Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Manifestos'

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo refletir sobre a (re)produção de sentidos que os índios constroem para si mesmos. O corpus é constituído por três cartas e dois manifestos de circulação online. Esses textos, datados de 2012 e 2013, são apresentados em nome de uma coletividade indígena. Os pressupostos teóricos que embasam este trabalho são os da Análise do Discurso (AD) de corrente francesa, conforme proposições de Michel Pêcheux. Para contemplar o objetivo deste trabalho, mantém-se como foco de análise algumas marcas linguísticas: a primeira pessoa do plural; algumas denominações e determinações; e certos verbos e locuções verbais. Os efeitos de sentidos produzidos pelos índios para si mesmos são marcados pela diferença e pela separação entre índios e não índios. São sentidos que ressalvam a diversidade indígena e apontam os índios como combativos, em confronto com o Estado e com alguns segmentos da sociedade. Foi possível observar as relações estabelecidas entre duas posições-sujeito (posição-sujeito 1, índio no desamparo e posição-sujeito 2, índio na resistência) constituídas em uma mesma formação discursiva.
This research aims to reflect on the meaning (re)production that the Indians build for themselves. The corpus consists of three letters and two online movement manifests. These texts, dating from 2012 and 2013 are presented on behalf of an indigenous collectivity. The theoretical assumptions that support this paper are those based on French Discourse Analysis (AD), according to the Michel Pêcheux‟s propositions. In order to contemplate the objective of this work, it is kept as an analytical focus some linguistic marks: the first plural person, some denominations and determinations and certain verbs and phrasal verbs. The effects of meanings produced by the Indians for themselves are marked by the difference and separation between Indians and non-Indians. They are directions which reserve the indigenous diversity and point the Indians as combative, in confrontation with the state and with some segments of society. It was possible to observe the relations established between two subject-positions (subject-positions 1, Indian helplessness and subject-position 2, Indian resistance) constituted in the same discursive formation.

How have manifestos circulating in queer social movements articulated desires for futures in the present? How might the temporalities of the manifesto form offer possibilities for writing alternative histories of queer struggle? This thesis turns to the manifestos produced in the context of queer social movements growing out of New York from the late 1960s onward. Considering the aesthetic dimensions of the form alongside the material characteristics of print ephemera, it needles at the way that accounts of queer politics appear through manifestos. In order to do so, the thesis is constructed from a series of discrete studies that are organised around the historic claims to self-determination made through manifestos associated with the Gay Liberation Front New York (1969-1972); the numerous instances that Valerie Solanas’s ‘SCUM Manifesto’ has been invoked to disturb mechanisms of social reproduction in art since she self-published the text in 1967; the meshing of art and politics, grief and urgency, in manifestos written by artists associated with ACT UP in the context of the AIDS crisis; and a series of collective reading of Zoe Leonard’s ‘I want a president’ manifesto that remakes a claim to political legitimacy from 1992 for contemporary political struggles. Occupied with the way that each of these examples invests in the manifesto form for its disruptive force, the study presents a shifting terrain of queer identity that comes into focus here alongside histories of feminist and, to a lesser degree, Marxist and anti-racist politics. Negotiating the wishes of manifestos to eschew the conditions of the present, this thesis considers the worlds produced through manifestos and the queer lives they sustain. Writing at a time when manifesto writing appears renewed within contemporary queer struggle, I consider what it is that we risk if we neglect the ephemeral, but no less material, claims of manifestos in accounts of queer history and what demands they might make of us in the present.

Mass murder in the United States is increasing, yet understanding of mass murderers is still relatively limited. Many perpetrators compose manifestos, which include journals, blogs, letters, videos, and other writings. Previous research has indicated that personal messages are of great social and psychological importance; however, there remains an important gap in the current literature regarding studies specific to these manifestos. As such, the purpose of this qualitative multiple case study was to provide greater understanding of mass murderers' motives and mindsets through psycholinguistic analysis of their recorded words. The constructivist conceptual framework enabled gathering, analyzing, interpreting, and reporting thematic language from a purposeful sample of 12 American mass murderer manifestos, all of which were freely available online. The 6 research questions aligned with 6 psycholinguistic themes: ego survival and revenge; pseudocommando mindset: persecution, envy, obliteration; envy; nihilism; entitlement; and heroic revenge fantasy. Descriptive and analytical coding allowed for the identification of sentences and passages representative of each theme. Findings revealed a high degree of support for nihilism and ego survival and revenge, moderate support for heroic revenge fantasy and pseudocommando mindset, and limited support for entitlement and envy. These findings contribute to the existing literature, enhancing social change initiatives through increased understanding of mass murderers' communications and prompting further needed research. With greater awareness comes the potential for early identification and intervention, which may favorably impact psychology and law enforcement professionals and at-risk individuals.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T16:33:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tamara Fresia Mantovani de Oliveira.pdf: 677739 bytes, checksum: 528fe98764392a6045a7c898ca970fb0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-09-22
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
The current work proposes an analysis of the knowledge expressed by the teachers towards alphabetizing, which would allow understanding them in the context in which school alphabetization is situated, considering the position occupied by the alphabetizing teacher on the division of work in education. The hypothesis was established on the assertive that the observed problems in school alphabetization are related to its transitional character and instrumental in the educational system and to the role kept for the alphabetizing teacher of executioner of the external knowledge produced of his practice. Based on the gathering of information, it was elaborated a questioner that allowed an approach about the knowledge manifested by these teachers taking a three dimension analysis: Of belonging to social groups; of the conceptions and personal values and of the condition of work and professional training. The questioner was answered by eleven teachers of the first year of fundamental education of the public schools at the city of São Paulo. On the analysis, it was related the manifestations of the consulted teachers with the information present at official documents that were selected for this discussion. On the results of the research it was observed that the context in which happens the construction of hegemony of constructivism by the educational policies contributes to reproduce the logic that rules the organization of work in education, separating theoretical and practical. It was also observed that, based on the data obtained, evidences of the coexistence of various actions and practices on the educational characteristics of these teachers, as the teachers that identified with the constructivist proposal as those that identified with the traditional proposal
O presente trabalho propôs uma análise dos conhecimentos manifestos pelos professores para o ensino em alfabetização, que possibilitasse compreendê-los no contexto em que a alfabetização escolar está situada, considerando o lugar ocupado pelo professor alfabetizador na divisão do trabalho em educação. A hipótese ficou definida na assertiva de que os problemas observados na alfabetização escolar estão relacionados ao seu caráter transitório e instrumental no sistema educacional e ao papel reservado ao professor alfabetizador de executor de conhecimentos produzidos externamente a sua prática. Tendo em vista a coleta das informações, elaborou-se um questionário que permitisse uma abordagem sobre conhecimentos manifestos por essas professoras tomando três dimensões de análise: a do pertencimento a grupos sociais; a das concepções e valores pessoais e a das condições de trabalho e da formação profissional. O questionário foi respondido por 11 professoras de 1.º ano do Ensino Fundamental da rede municipal da cidade de São Paulo. Na análise, as manifestações das professoras consultadas foram relacionadas a informações presentes em documentos oficiais selecionados para essa discussão. Nos resultados da pesquisa, observaram-se indícios de que o contexto em que se dá a construção da hegemonia do construtivismo pelas políticas educacionais contribui para reproduzir a lógica que rege a organização do trabalho em educação, separando teóricos e práticos. Também, os dados obtidos revelaram indícios da convivência de ações e práticas diversas no ensino dessas professoras, tanto as identificadas com a proposta construtivista como as identificadas com propostas tradicionais

The research presents a practice-based examination of the politics and poetics of the manifesto form, drawing on feminist theoretical writing and activism alongside contemporary iterations of socially engaged art. It offers feminist manifestos as a lens through which to reconsider the form and intentions of socially engaged art, which is reframed in the light of these feminist insights as social art practice (Ross, 2000). To draw feminism alongside social art practice the research occupies the metaphorical territory of the manifesto in order to open up a dialogue with, and directly experience, unfolding forms of social art practice. The thesis is structured in the form of an archive, consisting of three distinct but interrelated concepts – the manifesto, hospitality and archives. This structure sets out to highlight the relational and political nature of archives suggesting their potential to be reimagined as manifesto forms. In addition the structure reveals how both manifesto and archive function as explicit, politically radical forms of hospitality. These topics are discretely contained in physical form within three archival boxes, one for each concept, and in an online audio archive ‘giving voice’ to each of the concepts. Taken as a whole the thesis articulates a missing feminist history within current critical discourse around social art practice -­ despite the early presence of important feminist artists like Lacy and Ukeles. This research explores the implications of this absence, seeking to acknowledge the effects it could have not only on feminism as a political and intellectual practice but on the criticality and depth of social art practice. It is possible to encounter the archive as a cartography that can be laid out, navigated and read in any order. This movement between forms of knowledge mirrors the subjects it approaches which are conceived as interstitial forms, negotiating multiple perspectives to produce active subjectivity. Each section juxtaposes knowledge about practice, engaging with history to search for precedents, and knowledge with practice as a generative method, curating events and producing written contributions. Moving between these two methodologies the research sets out to find an appropriate voice to articulate the complexities of social art practice and its feminist histories.

Our study aimed at contributing to the understanding of party policy preferences in Belgium, i.e. how far can we explain the attention that political parties allocate to different policy issues in their electoral manifestos. One of the added values of our study was located in our research design. We reversed the perspective that is used in most of previous works and we used party policy preferences – via the analysis of party manifestos – as a dependent rather than an independent variable. We were not interested in what could be explained by party preferences but in what could actually explain them. In addition, we observed that, in the few works that considered party policy preferences as a dependent variable, party competition was rarely mobilised as an explanatory variable. Our study aimed at contributing to the understanding of the content of party manifestos by confronting the hypothesis of party competition with other possible explanations.

With the help of new data about party preferences in Belgian party manifestos collected in the framework of the CAP project, we quantitatively analysed the content of all party manifestos between 1977 and 2007 and coded them according policy domains and issues (up to about 250 policy issues and coding categories). Based on the selection of four specific policy issues (environment, decentralisation, migration and morality issues) and on regression analyses (panel data), we hypothesised that party preferences on theses policy issues is best explained by party competition variables.

Our findings confirmed that party policy preferences are not static but rather that they evolve over time. Party preferences are different over time and space and we aimed at providing clues about what could explain these differences. Based on the literature, a large set of potential explanatory variables has been mobilised in order to explain these differences. But most of these independent variables have no or few impact on party preferences, such as the fractionalisation of the party system or ‘real-world’ indicators. Contrary to previous findings, changes in party manifestos are not explained by the fact that the party grows in size and gets older or by the fact that it wins or loses the elections. Similarly, we observed that party strategies – including party name change and the creation of electoral alliances – had no impact of the content of part manifestos. Even if our bivariate analyses indicated the importance of phenomena related to the government formation and participation, we found out that this effect disappears in multi-variate analyses.

Still, the introduction of our party competition variables – based on the niche party’s size, electoral fortunes and government participation – provided ambiguous results, depending on the policy issue at stake. Party competition contributes to the understanding of party policy preferences on environment and migration. Nonetheless, our models do not demonstrate an impact of party competition on preferences concerning decentralisation and morality. When controlling for party families, we observe that party competition has a significant impact on party preferences, meaning that political parties react to the electoral strength of a niche party by paying more attention to the niche party’s issue in their manifesto. Finally, the observed impact of party competition on policy preferences concerns certain parties only and the other parties display preferences that appear independent from the existing patterns of party competition.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Submitted by Suethene Souza (suethene.souza@ufpe.br) on 2015-03-04T19:19:57Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Eleições no Brasil 2010 uma análise dos manifestos em defesa da democracia - Lucia.pdf: 1891560 bytes, checksum: fc22435fae3c7d06b2863d7f9d9c392c (MD5) license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T19:19:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Eleições no Brasil 2010 uma análise dos manifestos em defesa da democracia - Lucia.pdf: 1891560 bytes, checksum: fc22435fae3c7d06b2863d7f9d9c392c (MD5) license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-21
Esta dissertação analisa três manifestos lançados pela sociedade brasileira em defesa da democracia no período eleitoral de 2010 com o propósito de saber em que eles contribuem para se entender a realidade política do Brasil. O debate estabelecido por eles é fundamental para fomentar o exercício da cidadania, mas o dissenso chamou atenção para a descrença de alguns grupos nas instituições e motivou esse estudo a investigar os tipos de democracia a que se remetem, examinar sua contribuição na definição do atual estágio do regime político do país e qualificar a organização política brasileira, com o uso da classificação tricotômica - democrática, semidemocrática e autoritária - tendo como referência o conceito procedural mínimo de Mainwaring, Brinks e Pérez-Liñán. Para isso fez-se um estudo exploratório valendo-se do uso da análise de conteúdo, técnica de base interpretativista de natureza sobretudo qualitativa, com uma abordagem descritiva e explicativa, que exigiu para o seu desenvolvimento pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. O ineditismo do tema ressalta a importância desta investigação. Nunca foram registradas na história das eleições diretas tantas manifestações públicas discutindo a qualidade do regime democrático do país. Assim, identificar o modelo que está a se firmar no Brasil se justifica pela crença de que esta ordem extrapola o campo da política e leva ao fortalecimento das instituições e à garantia das liberdades, constituindo-se no único caminho possível para a construção de sociedades menos desiguais e mais justas, o que significa reconhecê-la também como catalisadora do desenvolvimento, e relevante, especialmente para as regiões mais pobres onde o abuso de autoridade e a omissão do Estado castigam com mais frequência e com maior rigor. Partiu-se do pressuposto de que os discursos proferidos guardavam intenções não explícitas, foram preparados previamente e seus autores, conhecendo os limites da mensagem e suas possibilidades de êxito e de fracasso, usaram expressões com força de persuasão. O cotejamento das mensagens com as teorias, as publicações do período e a legislação vigente apontou para a falsa homenagem que a elite e os políticos brasileiros costumam fazer à ordem formal e que o regime político do país carece de eleições limpas para ser classificado como democrático.

Submitted by Alexandra Feitosa (alexandra.feitosa@ufpe.br) on 2017-08-04T14:11:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-dissertação-LuciaFatimaBarbosaMagalhaesMoraes.pdf: 2075160 bytes, checksum: 2367dc244b6883cc51b66120254e26e5 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-04T14:11:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2012-dissertação-LuciaFatimaBarbosaMagalhaesMoraes.pdf: 2075160 bytes, checksum: 2367dc244b6883cc51b66120254e26e5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-21
Esta dissertação analisa três manifestos lançados pela sociedade brasileira em defesa da democracia no período eleitoral de 2010 com o propósito de saber em que eles contribuem para se entender a realidade política do Brasil. O debate estabelecido por eles é fundamental para fomentar o exercício da cidadania, mas o dissenso chamou atenção para a descrença de alguns grupos nas instituições e motivou esse estudo a investigar os tiposde democracia a que se remetem,examinar sua contribuição na definição do atual estágio do regime político do país equalificar a organização política brasileira,com o uso da classificação tricotômica -democrática, semidemocrática e autoritária-tendo como referência o conceito procedural mínimo de Mainwaring, Brinks e Pérez-Liñán. Para isso fez-se um estudo exploratório valendo-se do uso da análise de conteúdo, técnica de base interpretativista de natureza sobretudo qualitativa, com uma abordagem descritiva e explicativa, que exigiu para o seu desenvolvimento pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. O ineditismo do tema ressalta a importância desta investigação. Nunca foram registradas na história das eleições diretas tantas manifestações públicas discutindo a qualidade do regime democrático do país.Assim, identificar o modelo que está a se firmar no Brasil se justifica pela crença de que esta ordemextrapola o campo da política e leva ao fortalecimento das instituições e à garantia das liberdades, constituindo-se no único caminho possível para a construção de sociedades menos desiguais e mais justas, o que significa reconhecê-la também como catalisadora do desenvolvimento, e relevante, especialmente para as regiões mais pobres onde o abuso de autoridade e a omissão do Estado castigam com mais frequência e com maior rigor. Partiu-se do pressupostode que os discursos proferidos guardavam intenções não explícitas, foram preparados previamente e seus autores,conhecendo os limites da mensagem e suas possibilidades de êxito e de fracasso, usaram expressões com força de persuasão. O cotejamento das mensagens com as teorias, as publicações do período e a legislação vigente apontou para a falsa homenagem que a elite e os políticos brasileiros costumam fazer à ordem formal e que o regime político do país carece de eleições limpas para ser classificado como democrático.
This dissertation examines three manifestos released by Brazilian society in defense of democracy in the electoral period of 2010 with the purpose of knowing where they contribute to understanding the political reality of Brazil. The debate established by them is crucial to enhance the exercise of citizenship, but the dissent drew attention to the disbelief of some groups in the institutions and motivated this study to investigate the types of democracy to which they refer; examine their contribution in defining the current stage of the political regime of the country and; qualify the brazilian political organization using the trichotomous classification: democratic, semi-democratic and authoritarian taking by reference the minimum procedural concept from Mainwaring, Brinks, and Pérez-Liñán. In order to this an exploratory study was made drawing on the use of the content analysis, a technique of interpretive basis with a nature mainly qualitative, with a descriptive and explanatory approach, which required to its development literature and documentary research. The novelty of the theme highlights the importance of this research. Never in the history of direct elections so many public events discussing the quality of democracy in the country were registered. Thus, identifying the model that it's being established in Brazil is justified by the belief that this order goes beyond the sphere of politics and leads to the strengthening of institutions and the guarantee of freedom, constituting the only possible way for building societies less unequal and more equitable, which means recognizing it also as a catalyst for development, relevant, especially for the poorest regions where the abuse of authority and the state's omission castigate more often and more rigorously. This started from the assumption that the speeches kept not explicit intentions, were previously prepared and their authors knowing the limits of the message and your chances of success and failure, used expressions with the force of persuasion. The comparison between the posts with the theories, the publications of the period and the legislation pointedto the false honor of the brazilian elite and politicians tend to make to the formal order and that the political regime of the country lacks clean elections to qualify as democratic.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T16:58:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcos Roberto Celestino.pdf: 14288283 bytes, checksum: e3f75749113b0bfb14e906598cd632b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-08
This work is inserted in the research line "History, Epistemology and Teaching of Mathematics "in the process of teaching and learning of Differential and Integral Calculus. Its focus is on the conceptions of students of Higher Education levels about limits and some possible imbrications among epistemological obstacles related to such concepts. To achieve this goal, we developed our work with numerical sequences, approaching aspects of convergence and monotonicity, the relationship between terms such as "to have limits" and "to be limited". Aiming our target, we developed a set of activities taking into account the results of the researches on the term limit and epistemological obstacles identified in such researches.The subjects who took part in our research are university students who had already studied limit of a function of real variable. The group was made up of students of the fifth semester of Electrical Engineering course of a private university, located in the east area of São Paulo. The analysis of the data was made with the aid of the software C.H.I.C. (Cohesitive Implicative and Hierarchical Classification).The software C.H.I.C. allows us to extract a set of information, crossing subjects (or objects) and variable (or attributes), rules of association between variables, to provide a probabilistic index of quality of association and to represent a structure of variables in the form of hierarchical classification tree and/or in the form of an implicative graph between attributes. The analysis of the results of this survey was based on Cornu´s (1983), Sierpinska´s (1985) and Robert´s (1982) researches.Through the analysis we were able to identify evidence of possible imbrications between some obstacles and similarities and dissimilarities among the meanings that the subjects who took part in our research attributed to the expressions of limit
Este trabalho insere-se na linha de pesquisa História, Epistemologia e Didática da Matemática no quadro do processo de ensino-aprendizagem do Cálculo Diferencial e Integral. Tem por objetivo investigar as concepções de alunos do Ensino Superior sobre limite e possíveis imbricações entre obstáculos epistemológicos relacionados a essas concepções. Para alcançar esse objetivo, desenvolvemos nosso trabalho com seqüências numéricas, abordando aspectos sobre a convergência e monotonicidade, relação entre termos como ter limite e ser limitada . Para esse fim, elaboramos um conjunto de atividades levando em consideração os resultados de pesquisas sobre o conceito de limite e os obstáculos epistemológicos identificados nessas pesquisas. Os sujeitos da pesquisa são alunos universitários que já estudaram limite de uma função de variável real. O grupo é formado por alunos do quinto semestre de Engenharia Elétrica de uma Universidade particular, situada na Zona Leste de São Paulo. A análise dos dados foi feita com auxílio do software C.H.I.C. (Classificação Hierárquica, Implicativa e Coesitiva). O software C.H.I.C. permite extrair de um conjunto de informações, cruzando sujeitos (ou objetos) e variáveis (ou atributos), regras de associação entre variáveis, fornecer um índice probabilístico de qualidade de associação e de representar uma estruturação das variáveis na forma de árvore de classificação hierárquica e/ou de grafo implicativo entre atributos. A análise dos resultados dessa pesquisa fundamentou-se nas pesquisas de Cornu (1983), Sierpinska (1985) e Robert (1982). A análise realizada permitiu identificar indícios de possíveis imbricações entre alguns obstáculos e semelhanças e dessemelhanças entre sentidos, que os sujeitos de nossa pesquisa atribuíram para expressões utilizadas quando a noção de limite é estudada

This dissertation examines postwar U.S. feminist narrative practices of "making," writing, and sustaining "feminist history" and their spatiotemporal figuration of the subject of "women of color." In so doing, I attend to three discursive genres of postwar U.S. "feminist history": manifestos of postwar U.S. women's movements, histories of postwar U.S. women's movements, and the discourse of "post-feminism." The term "feminist history," in this sense, relates to the various ways that postwar U.S. feminists theorized women's liberation (manifestos), historicized the past of postwar U.S. women's movements (histories), and countered the putative "end" of postwar U.S. feminism (post-feminism). First, I argue that manifestos and histories of postwar U.S. women's movements as well as the discourse of "post-feminism" commonly utilized narrative form of discourse within which spatiotemporal imagination of "feminist history" articulate. Second, I point to the spatiotemporal figuration of racial others within these postwar U.S. feminist narratives of "feminist history." Third, I question the political implication of the spatial mobility of "women of color" which is increasingly seized by the late-modern spatiotemporal politics of multiculturalism.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Cardiac surgery is an event of important consequences as concerns the lives of people who go through it, both in the physiological and psychological aspects. Thus, the research from which the present master‟s thesis was originated had as its aim to understand the meanings that pre and post surgical patients attribute to their experiences. It is a clinical qualitative research, of exploratory and descriptive character, with 28 patients (14 presurgical and 13 postsurgical), who were users of a cardiology outpatient clinic of a university hospital in the interior of Rio Grande do Sul. The number of participants was reached through saturation criterion. Semi-structured interviews and autophotography were used for data collection. Analysis was carried out through content analysis and using an itinerary as regards the content analysis of the images. Categories that were originated from data analysis are described and discussed in four articles, that compose the main component of this thesis. Results point out that surgery does not only mobilize the physical body, but regards implications in the lives of such patients, concerning their meanings about themselves and the others. Acceptance of the cardiac disease was identified as a complex process, that involves a commitment among different symbolic universes and implies, for the patient, the impossibility of carrying out one‟s routine. The symptoms of the disease are most of the times not perceivable by the patient. He has to accept that other person identifies his condition through exams and medical procedures. Besides, accepting the disease means to accept finitude of life and of the potentiality of the body. Such situation seems to happen in an ambivalent way, and the confrontation with reality is intensified when there is an indication for the surgical procedure. Surgery gives rise to fantasies and fears that permeate plans and routine, imposing a situation where life and death are at stake. After the procedure, recognition of the self and of the limits of the body seems to happen. It is an experience of adequating the expectancies prior to surgery, that seems to depend on the references of each person about the process. Therefore, there are important movements of reflection, in which the subjects evaluate their lives and their implications as protagonists of them. Religiosity seems to underlie many of the reported experiences, since patients use their beliefs to search for a meaning concerning their experiences. Results point out that the surgical procedure is an experience underlied by intense feelings of helplessness and suffering. Thus, the meanings given to such reality by the patients should be more broadly understood by the health team that cares for them. Thus, it would be possible to build knowledge that may flow in the interface of the medical and layman universes, creating a commitment between them, acting as a support for the patients facing the surgical process.
A cirurgia cardíaca é um evento de importantes consequências para a vida dos indivíduos que se submetem a ela, seja em relação a aspectos fisiológicos ou psíquicos. Partindo desse pressuposto, a pesquisa da qual se origina a presente dissertação teve como objetivo geral compreender os significados que pacientes pré e pós-cirúrgicos atribuem a suas vivências atuais. Trata-se de um estudo clínico-qualitativo, de caráter exploratório e descritivo, com 28 pacientes (15 pré-cirúrgicos e 13 pós-cirúrgicos), usuários de um ambulatório de cardiologia de um hospital universitário do interior do Rio Grande do Sul. O número de participantes foi atingido mediante o critério de saturação da amostra. Foram utilizadas entrevistas semi-estruturadas e a autofotografia para a coleta das informações, que foram analisadas por meio da análise de conteúdo e com o auxílio de um roteiro para a análise do conteúdo das imagens. As categorias oriundas da análise dos dados são descritas e discutidas em quatro artigos, que compõem o cerne do presente trabalho. Os resultados apontam que a cirurgia não mobiliza apenas o corpo físico, mas que diz respeito a mudanças nas significações dos sujeitos sobre si mesmos e sobre os outros. Identificou-se que a aceitação do adoecimento cardíaco é um processo complexo, que envolve um compromisso entre universos simbólicos diferentes e que está implicado, para o paciente, na impossibilidade de desempenho de sua rotina. Os sintomas da doença não são, na maioria das vezes, perceptíveis aos olhos do paciente. Esse deve aceitar que outro fale dele e de sua condição através de exames e consultas médicas. Além disso, aceitar o adoecimento é também aceitar a finitude da vida e da potencialidade do corpo. Tal aceitação parece se dar sempre de forma ambivalente, sendo que a confrontação com a realidade intensifica-se quando existe a indicação para o procedimento cirúrgico. A cirurgia desperta fantasias e medos que permeiam os planos e a rotina, remetendo os participantes a uma situação-limite, em que vida e morte estão em jogo. Após o procedimento, o que parece estar em jogo é um processo de reconhecimento de si mesmo, dos limites do corpo. Trata-se da vivência de um processo de adequação das expectativas anteriores à cirurgia, que parece depender intrinsecamente das referências de cada um sobre o processo. Dessa forma, parecem existir movimentos reflexivos importantes, que fazem com que os sujeitos possam fazer uma avaliação de suas vidas e de suas implicações enquanto protagonistas delas. A religiosidade parece atravessar muitas das experiências relatadas, de forma que os participantes lançam mão de suas crenças para buscarem um sentido para o que vivenciam. A partir desses apontamentos, considera-se que a vivência do processo cirúrgico diz respeito a uma experiência marcada por intensos sentimentos de desamparo e sofrimento. Portanto, os significados que permeiam esta realidade devem ser mais amplamente compreendidos pela equipe de saúde que acompanha tais pacientes. Dessa forma, pode ser construído um saber que circule na interface entre os universos médico e leigo, que possa formatar um compromisso entre elas, amparando os pacientes no enfrentamento do processo cirúrgico.

A dissertação tem como proposta apresentar, analisar e comparar os Manifestos Pioneiros da Educação Nova de 1932 e Manifesto ao Povo e ao Governo: Mais Uma Vez Convocados de 1959. Em seguida, destacar as semelhanças, divergências e contribuições dos mesmos para a educação brasileira. O trabalho é de natureza teórica, de caráter filosófico e histórico no âmbito da educação, com base em bibliografia sobre esse tema. A fim de possibilitar esse intento, foi elaborado um panorama histórico com o intuito de interpretar os Manifestos, levando-se em conta os fatos que os envolveram, antes e durante a sua elaboração. O estudo abrange os períodos de 1889 a 1932 e de 1933 a 1959, para o primeiro e segundo Manifestos respectivamente. Esse retrospecto focou a política, economia, sociedade e educação, além de dar destaque aos ideários católico e progressista. Foram apresentados os dados biográficos dos signatários, focando a profissão, data de nascimento e morte, como também, no caso dos participantes do Manifesto de 1932, se houve participação no Manifesto de 1959, com o propósito de obter um perfil dos signatários no tocante à profissão e continuidade ou não do ideal pioneiro. Constam as biografias mais detalhadas de Anísio Teixeira, Fernando de Azevedo e Lourenço Filho, em face da importância dos mesmos no contexto dos Manifestos. Em decorrência das análises apresentadas, busquei melhor compreender esse período, além de possibilitar o levantamento das contribuições oferecidas pelos manifestos, bem como transpôlos para a realidade atual, verificando se no decorrer das décadas, existe algum resquício daquele quadro.
The dissertation proposal is to present, analyze and compare the Pioneer Manifestos of New Education from 1932 and the Manifesto to the People and Government: Once Again Summoned from 1959. The study then highlights the similarities, differences and contributions of those for Brazilian education. The work is theoretical, having a philosophical and historical character that belongs to the field of education, and is based on the literature of that area. In order to allow this, a historical overview was prepared in order to interpret the Manifestos, taking into account the facts surrounding their preparation, both before and after their release. The study spans from 1889 to 1932 and from 1933 to 1959, for the first and second Manifestos, respectively. This retrospective focused on politics, economy, society and education, besides highlighting the Catholic and progressive ideals. The study also presents the biographical data of the signatories, focusing on the profession, date of birth and death, as well as in the case of participants in the 1932 Manifesto, and if there was participation in the Manifesto of 1959 with the purpose of obtaining a profile of the signatories regarding the occupation and the continuation or not of the pioneer ideal. The most detailed biographies of Teixeira, Fernando de Azevedo and Lourenco Filho are included, given their importance in the context of the Manifestos. As a result of the analysis presented, I have a better understanding of this period, besides facilitating a survey of the contributions offered by the manifestos, as well as placing them in the current reality as a way to question the existence of possible remnants of that framework over the following decades.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2005-08-29Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:20:41Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 bianchini_n_me_arafcl.pdf: 696135 bytes, checksum: fa530a5d41d8971a33e4f43696a07620 (MD5)
As avaliações em âmbito nacional e internacional realizadas periodicamente junto aos alunos da educação básica e as pesquisas feitas pelos organismos oficiais com a finalidade de reunir e divulgar os mais atualizados indicadores sobre a educação brasileira revelam um cenário que evidencia grandes problemas quanto à aprendizagens escolares e culpabilização ora dos alunos, ora dos professores. Procurando colaborar para se compreender a realidade escolar brasileira, este estudo, que diz respeito ao tema da formação de professores, teve como objetivo principal investigar as lacunas de conteúdos na formação inicial das professoras-alunas que já têm uma formação realizada no âmbito do ensino médio e lecionam na educação infantil e nas séries iniciais do ensino fundamental e que, no momento da pesquisa, estavam realizando o Curso Normal Superior. Para tanto parti de algumas questões, dentre as quais foram destacadas: A formação inicial do professor de educação infantil e das quatro primeiras séries do ensino fundamental é realmente falha e insuficiente para a prática eficiente do trabalho docente? Como se configuram tais falhas de formação? Os dados foram coletados em 2003 por meio de um questionário respondido por 410 professoras-alunas, cuja análise contribui para a construção do perfil sócio-econômico-cultural delas e de suas famílias em uma ampla região do estado de São Paulo. Foram realizadas entrevistas com12 professoras-alunas e uma análise documental dos cadernos de 160 delas. O conceito de capital cultural proposto por Pierre Bourdieu constitui base teórica para as reflexões sobre a relação entre herança familiar cultural e desempenho escolar e sobre o papel da escola na reprodução e legitimação das desigualdades sociais. As análises dos dados desta pesquisa apontaram lacunas nos conhecimentos de base para educação fundamental....
The national and international evaluations periodically made among students from basic education and the researches done by governmental organizations that bring together and make public the most recent data on brazilian education reveal problems related to learning and make clear that sometimes students are guilty for these results and sometimes the teachers are the ones guilty for these results. This study on teaching education tries to cooperate for the understanding of the reality of brazilian schools. The main goal was to investigate the knowledge lacks in the graduation of student-teachers. These student-teachers were professionals already, with a secondary school degree that certified them to work in early childhood education and elementary education; this degree was not a college one. During the research process they were attending the Curso Normal Superior. The main questions I had in the beginning were: the degree these teachers already had, which gave them the ability to work, was not enough for their teaching practice? And what shapes do these lacks in knowledge have and how do they appear during their studies? The informations were collected in 2003 by using a questionnaire answered by 410 student-teachers. The analysis of these questionnaires contributed to build their social-economic-cultural profile including their families in a wide region of the State of São Paulo, Brazil. There have been made 12 interviews with the student-teachers and 160 of their brochures have been examined, revealing elementary schools lacks knowledge. The cultural capital concept proposed by Pierre Bourdieu was the theoretical basis for all reflexions over the relationship between familiar cultural heritage and school efficiency and about the school funcition on reproducing the social disparity. The analysis of informations from this research work showed us lacks in the basic knowledges ...(Complete abstract, click electronic address below).

Orientador: Alda Junqueira Marin
Banca: Paula Perin Vicentini
Banca: Luci Regina Muzetti
Resumo: As avaliações em âmbito nacional e internacional realizadas periodicamente junto aos alunos da educação básica e as pesquisas feitas pelos organismos oficiais com a finalidade de reunir e divulgar os mais atualizados indicadores sobre a educação brasileira revelam um cenário que evidencia grandes problemas quanto à aprendizagens escolares e culpabilização ora dos alunos, ora dos professores. Procurando colaborar para se compreender a realidade escolar brasileira, este estudo, que diz respeito ao tema da formação de professores, teve como objetivo principal investigar as lacunas de conteúdos na formação inicial das professoras-alunas que já têm uma formação realizada no âmbito do ensino médio e lecionam na educação infantil e nas séries iniciais do ensino fundamental e que, no momento da pesquisa, estavam realizando o Curso Normal Superior. Para tanto parti de algumas questões, dentre as quais foram destacadas: A formação inicial do professor de educação infantil e das quatro primeiras séries do ensino fundamental é realmente falha e insuficiente para a prática eficiente do trabalho docente? Como se configuram tais falhas de formação? Os dados foram coletados em 2003 por meio de um questionário respondido por 410 professoras-alunas, cuja análise contribui para a construção do perfil sócio-econômico-cultural delas e de suas famílias em uma ampla região do estado de São Paulo. Foram realizadas entrevistas com12 professoras-alunas e uma análise documental dos cadernos de 160 delas. O conceito de capital cultural proposto por Pierre Bourdieu constitui base teórica para as reflexões sobre a relação entre herança familiar cultural e desempenho escolar e sobre o papel da escola na reprodução e legitimação das desigualdades sociais. As análises dos dados desta pesquisa apontaram lacunas nos conhecimentos de base para educação fundamental ...(Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo).
Abstract: The national and international evaluations periodically made among students from basic education and the researches done by governmental organizations that bring together and make public the most recent data on brazilian education reveal problems related to learning and make clear that sometimes students are guilty for these results and sometimes the teachers are the ones guilty for these results. This study on teaching education tries to cooperate for the understanding of the reality of brazilian schools. The main goal was to investigate the knowledge lacks in the graduation of student-teachers. These student-teachers were professionals already, with a secondary school degree that certified them to work in early childhood education and elementary education; this degree was not a college one. During the research process they were attending the "Curso Normal Superior". The main questions I had in the beginning were: the degree these teachers already had, which gave them the ability to work, was not enough for their teaching practice? And what shapes do these lacks in knowledge have and how do they appear during their studies? The informations were collected in 2003 by using a questionnaire answered by 410 student-teachers. The analysis of these questionnaires contributed to build their social-economic-cultural profile including their families in a wide region of the State of São Paulo, Brazil. There have been made 12 interviews with the student-teachers and 160 of their brochures have been examined, revealing elementary schools lacks knowledge. The "cultural capital" concept proposed by Pierre Bourdieu was the theoretical basis for all reflexions over the relationship between familiar cultural heritage and school efficiency and about the school funcition on reproducing the social disparity. The analysis of informations from this research work showed us lacks in the basic knowledges ...(Complete abstract, click electronic address below).
Mestre

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: There is more to language than just its formal structural properties and, similarly, more to language function than just its communicative and naming function. Language does not exist independent of society. As a part of society, it is used in a diversity of functions: it influences thought processes, constitutes what people perceive as reality, and produces, reproduces and denies prejudices. It is in pursuit of its ideological function that language plays a significant role in the establishment and maintenance of systematically asymmetrical power relations. This study focuses on the role that language plays in efforts to position the African National Congress (ANC) as more fit to govern than other political parties in South Africa. Adopting a qualitative research strategy, the study provides an analysis of the discourse that is constructed in the ANC’s 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos. The analysis is presented within the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and is performed in terms of linguistic devices, techniques and strategies such as genre and its sequential structure, pronouns, contrasting expressions, intertextuality, grounding and elision, statistics and numerical figures, and discourse. It is demonstrated that the three election manifestos are situated within a specific socio-economic and political context defined by poverty, unemployment and inequality, which are rooted in the South African history of colonialism and race-based capitalism. The texts draw from resources of the genre of manifesto and show common structural features. It is shown that ambiguous pronouns are used to build up affinities between the ANC and the reader/listener with respect to the achievements of the ANC-led government, what work still needs to be done, and to position the ANC’s vision as one that is generally shared by the people. Contrasting expressions are used to disparage the apartheid system and to extol the post-1994 democratic system. In all three texts the ANC is foregrounded as the organization which not only brought freedom to South Africa, but which in fact led the struggle for freedom and change. At the same time, there is an omission of other political organizations and the role they played in this struggle. It is also demonstrated that the three texts constituted by elements of other texts such as the Freedom Charter (1955), the Reconstruction and Development Programme (1994) and the Constitution (1996) use statistics and figures to bestow the ANC with a systematic and scientific gravitas. Lastly, the three manifestos reflect a discourse of “complete” or “total” freedom, which is inclusive of the social, economic and political aspects of the reality of South Africans’ lives. It is argued that these linguistic devices, techniques and strategies are used in the 1999, 2004 and 2009 national election manifestos to position the ANC as more fit to govern South Africa than other political parties.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Taal behels meer as net formele strukturele eienskappe, en die funksies van taal behels eweneens meer as net benaming en kommunikasie. Taal bestaan nie onafhanklik van die gemeenskap nie. As ’n deel van die gemeenskap, word taal in ’n verskeidenheid funksies gebruik: dit beïnvloed denkprosesse, bepaal wat mense beskou as die werklikheid, en dien om vooroordele te skep, te verhoog en te ontken. Dit is in die uitoefening van sy ideologiese funksie dat taal ’n beduidende rol speel in die vestiging en handhawing van sistematies asimmetriese magsverhoudings. Hierdie studie fokus op die rol wat taal speel in pogings om die African National Congress (ANC) te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye in Suid-Afrika. Met ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingstrategie as uitgangspunt, bied die studie ’n analise van die diskoers wat gekonstrueer word in die ANC se onderskeie manifeste vir die 1999, 2004 en 2009 nasionale verkiesings. Die analise word aangebied binne die raamwerk van Kritiese Diskoersanalise (“Critical Discourse Analysis”) en word uitgevoer in terme van taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë soos genre and sy sekwensiële struktuur, voornaamwoorde, teenstellende uitdrukkings, intertekstualiteit, opstelling en weglating (“grounding and elision”), statistieke en getalle, en diskoers. Daar word aangetoon dat die drie verkiesingsmanifeste ingebed is in ’n spesifieke sosio-ekonomiese en politieke konteks van armoede, werkloosheid en ongelykheid, wat gegrond is in die Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis van kolonialisme en rasgebaseerde kapitalisme. Die tekste benut die middele van die manifes-genre en vertoon gemeenskaplike strukturele kenmerke. Daar word aangetoon hoe dubbelsinnige voornaam-woorde gebruik word om ’n affiniteit tussen die ANC en die leser/hoorder tot stand te bring ten opsigte van die ANC-regering se prestasies, die werk wat nog gedoen moet word, en ook om die ANC se visie voor te hou as een wat algemeen deur die mense gedeel word. Teenstellende uitdrukkings word gebruik om die apartheidstelsel te verdoem en die post-1994 demokratiese stelsel op te hemel. In al drie tekste word die ANC vooropgestel as die organisasie wat nie net vryheid na Suid-Afrika gebring het nie, maar wat in feite die stryd om vryheid en verandering gelei het. Terselfdertyd word geen melding gemaak van ander politieke organisasies en die rol wat hulle in dié stryd gespeel het nie. Daar word ook aangetoon dat die drie tekste wat verskeie elemente insluit van ander tekste soos die Freedom Charter (1955), die Heropbou- en Ontwikkelingsprogram (“Reconstruction and Development Programme”, 1994) en die Grondwet (1996) gebruik maak van statistieke en getalle om die ANC te bedeel met ’n sistematiese en wetenskaplike gravitas. Die drie manifeste vertoon, laastens, ’n diskoers van “totale” of “volledige” vryheid, wat die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke aspekte van die werklikheid van Suid-Afrikaners se lewens omvat Daar word geargumenteer dat dié taalkundige meganismes, tegnieke en strategieë in die 1999, 2004 en 2009 verkiesingsmanifeste gebruik word om die ANC te posisioneer as meer geskik om te regeer as ander politieke partye.

This thesis examines the European Avant-Garde manifestos of the early twentieth century. The goal of this work is to determine, from an analysis of this primary material, the intentions of the historical avant-garde with regard to the autonomy of art. In accordance with the European Avant-Garde International Research Project coordinated by the University of Edinburgh, this thesis attempts to review the framework for study of the avant-garde established by Peter Burger in his Theory of the Avant-Garde of 1974. The manifestos selected for examination belong to the movements of German Expressionism, French Cubism, Italian Futurism, the Russian avant-garde, Dadaism and Surrealism. This range covers all those movements that Burger labels the "historical avant-garde". Whilst, in formulating a theory of avant-gardist intention, Burger focuses on Dadaism, early Surrealism and the Russian avant-garde "after the October revolution," this work aims to reformulate Burger's theory so that it may be applied equally to all movements of the historical avant-garde. In addition to establishing the intention of the avant-garde movements towards art's relationship to the social and political world, this thesis attempts to identify the extra-aesthetic implications of such objectives. Whether the movements were heralding a revolutionary doctrine of Tart pour la vie in line with Burger's theory, the traditional doctrine of Tart pour Tart, or were merely an instinctive reaction to advances in technology, their designs arguably impacted upon the direction taken by society and politics. The critical social theories of Walter Benjamin, Theodor Adorno, and Jiirgen Habermas are examined with respect to this extra-aesthetic impact.

Diese Arbeit geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die Medien während des Wahl-kampfs über die Wahlprogramme der Parteien berichten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien enthalten Informationen darüber, was Parteien nach der Wahl vorhaben. Allerdings lesen wenige Wählerinnen und Wähler Wahlprogramme. Die vergangene Forschung über und mit Wahlprogrammdaten hat bisher angenommen, dass der Inhalt von Wahlprogrammen von den Medien verbreitet wird. Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht diese Annahme empirisch und analysiert, ob und wie Massenmedien während des Wahlkampfs über die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme berichten. Wenn Massenmedien nicht die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme verbreiten würden, hätten Bürgerinnen und Bürger kaum Chancen sich über das programmatische Angebot der Parteien zu informieren. In dieser Arbeit wird das Konzept des Manifesto-Medien-Links entwickelt. Das Konzept bringt Theorien des Parteienwettbewerbs und Theorien der Medienselektion zusammen. Der Manifesto-Medien-Link formuliert drei Bedingungen, welche empirisch getestet werden können. Diese sind: Erstens, Medienberichterstattung und Wahlprogramme müssen zumindest zu einem gewissen Grad dieselben Themen diskutieren. Zweitens, Journalisten müssen Sachfragen mit jenen Parteien verknüpfen, welche diese Themen in ihren Wahlprogrammen stärker betonen als ihre Konkurrenten, um Wählerinnen und Wähler über die Prioritäten der Parteien zu informieren. Drittens, Medien müssen die ideologische Orientierung einer Partei sowie Veränderungen dieser korrekt wiedergeben. Methodisch werden in der Arbeit Wahlprogramm- und Mediendaten kombiniert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der Manifesto-Medien-Link relativ stabil ist. Außerdem wird gezeigt, dass es nur geringe systematische Verzerrungen zugunsten bestimmter Parteien gibt. Jedoch zeigen sich Unterschiede zwischen Qualitäts- und Boulevardmedien. Die Ergebnisse haben Implikationen für unser Verständnis von politischer Repräsentation und den politischen Wettbewerb.
This study analyzes whether media coverage covers messages from parties’ electoral programs (manifestos). Electoral programs contain detailed information on a party’s future policy-making. However, few voters read electoral programs. Still, prior research often assumed that the content of manifestos is known to voters because media disseminate the content of manifestos to voters. This dissertation evaluates this “mediation assumption” empirically, and analyzes whether and how the mass media cover parties’ electoral programs during the electoral campaign. If media coverage did not reflect parties’ electoral programs, citizens would have no chance to base their vote choice on evaluations of those programs. This study introduces the concept of the manifesto-media link in order to describe how media coverage can reflect programmatic offers. The manifesto-media link is formulated as three conditions that can be empirically evaluated and tested in a similar way to the conditions of the responsible party model. These are: First, media must cover similar issues to those that parties cover in their electoral programs. Second, media coverage must link issues with parties that emphasize these issues more than their competitors, in order to inform about the parties’ issue priorities. Third, media must frame parties as left or right in a way that represents how parties emphasize left or right positions in their own manifestos. Methodologically, the study combines secondary content analytical data on media coverage during the electoral campaign with data based on electoral programs. The findings suggest that the manifesto-media link is stable and robust. There is little to no systematic bias in favor of a certain type of party, however there are differences between quality and tabloid media. These findings contribute to our understanding of political representation and the functioning of political competition.

For this study, I set out to examine the electoral manifestos of four European populist parties in national elections, in order to analyze the ideological similarities and differences between the Finns Party, the Sweden Democrats, the National Rally, and the League. Political manifestos represent authoritative statements on party policies. I aimed to compare the ideologies expressed in the manifestos and to allocate them on a left-neutral-right scale according to a model developed by Backlund (2013), Benoitand Laver (2007), and Lowe et al. (2011). The theoretical background comes from Spatial theory (Downs 1957, Sartori 1977, Adams 1998) and Saliency theory (Budge & Farlie 1983, Budge et al. 2001, Klingemann et al. 2006). I derived the research data from the Manifesto Research on Political Representation (MARPOR) database; the data are longitudinal, covering 48 variables from two elections during the period of 2011-2018. I investigated how the parties present their political goals through qualitative analyses, as well as an examination of the salience and frequency of issues. Icompared the data to long-term trends from MARPOR data and from the Chapel Hill Expert Surveys. My findings indicate that the parties have common ideological traits such as nationalism, European Union (EU) opposition, and immigration negativity, but they differ in how they advocate for various policy matters. The Finns Party is the least moderate and openly exhibits nationalism and discriminatory features. The Sweden Democrats share attributes with leftist ideologies, except for the EU opposition and a veiled immigration negativity. The National Rally is nationalistic and privileges protectionism, but is more indirectly immigration and EU negative. The League shows an increasing preference for federalism and EU and immigration negativity during the two elections.

For this study, I set out to examine the electoral manifestos of four European populist parties in national elections, in order to analyze the ideological similarities and differences between the Finns Party, the Sweden Democrats, the National Rally, and the League. Political manifestos represent authoritative statements on party policies. I aimed to compare the ideologies expressed in the manifestos and to allocate them on a left-neutral-right scale according to a model developed by Backlund (2013), Benoitand Laver (2007), and Lowe et al. (2011). The theoretical background comes from Spatial theory (Downs 1957, Sartori 1977, Adams 1998) and Saliency theory (Budge & Farlie 1983, Budge et al. 2001, Klingemann et al. 2006). I derived the research data from the Manifesto Research on Political Representation (MARPOR) database; the data are longitudinal, covering 48 variables from two elections during the period of 2011-2018. I investigated how the parties present their political goals through qualitative analyses, as well as an examination of the salience and frequency of issues. I compared the data to long-term trends from MARPOR data and from the Chapel Hill Expert Surveys. My findings indicate that the parties have common ideological traits such as nationalism, European Union (EU) opposition, and immigration negativity, but they differ in how they advocate for various policy matters. The Finns Party is the least moderate and openly exhibits nationalism and discriminatory features. The Sweden Democrats share attributes with leftist ideologies, except for the EU opposition and a veiled immigration negativity. The National Rally is nationalistic and privileges protectionism, but is more indirectly immigration and EU negative. The League shows an increasing preference for federalism and EU and immigration negativity during the two elections.

Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2006.
Thesis research directed by: Communication. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

Freedom of expression can be viewed as the very heart of democracy, without it the democratic system falls apart. Political communication is a form of expression and perhaps the most important form as well. The intentions and methods of political communication are not always honest and nuanced though, which may jeopardize the legitimacy of the democratic system. This is because of the demos, the voters and citizens, who represent the core of democracy as a system. The demos often act as receivers of political messages, and very rarely as senders. Consequently, the demos are vulnerable in this aspect. On the other hand, the politicians do have the possibly to angle and manipulate information in order to favour their own intentions. Political propaganda is one kind of political communication that has been present during a long period of time in basically every corner of the world. According to various scientists, political parties often use propaganda in election campaigns to maximise votes. Further on, propaganda can be described as deceitful and manipulative, which are features that do not correspond well with democracy and its ideals. Does that mean that the voters are completely helpless in relation to the political propaganda? With the focus and aim of this study, which is to illuminate the various features and techniques of propaganda, we hope to give the voters further knowledge and understanding about the rhetoric strategies within political manifestos. Because if the voters are not aware of the issue, and does not have the tools to see past the propaganda, how are they supposed to form a well-founded perception and make a choice that they are fully comfortable with? With a certain analytical instrument that contains four dimensions of propaganda, some of the political manifestos that were presented during the election campaign in Sweden 2014 have been examined closely. Further on, regarding the results and conclusions of the study, it supports the assumption that propaganda exists in different ways within the chosen manifestos. All of the dimensions that exist within the analytical instrument can be perceived as found in the material. These dimensions/techniques are simplification, exaggeration, packaging the message and disguise.

Submitted by Caroline Periotto (carol@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-12T20:21:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJPR.pdf: 2816780 bytes, checksum: a7109da34ad0c4f39b0315a0eb78957f (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-16T19:08:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJPR.pdf: 2816780 bytes, checksum: a7109da34ad0c4f39b0315a0eb78957f (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-16T19:08:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJPR.pdf: 2816780 bytes, checksum: a7109da34ad0c4f39b0315a0eb78957f (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-16T19:08:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissJPR.pdf: 2816780 bytes, checksum: a7109da34ad0c4f39b0315a0eb78957f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-18
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
This current research, of qualitative nature, has been led by the question: which senses and meanings can be produced by undergraduate and graduate students while they experience, study and create teaching activities from a logical-historical perspective? Our aim was to identify and analyze the senses and meanings manifested by two subjects that composed a group of ten undergraduate and three graduate students, who gathered virtually and in person, over a semester, to reflect collectively upon the organization of teaching by means of teaching activities founded by the logical-historical perspective. To conduct the research, we sought theoretical fundaments in the logical-historical dialectical perspective on theoretical constructs that deal with Teaching Orienting Activities (AOE in Portuguese) and with the concepts of sense and meaning studied by Vygostsky. The gatherings took place in the context of the Integration, Teaching, Research and Extension Curricular Activity (ACTEPE in Portuguese) entitled: “When the history of Mathematics becomes a teaching methodology,” and they were split in three blocks: the first was aimed at motivation to work under a logicalhistorical perspective; the second one, at the study and deep analysis of it; and the third one, at the organization of teaching activities founded by this perspective. The following instruments were used to constitute research data: a field journal; narratives; audio recording of the gatherings, which were transcribed; forums held in a virtual environment; and propositions of activities that were designed or adapted by the participants and presented in the last gatherings. Upon these propositions and three specific criteria, two participants, whose trajectories were followed along the sixteen gatherings, were selected. The senses and meanings manifested by the subjects, in the context of the present study, show that organizing teaching from a logical-historical perspective can allow the involved students to seize the concepts through the exercise of thinking about them, making it possible for the learners to feel the need for developing the concept. They also show that the conceptual nexuses - both internal and external - are important theoretical constructs when working under this perspective, for they perceive internal nexuses as those which are not made explicit to the students by a formal concept representation, but they are fundamental to understand it. This meaning makes it important to evince these nexuses to organize teaching. Nevertheless, it is necessary to learn them and history can make it possible, for it holds the conceptual development process and the product of that development.
A presente pesquisa, de natureza qualitativa, se orientou pela questão: quais sentidos e significados podem ser produzidos por licenciandos e pós-graduandos enquanto vivenciam, estudam e elaboram atividades de ensino na perspectiva lógico-histórica? Tivemos por objetivo identificar e analisar os sentidos e significados manifestos por dois sujeitos que compuseram um grupo formado por dez licenciandos e três pós-graduandos, que se reuniram virtualmente e presencialmente, durante um semestre, para refletirem coletivamente sobre a organização do ensino por meio de atividades de ensino fundamentadas na perspectiva lógicohistórica. Para a condução da pesquisa, buscou-se fundamentos teóricos na perspectiva dialética lógico-histórica nos constructos teóricos que tratam da Atividade Orientadora de Ensino (AOE), e dos conceitos de sentidos e significados estudados por Vygotsky. Os encontros ocorreram no contexto da Atividade Curricular de Integração, Ensino, Pesquisa e Extensão (ACIEPE) denominada: “Quando a história da matemática passa a ser metodologia de ensino”, os quais foram divididos em três blocos, sendo o primeiro destinado à motivação para o trabalho com a perspectiva lógico-histórica; o segundo para o seu estudo e aprofundamento; e o terceiro para a organização de atividades de ensino fundamentadas por esta perspectiva. Utilizamos para a constituição dos dados da pesquisa os seguintes instrumentos: diário de campo; narrativas; gravações de áudio dos encontros, que foram transcritas; fóruns realizados em um ambiente virtual; e propostas de atividades elaboradas e/ou adaptadas pelos participantes e apresentadas nos últimos encontros. Partiu-se de tais propostas de atividades e de três critérios específicos para selecionar dois participantes, que tiveram suas trajetórias acompanhadas ao logo dos dezessete encontros. Os sentidos e significados manifestos pelos sujeitos, no contexto do presente estudo, indicam que organizar o ensino a partir da perspectiva lógico-história pode permitir que os estudantes envolvidos se apropriem dos conceitos através do movimento de pensar sobre eles, possibilitando assim, que os educandos possam sentir a necessidade de elaboração do conceito. Indicam ainda, os nexos conceituais, internos e externos, como importantes constructos teóricos ao se trabalhar nessa perspectiva, pois compreendem os nexos internos como aqueles que não se encontram explícitos ao estudante pela representação formal do conceito, mas que são fundamentais para compreensão do mesmo. Tal significado faz com que se torne importante, para a organização do ensino, evidenciar esses nexos. No entanto, é preciso conhecê-los e a história pode possibilitar isso, pois nela está presente o processo de elaboração conceitual e o produto dessa elaboração.

This thesis examines and explains how the three Scandinavian populist radical right parties, the Sweden Democrats, the Danish People’s Party and the Progress Party approaches the climate issue in their latest manifesto, and how it has changed over a period of ten years. By means of a content analysis and categorisations of climate scepticism, climate omission and climate measures, this thesis finds explicit evidence of climate scepticism in the Progress Party whereas there is no such evidence for the Sweden Democrats and the Danish People’s Party completely omits the issue. On the other hand, there is evidence of measures to fight climate change in the Progress Party, and the same goes for the Sweden Democrats. However, the only relevant difference when comparing the manifestos over a ten-year period is a decreased usage of statement connected to both climate scepticism and climate action in the Progress Party’s manifestos.

The aim of the paper is to do a quantitative comparison of the manifestos from a number of European parties that are being put in a mutual party family often referred to as “radical right-wing populist”. The main primary source is the Comparative Manifesto Project database from which the data was gathered for analysis. A number of variables which operationalise typical traits of the party family were picked from the codebook of the database and the parties’ values of these variables were compared and presented in diagrams. Through the analysis it was shown that the parties vary to a great extent in what they put the greatest focus on in their manifestos. It could also be concluded that even parties which had similar values in one category still brought it up from different angles. The essay also brings up suggestions for future research within the same area of research.

As primeiras vanguardas literárias introduzem no contexto cultural europeu do início do século XX a proposta de uma ruptura completa e violenta com aquilo que era ainda representado pela literatura finíssecular. Importadas pelas literaturas peninsulares, aquelas vanguardas aparecem como uma alternativa original que é rapidamente absorvida e de tal modo desenvolvida e explorada que marcará indiscutivelmente todo o período literário seguinte. Compreender a literatura da primeira metade do século XX exige, pois, igual compreensão das primeiras vanguardas. Assim, o objectivo desta dissertação é o de estudar em que consistem concretamente os critérios de Novo e Velho nos textos doutrinários produzidos por cada uma daquelas literaturas nacionais, no período compreendido entre 1912 e 1925. Uma vez que estes conceitos não podem ser considerados senão à luz da sua relatividade, reservamos a primeira parte do nosso estudo à contextualização e periodização históricas e artísticas das primeiras vanguardas literárias europeias e peninsulares. Procede-se aqui à caracterização do Modernismo hispânico, geração de "98", Simbolismo, Neorromantismo e Saudosismo, daí ressalvando os pontos que as vanguardas posteriormente rejeitarão ou aproveitarão. Segue-se a necessária análise do nascimento dos novos movimentos literários europeus, suas propostas e objectivos, bem como a sua recepção e integração no meio artístico peninsular. O interesse reside, nesta fase, sobretudo no estudo da tradução e produção dos textos sobre o tema que vão surgindo nas publicações literárias da época e o seu impacto sobre os respectivos meios intelectuais, nomeadamente no que diz respeito à génese das principais vanguardas literárias peninsulares: Sensacionismo, movimento futurista português, Creacionismo e Ultraísmo. Na segunda parte, é apresentado tipológica e cronologicamente o corpus de trabalho que inclui os textos julgados mais representativos para a questão abordada, de modo a permitir a posterior análise das suas propostas estéticas mais relevantes e distintivas relativamente às literaturas vigentes e anteriores. O objectivo é aí proceder à selecção do que é classificado pelos próprios autores daqueles textos de Novo ou Velho para, no exercício comparatista subsequente, se concluir ou não pela hipotética veracidade dessa classificação. /***Abstract - The first literary avant-gardes introduce the European cultural context of the early 201h century the proposal of a complete and violent rupture with what the official literature of the and of the 10 century still stood for. Concerning the Peninsular literatures, those movements are seen as an original alternative that is quickly absorbed, and eventually developed and explored in such way that it will definitely influence the whole following literary period. Understanding the literature of the first half of the 20 century demands, therefore, a similar understanding of the first avant-gardes. Thus, the aim of this thesis is to study what the criterions of New and Old really consist on, in the doctrinal texts that each one of the quoted national literatures produced between 1912 and 1925. Because those, concepts can only be studied according to their relative nature, the first section of our essay concerns the historical and artistic context and periodization of the first European and Peninsular literary avant-gardes. Accordingly, in these first chapters, the Hispanic Modernism, the Generation of "98", Symbolism, NeoRomanticism and Saudosism are characterized, giving special attention to the issues which the avant-gardes will later deny or accept. Following, the necessary analysis of the uprising of the new European literary movements is dope, focusing on their proposals and objectives, as well as on their reception and assimilation by the peninsular artistic environment. The interest, in this phase, remains mainly in the study of the translations and original doctrinal texts about this theme that are published in the literary press of that period, and their impact on each intellectual, environment, namely concerning the genesis of the main Peninsular literary avant-gardes – Sensationism, Portuguese Futurism, Creationism and Ultraism. In the second part, the corpus is typologically and chronologically presented. It includes the most representative texts of the matter under study, on which a further analysis of their most relevant and distinctive aesthetic proposals will rely. Our aim is to select what the authors of those texts consider to be new or old in their literature, in order to verify, through a comparatist method, how authentic their originality truly is. /***Résumé - Les premières avant-gardes littéraires introduisent dans le contexte cultural européen du début du siècle XX la proposition d'une rupture complète et violente avec ce qui était encore représenté par la littérature de la fin du siècle XIX. Dans le cas des littératures péninsulaires, ces avant-gardes apparaissent comme une alternative originale et actuelle qui est rapidement absorbée et de telle manière développée et explorée qu'elle marquera indiscutablement toute la période littéraire suivante. Comprendre la littérature de la première moitié du siècle XX exige, donc, égale compréhension des premières avant-gardes. Ainsi, l’objectif de cette dissertation est d'étudier à quoi consistent concrètement les critères de Nouveau et de Vieux dans les textes doctrinaux produits par chacune de ces littératures nationales, dans la période comprise entre 1912 et 1925. Car ces concepts ne peuvent pas être considérés autrement qu'à la lumière de sa relativité, nous réservons la première partie de notre étude à la contextualisation et périodisation historique et artistique des premières avant-gardes littéraires européennes et péninsulaires. On procède, ici, à la caractérisation de Modernisme hispanique, génération de "98", Symbolisme, Néoromantisme et Saudosismo, en mettant en évidence les points que les avant-gardes ultérieurement rejetteront ou accepteront. 11 se suit la nécessaire analyse de la naissance des nouveaux mouvements littéraires européens, leurs propositions et objectifs, ainsi que sa réception et intégration dans le milieu artistique péninsulaire. L'intérêt habite, dans cette phase, surtout dans l’étude de la traduction et de la production des textes sur ce thème qui apparaissent dans les publications littéraires du temps et leur impact sur les respectifs milieux intellectuels, notamment en ce qui concerne la genèse des principales avant-gardes littéraires péninsulaires: Sensationnisme, mouvement futuriste portugais, Créacionisme et Ultraísme. Dans la deuxième partie, on présente typologique et chronologiquement le corpus du travail qui inclut les textes jugés les plus représentatifs sur la question abordée, afin de permettre la postérieure analyse de leurs propositions esthétiques plus importantes et distinctives à 1'égard des littératures contemporaines et précédentes. L'objectif est de procéder à la sélection de ce qui est classé par les auteurs de ces textes comme Nouveau ou Vieux pour que l’on puisse (ou pas), dans l’exercice comparatiste ultérieur, conclure sur 1'hypothétique véracité de ce classement.

La recherche porte sur l’écriture abondante de Hundertwasser et sa place dans le positionnement de cet acteur du renouveau artistique. On lui reconnaît une « œuvre-vie » singulière, puisque, visant à bouleverser la société, il a élargi son domaine, passant de la peinture à l’écologie, via l’architecture. Partant du contexte géohistorique, de l’arrière-plan pictural du début du XXème siècle, des théories des scientifiques et des « prophètes » allemands du XXème siècle ainsi que de l’émergence des mouvements écologistes, il s’agit d’étudier les nombreux poésies, récits, discours, manifestes, interventions dans les médias et commentaires, où Hundertwasser expose et développe ses convictions. L’objectif est de montrer que la dynamique créative de l’artiste s’enracine dans ses écrits
The research focuses on the abundant writing of Hundertwasser and its place in the positioning of this actor of artistic renewal. He is recognized for his singular "work-life", since, aiming to upset society, he has expanded his field, from painting to ecology, via architecture. Starting from the geohistorical context, from the pictorial background of the beginning of the 20th century, the theories of 20th-century German scientists and "prophets" and the emergence of environmental movements, it is a question of studying the many poems, stories, speeches, manifestos, interventions in the media and comments, where Hundertwasser exposes and develops his convictions. The aim is to show that the creative dynamic of the artist is rooted in his writings

This study critically studies two different manifestos, New democracy manifesto from 1991 and Sweden Democrats manifesto from 2010. The purpose with this is to discover in what way populist rhetoric is used and what parlance the parties have used in these two manifestos. Using Lennart Hellspong’s model for propaganda analysis, textual compilations will be discovered and analyzed through a set of questions. Previous research show that these two parties has a lot in common and even though both have different political ideology and framework, they both have populist rhetoric as one of the key elements in their rhetoric. With Sweden democrats currently being the third biggest party in Sweden there is an interest to see what they have in common with the first populist party in Sweden during the modern era, New Democracy. Do the populist characteristics in Sweden Democrats manifesto have similar attributes as the in New Democracy manifesto? The result of the study shows that the populist rhetoric is used in different ways, with different ideological purposes but is built from the same springboard.

La tesis analiza las ideas de modernidad y su impacto en la transformación de la práctica productiva arquitectónica portuguesa, a través de la especificidad producida por un grupo de arquitectos de Oporto, el ODAM que defendió los ideales modernos en sus trabajos y manifiestos, individuales y colectivos. Se indagan los fundamentos estéticos y conceptuales defendidos por el grupo en las premisas de la modernidad hacia una puesta en valor de las vivencias humanistas y culturales portuguesas.

La elección del grupo como objeto de la tesis surgió tanto por el interés en definir su relevancia en el marco de la arquitectura portuguesa, como por profundizar el estudio de la idea de lo "colectivo", como vehículo ideológico de la divulgación de los principios "Modernos". Principios tomados como premisas colectivas, que nos permitirán, en la especificidad del grupo, revelar las líneas de pensamiento fundamentales y conocer una producción en la que se establece una dialéctica entre los valores modernos y los valores permanentes culturales y productivos.

La estructura general del trabajo se organizó metodológicamente en cuatro partes.
La parte I, se dedicó a la formulación de las hipótesis trabajo y a plantear los interrogantes en torno a su objeto de análisis: el grupo ODAM.
En la parte II, se abordan las preocupaciones generales del grupo a través de los proyectos de carácter "expositivo" constituidos como "modelos absolutos" que ellos proponen.
La parte III profundiza en la materialización de sus preocupaciones en la confrontación con la práctica productivas, a través del estudio de obras singulares seleccionadas que se constituyen como paradigmas de modos de hacer.
Se concluye en parte IV, con la reflexión teórica en el marco de la producción y la síntesis crítica de las contribuciones arquitectónicas más relevantes elaboradas por el grupo, temas que pretenden responder a las preguntas efectuadas en la I parte.

El trabajo ha puesto el énfasis la formalidad singular del grupo, a través del descubrimiento y definición de tres "patrones", que revelan las preocupaciones inherentes a sus modos de concebir. El período temporal definido entre 45 y 55 corresponde a la afirmación de la identidad del Grupo ODAM que se constituyó en 1947 y tuvo su apogeo en la exposición en el Ateneu Comercial do Porto, en 1951.
El primer "patrón" corresponde genéricamente a la producción pre-moderna del Grupo, donde la expresión de los artefactos pesa más que sus contenidos modernos. Etapa averiguadora de las primeras obras polémicas que abren camino a la necesidad de los arquitectos de asociarse en uno grupo reivindicativo, con intereses y modos de actuación comunes.
El segundo, "patrón" corresponde a una producción en la que los contenidos formales corresponden a los nuevos valores y evidencian la confianza total en la nueva era, una filosofía y metodología del proyecto que se generan de forma más abstracta, como código universal total.
En el tercer. "patrón", asimilado y entendido el contenido moderno, se permiten incorporar otros valores. A la pureza abstracta de la forma se asocia la identidad local, más humanizada y la búsqueda de otros valores como la "memoria" y el "instinto".

Los tres patrones, que se plantean como premisas de estudio, permiten, cruzando la producción teórica y proyectual del colectivo, confirmar su amplitud y grado de pertenencia a la arquitectura Moderna en Portugal. Definir la importancia de los contenidos modernos -descubiertos en la afirmación del Grupo ODAM- precursores de una especificidad, que hoy genéricamente se entiende como la escuela de Oporto, se ha desvelado como un de los puntos de relevancia del trabajo, que ha permitido una mejor compresión de la validez actual de aquellos principios en la producción de la arquitectura portuguesa.
This dissertation instigate upon the premises of the modern and it's impact in the transformation of Portuguese architectonic practice, analyzed through the specificity of the architecture produced by a group of architects of Oporto, the ODAM group, that defended (the) modern ideals, in their individual and collective manifests. The aesthetic and conceptual foundations, constituted by this group, are researched as privileged instrument of Portuguese architectonic production outstanding the new proposal of the modernity in favour of Portuguese humanists and cultural values.

The election of this group stands on the idea of the "collective", as an ideological vehicle of divulgation of the "Modern" principles. Doctrine that is taken as collectives premises, accepted as transforming bases of architecture, in its respond to society, as a cultural phenomena, and that allowed, in the specificity of the group, to reveal the fundamental lines of a production confronted between the dialectic, of modern values and the permanent valences of cultural and productive artesian.

The general structure of the work was organized methodologically in four parts. The part I, is reserved to explain problematic issues within the work and summary the interrogations drown upon the analysis objects: the group ODAM. In the part II, are approached the general "apprehensions" (concerns) of this collective, showed through projects with a "expository" character and constituted/proposed by the group as "absolute models". The part III, deals with the intensive materialization of these concerns within the productive practice of the group, through the study of selected (constructed) works treated as, paradigmatic manners of doing. To conclude in the part IV, with a theoretical reflection, of the global production and a synthetic critical of the most relevant architectonic contributions elaborated by the group, intended to answer the interrogations brought out in the part I.
The centrality of the work lies in the demand of understanding this "specific collective formality", by the sighting of three categories (of actuation) common to the elements of the group, here denominated as patterns, that reveal the main concerns, essential to its characterization and inherent to its conception. The period of study among 1945 to 1955 correspond to the statement of identity of the Group ODAM, constituted in 1947 and with its acme within the exhibition in 1951at the commercial athenaeum of OPorto.

The first pattern contest generically with the (initial) production of modern performs of the Group, where the expressions of the artefacts are more substantial /weighty than their modern contents. In this stage are identified the first polemics works that imply the architects to associate in a vindicate group with common architectonic interests and actuations. At this stage the production reveals a commitment with the conventional values not in favour of a modern radical.
In the second pattern, the formal contents correspond to an aim/ to total trust/ to belong to the ethics ideals of the machine age that is reflected in original uses, innovative programs, in the "rationalization of the function", in a philosophy and methodology of project that it is mirrored in a more abstract form, as a universal code .

In the third pattern, assimilated the modern content, other focal beliefs maybe added. To the pure abstractness of the form is associated the local identity, more humanized and the search of other relegated valences, the "memory" and the "instinct."
These three patterns that are presented as premises, try to confirm through the crossing of the theoretical and project production of the group, its pertinence as new mater of modern values in Portuguese architecture.

To define the importance of the modern contents, discovered in Group ODAM'S statement, as precursors of a specificity, that one today generically designate as the school of Oporto, constitute one of the points of relevance of the work turning understandable and valuable the actual productive processes in Portuguese architecture.
O

A Tese parte das premissas do moderno e do seu impacto na transformação da prática produtiva arquitectónica portuguesa, analisada através da especificidade da arquitectura produzida por um grupo de arquitectos do Porto, o grupo ODAM que defenderam os ideais modernos nos seus trabalhos e manifestos individuais e colectivos. Indaga-se os fundamentos estéticos e conceptuais constituídos por este grupo, em defesa das novas valências da modernidade para a valorização de vivências humanistas e civilizacionais portuguesas.
A eleição deste grupo residiu no estudo da ideia do "colectivo", como veículo ideológico da divulgação dos princípios e cânones "Modernos", tomados como premissas colectivas e aceites como bases transformadores da arquitectura, na sua capacidade de resposta à sociedade. Assumindo-se como fenómeno cultural, permitiram, na especificidade do grupo, revelar as linhas de pensamento fundamentais e uma produção confrontada na dialéctica, dos valores modernos e das valências permanentes, culturais e produtivas.
A estrutura geral do trabalho organizou-se assim metodologicamente em quatro partes.
A parte I, reservada à explicação sumária da problemática do trabalho e das interrogações a colocar ao seu objecto de análise: o grupo ODAM.
Na parte II, abordam-se as preocupações gerais do colectivo através de projectos de carácter "expositivo" constituídos como "modelos absolutos" propostos pelo grupo.
A parte III, trata do aprofundamento e materialização destas preocupações no confronto com a prática produtiva, através do estudo de obras singulares seleccionadas que se constituem como paradigmas de modos de fazer.
Conclui-se na parte IV, com a reflexão teórica, do quadro de produção e a síntese crítica das contribuições arquitectónicas mais relevantes elaboradas pelo grupo em que os temas que pretendem responder às interrogações efectuadas na I parte.
A centralidade do trabalho residiu, deste modo, na procura de entendimento desta formalidade singular, através da descoberta e definição de três "padrões" de actuação que revelam preocupações inerentes ao seu modo de conceber e caracterizam a essência do grupo. O período temporal definido entre 45 e 55, correspondente à afirmação de identidade do Grupo ODAM que se constituiu como tal em 1947 e teve o seu apogeu com a exposição no ateneu comercial do Porto em 1951.
O primeiro "padrão" corresponde genericamente à produção de pré-forma moderna do Grupo, onde a expressão dos artefactos pesa mais do que os seus conteúdos modernos. É nesta etapa que se identificam as primeiras obras polémicas que abrem caminho à necessidade de os arquitectos se associarem num grupo reivindicativo, com interesses e modos de actuação comuns em que se revelam os primeiras procuras formais modernos, embora o compromisso com a representatividade dos valores convencionais se sobrepunha à vontade de ser radicalmente moderno.
No segundo "padrão", os conteúdos formais correspondem à pertença aos novos valores apoiados numa confiança total na nova era da máquina que se reflectem no uso, no programa, na "racionalização da função", numa filosofia e metodologia de projecto que se espelha numa forma mais abstracta, como código universal totalizante.
No terceiro "padrão", assimilado e entendido o conteúdo moderno, são outras valências que se querem somar. À pureza abstracta da forma associa-se a identidade local, mais humanizada e a procura de outras valências relegadas, a "memória" e o "instinto".
Estes três padrões que, de modo abdutivo, se apresentam como premissas de estudo, procuram através da produção teórica e projectual do colectivo, confirmar a amplitude e grau de pertinência dos valores modernos em Portugal. Definir a importância dos conteúdos modernos, descoberto na afirmação do Grupo ODAM, como percursores de uma especificidade, a que hoje genericamente se designa como a escola do Porto, constitui-se como um dos pontos de relevância do trabalho para o entendimento e validade actual dos processos produtivos da arquitectura portuguesa.

A capacidade de observar e interpretar os acontecimentos durante a aula é uma habilidade importante por meio da qual se pode avaliar a efetividade de professores atuantes e de estudantes nos seus estágios. Nesta perspectiva, o objetivo deste estudo foi contrastar as características das observações e interpretações de situações de ensino-aprendizagem de habilidades motoras por estudantes e professores de educação física com diferentes tempos de formação. De forma mais específica, ao solicitarmos a estudantes e professores que relatassem o que observaram da aula de outro colega, procurou-se identificar se conhecimentos da área de Comportamento Motor estariam presentes em seus relatos escritos. O encaminhamento metodológico de caráter exploratório-descritivo consistiu de quatro etapas: (i) seleção e gravação em vídeo de uma aula de educação física do ensino fundamental, com foco no processo ensino-aprendizagem do fundamento de passe do basquetebol; (ii) apresentação do vídeo a 14 estudantes e 27 professores de educação física formados na UEL, aos quais foi solicitado que descrevessem o que haviam observado da aula; (iii) apresentação do mesmo vídeo para nove especialistas, sendo quatro em Formação de Professores de educação física e cinco em Comportamento Motor, que avaliaram, por escrito, os acontecimentos da aula; (iv) tratamento dos dados utilizando o paradigma principiante-perito e o ferramental da análise de conteúdo com categorias predefinidas. A interpretação dos resultados obtidos permitiu considerar que: (a) houve uma melhora considerável na qualidade redacional com o passar do tempo de formação dos estudantes e dos professores; (b) contudo, a estrutura dos textos destes dois grupos seguiu sempre o tempo cronológico da aula ao passo que os especialistas empregaram quadros mais holísticos da aula como o foco na resposta do aluno; (c) este fato não impediu que os professores relatassem ou sugerissem mudanças em alguns pontos chaves da aula para que ela atendesse os objetivos de uma adequada educação escolarizada; (d) por fim, observou-se que, quanto maior o tempo de formado, menor foi a presença de conhecimentos da área de Comportamento Motor nos relatórios dos pesquisados, que mais se fundamentaram em conhecimentos da didática geral, aproximando-se das análises dos especialistas da área de Formação de Professores.
The ability to observe and interpret events during class is an important skill through which it's possible to evaluate the effectiveness of teachers in service and students in their teacher education program. In this perspective, the objective of this study was to contrast the characteristics of observations and interpretations of teaching-learning situations of motor skills by students and teachers of physical education with different training times. More specifically, when we asked students and teachers to report what they observed from the class of another colleague, we tried to identify if knowledge of the area of Motor Behavior would be present in their written accounts. The exploratory-descriptive methodological approach consisted of four stages: (i) video selection and recording of a physical education class in elementary school, focusing on the teaching-learning process of basketball passing skill; (ii) presentation of the video to 14 students and 27 physical education teachers from Londrina State University (UEL) who were asked to describe what they had observed in the video; (iii) presentation of the same video to 4 specialists in Teacher Training and 5 specialists in Motor Behavior, who evaluated the events of the lesson; (iv) data treatment using the novice-expert paradigm and the content analysis tool with predefined categories. The interpretation of the obtained results allowed to consider that: (a) there has been a considerable improvement in the quality of the report with the passing of the training time of students and teachers; (b) however, the text structure of these two groups always followed the chronological time of the lesson while the specialists employed more holistic pictures of the class as the focus on the student's response;; (c) this fact did not prevent teachers from reporting or suggesting changes in some key points of the lesson in order to meet the objectives of an adequate school education; (d) finally, it was observed that as longer the training time, as lower was the presence of Motor Behavior knowledge in the reports of the respondents, who were more based on general didactics knowledge, approaching the specialists in the area of Teacher Training.

This thesis offers a comparative historical analysis of sub-state violent contention in Quebec and Corsica. It focuses specifically on the Front de Libération du Québec (FLQ) and the Fronte di Liberazione Naziunale Corsu (FLNC), in 1963 to 1971 and 1976 to 1990, respectively. The thesis argues that the FLQ and the FLNC sought to extend radical ideological space to promote independence in order to achieve revolutionary social and economic change through campaigns of violence and kidnappings. Theoretically, the thesis draws on the contentious politics and social movements literatures, which it notably combines with Radical Flank Effect (RFE). RFEs are interactive processes that aim to map the beneficial and/or detrimental impact of radical group action on moderate groups. Whilst commonly used to understand the political outcomes of social movements, RFE is used in this thesis in conjunction with social movement literature to compare the relationship between these violent movements and their more moderate opponents. To understand the internal dynamics of these movements, I have identified four key elements of contrast: membership, ideology, network structure and strategy. I draw on, for example, McAdam, Tarrow and Tilly's (2001) mobilization method, which aids an understanding of membership and ideology by framing the interaction amongst challengers, their opponents and the media. This thesis seeks to understand FLQ and FLNC mobilization in light of the aim to shape and develop radical ideological space in the sub-states of Quebec and Corsica. It draws on an extensive study of archival data that includes police reports that have only recently been made available in Canada, transcripts of court cases, newspapers, and an interview with a former member of the FLNC, as well as secondary sources. The central orienting question is: what explains the contrasting patterns of sub-state violent contention in Quebec and Corsica? More specifically, why did the FLQ dissolve in 1971, yet the FLNC continued its violent trajectory, albeit less political and nationalist, until 2014? The FLQ and the FLNC differently subscribed to Marxism and postcolonialism. The FLQ was committed to a Marxist program of revolutionary change, and this commitment was shared by the FLNC until the collapse of communism in central and Eastern Europe in 1989. FLQ members considered themselves 'urban revolutionaries' and employed Marxism to understand the economic disparity in industrial Montreal. Early Corsican violent contention, in contrast, included Maoist influences, in particular, through their demand for agrarian reform. The two groups viewed the relationship between their sub-states (Quebec and Corsica) and central states (Canada and France) through a colonial lens, and understood their mobilization against these states and elite minorities (the Anglophone elite in Quebec and the pieds noirs in Corsica) in this light. Both violent movements targeted this colonial relationship. Both the FLQ and FLNC manifestos were economically and politically focused, land and culture were additionally highlighted by the FLNC. This thesis found that sub-state violent contention in the very different contexts of Quebec and Corsica shared an overall pattern, an arc of violent mobilization. The initial mobilization developed from a frustration with moderate political groups; radicalization grew and new tactics were embraced; until turning points that included the assassination of Pierre Laporte by the FLQ and the division of the FLNC into competitive factions, and then a decline of activity, mobilization and recruitment. Although the FLQ and the FLNC contrasted greatly in terms of membership, ideology, organization and strategy, both groups attempted to extend radical space through the use of violent contention in these two very different nations. Ultimately, however, while the FLQ and the FLNC were able to extend or maintain radical space at times, yet they failed to sustain the extension of ideological radical space on the basis on their revolutionary manifestos.

The purpose of this thesis is to map and assess the organisational and ideological development of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform party, the ELDR. More specifically, it seeks to analyse the degree of integration between the members of the ELDR over time, to identify factors that may or may not generate integration, to relate the development of the ELDR to earlier research about European parties, and finally to contribute to the ongoing debate about whether or not the traditional national party families are about to establish parties at the European level. The thesis is based on the assumption that parties adapt to their environment, in this case, the system of multi-level governance that characterises the European Union. As the European parties are composed of national parties, they are also dependent on the member parties' opportunities and motives for cooperation. If there is integration, we can, however, not only expect the European parties to adapt to their environment. As they become independent actors, they may also influence their environment. In other words, we can anticipate interaction between the European and national levels that leads to mutual adaptation, or Europeanisation. To be able to capture the interaction between the two levels, theories from international relations and comparative politics are combined. Based on interviews, participant observation, documentary research and content analysis of European election manifestos, the analyses shows that the members of the ELDR have over time reached a rather advanced level of integration, both organisationally and ideologically. Although it is possible to identify constraining factors to this development, the ELDR has, at least from what is known from literature, reached about the same level of development as the two other European parties, the Christian democratic EPP and the Social democratic PES. The internal integration of the ELDR is the outcome of a successive transfer of power from the member parties to the ELDR. By now, the ELDR can therefore be defined as a rather independent actor and as a type of party at the European level. This type of party is, however, not comparable to national parties. It is instead adapted to the institutional structure of the European Union, with, at least partly, a different organisation and different functions from those of national parties.
digitalisering@umu

Process mining techniques are able to extract knowledge from event logs commonly available in today's information systems. These techniques provide new means to discover, monitor, and improve processes in a variety of application domains. There are two main drivers for the growing interest in process mining. On the one hand, more and more events are being recorded, thus, providing detailed information about the history of processes. On the other hand, there is a need to improve and support business processes in competitive and rapidly changing environments. This manifesto is created by the IEEE Task Force on Process Mining and aims to promote the topic of process mining. Moreover, by defining a set of guiding principles and listing important challenges, this manifesto hopes to serve as a guide for software developers, scientists, consultants, business managers, and end-users. The goal is to increase the maturity of process mining as a new tool to improve the (re)design, control, and support of operational business processes.

Orientador(a): Luiza Helena da Silva Christov
Banca: Ana Luiza Marcondes Garcia
Banca: Rita Luciana Berti Bredariolli
Resumo: A presente pesquisa-manifesto, escrita por um poeta-pesquisador, é dividida em capítulos pares (normativos) e capítulos ímpares (narrativos) que são sintetizados nos enunciados do manifesto. Estabelece o conceito de profanas escrituras como forma de resistir à gramática do poder e analisa o que fundamenta a escritura poética. Propõe o ensino do letramento poético e da alfabetização autoral no combate a sub-alfabetização e marca a importância da literatura ser lecionada como arte. Por fim, traz relatos de experiências educativas com diferentes grupos em equipamentos culturais da periferia de São Paulo
Resumen: La presente investigación-manifiesto, escrita por un poeta-investigador es dividida en capítulos pares (normativos) y capítulos impares (narrativos) ​ que se sintetizan en los enunciados del manifiesto. Establece el concepto de profanas escrituras como forma de resistir a la gramática del poder y analiza lo que fundamenta la escritura poética. Propone la enseñanza del alfabetismo poético y de la alfabetización autoral en el combate a la sub-alfabetización y marca la importancia de la literatura ser enseñada como arte. Por fin, trae relatos de experiencias educativas con diferentes grupos en equipamientos culturales de la periferia de São Paulo
Mestre

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Departamento de Sociologia, 2007.
Submitted by Fernanda Weschenfelder (nandaweschenfelder@gmail.com) on 2009-12-08T15:38:11Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_LuisaGuntherRosa.PDF: 1338193 bytes, checksum: c4d33c52b10e6a373a9cf675d972a709 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Carolina Campos(carolinacamposmaia@gmail.com) on 2009-12-21T20:11:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_LuisaGuntherRosa.PDF: 1338193 bytes, checksum: c4d33c52b10e6a373a9cf675d972a709 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2009-12-21T20:11:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2007_LuisaGuntherRosa.PDF: 1338193 bytes, checksum: c4d33c52b10e6a373a9cf675d972a709 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05
Esta dissertação trata da contribuição das vanguardas artísticas para a dimensão cultural, especificamente para a realidade brasileira. O foco da pesquisa foi centrado no Manifesto Neoconcreto, documento que marca a especificidade existente entre dois coletivos de artistas não-figurativos brasileiros da década de 1950: o Grupo Ruptura e o Grupo Frente. A argumentação buscou considerar a recorrente dicotomia postulada entre arte pura vs. arte expressiva; vanguarda formal vs. vanguarda engajada; razão vs. sensibilidade. Para tanto, foram considerados os significados atribuídos ao fazer artístico, à função pública do artista e a função política da arte. Em última instância foi questionado o teor complexo e acadêmico do manifesto de modo a propor mais um marco literário para o neoconcretismo, sem, no entanto, desconsiderar o manifesto de 1959 em sua expressão. _________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
This dissertation deals with the contribution of artistic vanguards to the cultural dimension of life, taking particular interest in the Brazilian context. The focus of this research was centered in the neoconcreto manifesto, document that marks the specificity that exists between two collectives of Brazilian non-figurative artists active in the 1950’s: Grupo Ruptura and Grupo Frente. The argument considered the recurrent dichotomy claimed to exist between pure art vs. expressive art; formal vanguard vs. engaged vanguard; reason vs. sensitivity. For this to be accomplished, attention was given to the meanings associated to the artistic process, the artists social responsibility and the political purposes of art itself. Last, but not least, the complexity and academic structure of the manifesto is questioned in order present another literary mark for the neoconcretismo, without, however, disregarding the manifesto of 1959 in its expression.

Submitted by ANDRÉ PEREIRA DO AMARAL (andredoamaral.sp@gmail.com) on 2018-07-13T04:52:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Manifesto pela escritura poética (2018) - revisado (1).pdf: 1094007 bytes, checksum: 651cfa5530ef51935a2d094536988682 (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Laura Mariane de Andrade null (laura.andrade@ia.unesp.br) on 2018-07-13T17:52:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 amaral_ap_me_ia.pdf: 1094007 bytes, checksum: 651cfa5530ef51935a2d094536988682 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-13T17:52:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 amaral_ap_me_ia.pdf: 1094007 bytes, checksum: 651cfa5530ef51935a2d094536988682 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-05
A presente pesquisa-manifesto, escrita por um poeta-pesquisador, é dividida em capítulos pares (normativos) e capítulos ímpares (narrativos) que são sintetizados nos enunciados do manifesto. Estabelece o conceito de profanas escrituras como forma de resistir à gramática do poder e analisa o que fundamenta a escritura poética. Propõe o ensino do letramento poético e da alfabetização autoral no combate a sub-alfabetização e marca a importância da literatura ser lecionada como arte. Por fim, traz relatos de experiências educativas com diferentes grupos em equipamentos culturais da periferia de São Paulo.
La presente investigación-manifiesto, escrita por un poeta-investigador es dividida en capítulos pares (normativos) y capítulos impares (narrativos) ​ que se sintetizan en los enunciados del manifiesto. Establece el concepto de profanas escrituras como forma de resistir a la gramática del poder y analiza lo que fundamenta la escritura poética. Propone la enseñanza del alfabetismo poético y de la alfabetización autoral en el combate a la sub-alfabetización y marca la importancia de la literatura ser enseñada como arte. Por fin, trae relatos de experiencias educativas con diferentes grupos en equipamientos culturales de la periferia de São Paulo.

Tato práce se zabývá zasazováním zkušenosti do rámce, aktem zrození, opakování a škálou notací, a nakonec pojmem otevřená partitura (open score). Je zde sledováno několik cest, ve kterých se prezentované přístupy a záměry spájejí do základního konceptu zpracovávaní zkušenosti do partitury. Mezi různými styly a metodami ve vztahu k tomuto fenoménu jsou v práci prozkoumávány: hermeneutický přístup k interpretaci umění Hanse-Georga Gadamera v díle Pravda a metoda, estetická teorie Johna Deweyho v Art as Experience, vývoj notace a otevřené partitury, pravidla happeningu, slovní partitury (word score) a instrukce (event scores), forma manifestu a jeho role v umělecké praxi, návodné principy haiku, reperfomance jako odkaz k minulosti a sociální výzkum, rekonstrukce událostí jako sociálně angažované umění, umělecká praxe ve vztahu k legislativě, týkající se pozemkových práv a volného pohybu v krajině. Primárním cílem práce je odhalit proces redukce výchozí zkušenosti skrze uměleckou metodologii, ústící do konečné volně interpretovatelné práce, která má formu otevřené partitury.

Language repeats. And repeats. And repeats. Language exhales a repetitive reality that we, as its speakers and writers, are bound to and captured by. The repetition of language is a metronome that chimes a spatial and temporal conditioning, the territorialising performance of an aesthetic experience that is unlimited yet limiting, which invades our very being. A contagious praxis that arranges a material structuring, not concerned with meaning but only its own propagation, language organises an institutionalising ideology of repetition and reproduction which denies ontological potential in deference to the finitude of possibility. A homeostatic regime that we occupy and are occupied by, the material topology of language’s repetition appears inescapable. Caught in a loop, we are captivated by language, a conditioning that pulses and reverberates, structured by reference and deference. But if speaking is mere repeating, the stammer and the echo are a repeated repeating; procedures not of stale reproduction but of vibrant production through repetition. Using iteration against itself, the stammer and the echo present modes of transformative mediality that motivate alternative material and ontological practices in abeyance of language and its regime of reproduction. Stammers & Echoes: A manifesto is an arts research thesis that unfolds the philosophy of repetition in language. A synthesis of Gilles Deleuze’s transcendental materialism and Jacques Derrida’s deconstruction, this text will establish ontological and material procedures for alternative patterns of repetitive speech. In developing what will be termed linguistic materialism and the determination of language as a hyperobject (Timothy Morton), the stammer and echo are proposed as itinerant (anti)methodologies that not only expose the materialism of language but are agencies that provide access to an ontological potential in excess of the possible. This research thesis is also a manifesto; a performative document and an art object. The speculative condition of this research is embedded in the very reading and writing of this text. Repetition is deployed in the making of a rhythmic reading of research, in which circularity and reiteration manifest the material performance of a distinct spatial and temporal experience that reconfigures the difference of repetition itself. This text proposes not only an exemplar for doctoral artistic research, but a manifesto for practices and procedures to be deployed against language and other regimes or ideologies of repetition and reproduction.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T16:17:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Maurineide Alves da Silva.pdf: 991986 bytes, checksum: 111fb6a28f609b9364d02765fa3f1a9a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-27
The United States is a country of tradition belligerent. It is common to find in their public squares and monuments statues of military figures, in addition to reserve specific days to honor them, military parades and ceremonies are displayed in various regions of the country and numerous film productions are performed representing the U.S. involvement in world conflicts. It is felt that the war is part of its fundamental characteristics. Seeking to understand the aspects that have built this tradition and thus marked the history of the United States military interventions around the world, without limiting ourselves to explanations that emphasize only the imperialist interests, but taking into account ideological and dogmatic aspects, we reach a ideology formulated in the nineteenth century, in order to justify the U.S. right to intervene in another nation: the ideology of Manifest Destiny. The three ideas that form the three show Manifest Destiny of American beliefs that are part of their national identity and profoundly marked its history: Puritanism, democracy and capitalism. To peer into the permanence of these three beliefs motivating the U.S. military interventions in the XXI century and still seek mainly new elements that enrich our historical understanding of the American society in his belligerent relations with other regions of the world, analyze imagery of a document period, the film Black Hawk Down (Black Hawk Down, Hidley Scott, 2001), which refers to U.S. military intervention in Somalia in 1993 and eventually present the vision of its directors on the subject. As one of the forms of cultural expression more representative of the United States, the film ends up a material extremely rich set of information about the beliefs and customs United States.
Os Estados Unidos são um país de tradição beligerante. É comum encontrar em suas praças públicas estátuas e monumentos de figuras militares, além de reservarem dias específicos para homenageá-los; desfiles e cerimônias militares são exibidos em diversas regiões do país e inúmeras produções cinematográficas são realizadas representando a participação norte-americana em conflitos mundiais. Percebe-se que a guerra faz parte de suas características fundamentais. Buscando entender os aspectos que construíram tal tradição e, consequentemente, marcaram a história dos Estados Unidos com intervenções militares por todo o mundo, sem nos limitarmos a explicações que ressaltam apenas os interesses imperialistas, mas levando em consideração aspectos dogmáticos e ideológicos, chegamos a uma ideologia formulada no século XIX, com o objetivo de justificar o direito norte-americano de intervir em outra nação: a ideologia do Destino Manifesto. As três idéias que formam o Destino Manifesto mostram três crenças do norte-americano que fazem parte de sua identidade nacional e que marcaram profundamente sua história: o puritanismo, a democracia e o capitalismo. Para perscrutar a permanência dessas três crenças motivando as intervenções militares norte-americanas ainda no século XXI e principalmente buscar elementos novos que enriqueçam a nossa compreensão histórica sobre a sociedade norte-americana em sua relação beligerante com outras regiões do mundo, analiso um documento imagético desse período, a produção cinematográfica Falcão Negro em Perigo (Black Hawk Down, Hidley Scott, 2001), que se reporta à intervenção militar norte-americana na Somália em 1993 e acaba por apresentar a visão de seus realizadores sobre o tema. Sendo uma das formas de manifestação cultural mais representativa dos Estados Unidos, o cinema acaba por configurar um material extremamente rico de informações a respeito das crenças e costumes norte-americanos.

In the context of the growing political instability and deepening economic crisis in Uruguay during the 1960s and early 1970s, the thesis examines two propositions. The first is that politically informed intellectuals, though disaffected or marginalised, will integrate themselves into the political mainstream if circumstances demand and a suitable vehicle allows them to participate usefully in the political process. The second is that, in the Uruguayan case, an expanded notion of dialogue is essential in analysing how this was accomplished, partly because the idea of dialogue was a necessary part of how they worked together and communicated with their public, and partly because dialogue was seen as a crucial element in reforming the nation and as the basis of the relationship between the political party that was to be the agent of such reform and its potential constituency. The thesis begins by examining how the so-called 1945 and 1960s generations overcame intergenerational squabbles and worked together, with the help of an expanding publishing industry, to create a public for their meditations on Uruguay's problems. Then, after briefly outlining the importance of dialogue to the essay as a genre and its role in developing national identity in Latin America, the study examines essays on the state of Uruguay by four major writers in the 1960s: Roberto Ares Pons, Alberto Methol Ferr??, Carlos Maggi and Washington Lockhart. The thesis then traces the intelligentsia's role in the several attempts to heal the rifts within the Uruguayan left and in the formation of the centre left coalition, the Frente Amplio, in 1971, to show how the notion of dialogue was incorporated into its structure, mode of operation and political program. The final section, a case study of Mario Benedetti's political activities and propagandist essays of 1971-1973, examines the contradictions of working as a committed intellectual when the very conditions necessary for intellectual life are breaking down. The thesis concludes that the resurrection of the nation as a site for dialogue with and among all members of society, a project in which the intelligentsia had enthusiastically participated, foundered because drastic political polarisation permitted only one militarist and monologic solution.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thiago Masano Cavaloti.pdf: 424599 bytes, checksum: 5efdc653f1edefead2267ce0b62e6d1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-20
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The objective of the following essay is to analyze the notion of magnetic fields between dream and reality, portrayed in the Surealism Manifesto of 1924 by Andre Breton (1896-1966), throughout inquiries on the theory of the unconscious of Sigmung Freud and the French modern poetic experience present in Charles Baudelaire (1821-1867), Arthur Rimbaud (1854-1891) e Paul Valéry (1871-1945). This careful reading of the propositions of André Breton s Manifesto lies upon the concept of surreality , restoring the author´s poetic-aesthetic notions in light of the experience of the First World War (1914-1918)
A presente dissertação visa analisar a noção de campos magnéticos entre sonho e realidade, a surrealidade , expressa por André Breton (1896-1966) no Manifesto do Surrealismo de 1924, através das indagações da teoria do inconsciente de Sigmund Freud e da experiência poética moderna francesa presente em Charles Baudelaire (1821-1867), Arthur Rimbaud (1854-1891) e Paul Valéry (1871-1945). A leitura atenta sobre as proposições de André Breton neste Manifesto debruça-se sobre o conceito de surrealidade , resgatando as noções estético-poéticas do escritor francês à experiência vivida durante a primeira guerra mundial (1914-1918)