state, the new middle class and women workers 1830-1930." Phd thesis, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/130332.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis challenges current neo-Marxist, feminist and neo-Weberian theories of
the state which ignore or underestimate the role of state bureaucrats in the construction
of state institutions and the formulation and implementation of state policies. Drawing
on theories of the new middle class and intellectuals which emphasise the potential of
educated workers for autonomous and united action, the thesis examines the role of
public servants, doctors and lawyers in determining the form of the New South Wales
state and some of its major institutions and policies between 1830 and 1930.
The thesis focuses in particular on the influence of new middle class men on state
labour market and family policies concerning women. Using the New South Wales
public service as a case study, it explores aspects of the development of the new middle
class during this period, and documents the strategies by which three groups within this
class - male public servants, doctors and lawyers - attempted to extend and control their
labour markets through the agency of the state, and the effect of those strategies on educated
women workers.
The study finds a contrast between an early period of relative tolerance of labour
market competition from women and a later period of exclusion, domination and marginalisation
in which women were confined to a secondary labour market. It relates
these changes to variations in the labour market conditions and political power of new
middle class men and women. Arguing that the economic and political conditions of the
period after 1882 gave new middle class men the motivation and power to use the coercive
and ideological resources of the state to protect their own labour market position, it
shows, through a study of the interpretation of occupational statistics, public personnel
policies, the infant welfare program and the arbitration system, how new middle class
men contributed to the intensification of gender differentiation, the exclusion of women
from the primary labour market, and to the institutionalisation of dependence as the
natural status of women.
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"Applied general equilibrium model with emphasis on trade sector: A fiscal policy study in Taiwan." Tulane University, 1988.
Find full textAbstract:
A general equilibrium model is established to evaluate fiscal policy in Taiwan, particularly the replacement of the sales tax by a value-added tax. To begin, the major taxes levied in Taiwan are identified and briefly described. Based on this descriptive analysis, we can make assumptions concerning tax incidence for Taiwan's major taxes within a general equilibrium framework; and the effective tax rates, by type of tax, by family income class, are calculated. Then, a general equilibrium computation algorithm is applied to convert an abstract representation of an economy into an operational model The results are obtained by comparing the solutions between before- and after-tax equilibrium in nonlinear equations system. The main conclusions show that (1) the relative prices of goods, in general, only have a small change; and (2) the efficiency gain in production and total welfare gain are both small as wellacase@tulane.edu
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Mclean, Craig. "R.G. Casey and Australian foreign policy engaging with China and Southeast Asia, 1951-1960 /." 2008. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/15200/1/craig_mclean.pdf.
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The thesis is a study of Richard Casey and the Department of External Affairs in the 1950s, and the policies proposed or adopted by the Department in relation to three Asian nations: China, Indochina and Indonesia. This will illuminate the workings of a key government department that was at the front line of the early Cold War. The 1950s was a crucial decade in fostering relationships with Australia’s northern neighbours, many either emerging from, or fighting against, colonial rule. The actions of the Minister for External Affairs and his Department, whether positive or negative, would lay the foundations of Australian foreign policy for future decades. The thesis explores the ways in which Casey approached different regions in Asia in order to provide an analytical framework of how his policies toward Asia developed over time. The thesis examines whether Casey’s ideas about Asia were influenced by the particular circumstances of each country or whether other imperatives determined his approach to Asia. A study of Casey’s tenure in External Affairs will also involve an analysis of the level of support for Casey and his department both within Federal Cabinet and from Prime Minister Menzies.
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Jennings, Reece. "The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 / Reece Jennings." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/38334.
Full textAbstract:
Includes bibliographical references.2 v. ;
Primarily a study of the reasons for the rise, after 1840, of the medical profession in South Australia. The principal argument is that the basic power and influence of the medical practitioner derived from statute. Of almost equal importance was the organised profession's adoption of, and association with, science and technology.
Thesis (M.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Public Health, 1998