Journal articles on the topic 'Manible bone'

Le phénomène de déficit en vitamine D a pris une grande ampleur aujourd’hui, ce déficit connaît un effet de « pandémie » mondiale, il n’épargne aucune frontière ni catégorie d’âge. Les connaissances de la physiologie de cette vitamine ont progressé de manière considérable, faisant passer sa conception d’une hormone purement osseuse à une hormone ayant un rôle sur la santé globale. En effet, son double rôle d’immunomodulateur et de contrôle de la prolifération cellulaire est possible grâce à son métabolite actif secrété de façon autocrine par certains tissus, et la répartition ubiquitaire de ses récepteurs. En plus de cette description d’effets pléiotropes à la fois dans des modèles cellulaires, expérimentales et cliniques, de plus en plus d’études épidémiologiques ont montré l’importance de la carence en vitamine D dans la population générale, adulte, comme pédiatrique. Sur le plan diagnostic, la mesure du taux de la 25-hydroxy-vitamine D (25-OHD) est une méthode très fiable pour évaluer les réserves. D’autre part, beaucoup de facteurs de risque ont été mis en évidence et des populations à risque ont été identifiées. En ce qui concerne la supplémentation, il a été récemment suggéré que la stabilité de la concentration de la 25-OHD ne peut être obtenue lors de la supplémentation intermittente que si l’espacement entre les prise est inférieur à 3 mois (de l’ordre de 1 mois) . Quelques travaux récents montrent, que l’utilisation de doses journalières modérées de vitamine D plutôt que de fortes doses administrées de manière intermittente serait à privilégier.

ABSTRACTThis study aimed to evaluate the performance, carcass quality, and the percentage of organs in ducks, Manila duck and tiktok. This study used a completely randomized design with 3 treatments and 6 replications in each treatment. The three species used as treatments were Mojosari duck, Manila duck and tiktok. At 2 weeks of age, each species was kept in individual battery cages until 10 weeks of age. The feed used contained 18% protein and 2992 kcal/kg energy. After 10 weeks of age, 6 samples were taken from each treatment for data collection. The variables measured were the percentage of carcass and carcass parts, meat bone ratio, percentage of internal organs, abdominal fat, breast meat protein, breast meat fat, breast meat cholesterol, coocking loss and drip loss. The results showed that species had no significant effect (P>0.05) on feed intake and coocking loss, but had significantly (P<0.05) effect on weight gain, feed conversion ratio, carcass percentage and carcass parts, meat bone ratio, abdominal fat, breast fat, breast meat cholesterol, percentage of internal organs and drip loss. It can be concluded that the performance of Manila ducks was better than Mojosari ducks and tiktok. The carcass percentage and drip loss of tiktok was higher than Manila ducks and Mojosari ducks. Manila ducks contained lower abdominal fat, meat fat and cholesterol, but relatively contained the same meat protein.Key words: Performance, carcass quality, fat, cholesterol, Mojosari duck, Manila duck, tiktokABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengevaluasi performa, kualitas karkas, dan persentase organ dalam Itik, Entok dan Tiktok. Penelitian menggunakan Rancangan acak lengkap dengan 3 perlakuan dan 6 ulangan pada setiap perlakuan. Tiga spesies yang digunakan sebagai perlakuan adalah Itik Mojosari, Entok dan Tiktok. Pada umur 2 minggu, masing-masing spesies dipelihara pada kandang batterai individu sampai umur 10 minggu untuk diambil data performanya. Pakan yang digunakan mengandung protein 18 % dan energi 2992 kkal/kg. Setelah umur 10 minggu, masing-masing perlakuan diambil sampel sebanyak 6 ekor untuk pengambilan data persentase karkas dan bagian-bagian karkas, meat bone ratio (MBR), persentase organ dalam, lemak abdomen, protein daging dada, lemak daging dada, cholesterol daging dada, coocking loss dan drip loss. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa spesies berpengaruh tidak nyata (P>0,05) terhadap konsumsi ransum, dan coocking loss, tetapi berpengaruh nyata (P<0.05) terhadap pertambahan berat badan, konversi ransum, persentase karkas dan bagian-bagian karkas, MBR, lemak abdomen, lemak daging dada, cholesterol daging dada, persentase organ dalam dan drip loss. Dapat disimpulkan bahwa performa Entok lebih baik dibanding Itik dan Tiktok. Persentase karkas dan drip loss Tiktok lebih tinggi dibanding Itik dan Entok. Entok mengandung lemak abdominal, lemak daging dan kolesterol daging yang lebih rendah, tetapi mengandung protein daging relative sama dengan Itik dan Tiktok.Kata kunci: Performa, mutu karkas, lemak, cholesterol, itik, entok, tiktok

La complessa patologia ossea dei pazienti affetti da insufficienza renale cronica è oggi definita Chronic Kidney Disease-Mineral and Bone Disorders (CKD-MBD) e comprende quadri patologici differenti tra i quali l'osso adinamico (Adynamic Bone Disease-ABD). Le conseguenze dell'ABD non sono meno invalidanti di quelle che insorgono in corso di iperparatiroidismo secondario. Talvolta le manife-stazioni cliniche di ABD, come le complicanze vertebrali a lungo temine qui descritte, possono avere ripercussioni extrascheletriche tali da richiedere necessariamente un approccio terapeutico neuro-chirurgico invasivo, ma l'esito negativo dell'inter-vento effettuato sulla nostra paziente, per l'insor-genza di un'instabilità secondaria, sottolinea la difficoltà di successo quando si opera selettivamente in una situazione clinica di globale deterioramento del tessuto osseo. A questo proposito potrebbe essere valorizzato l'utilizzo di tecniche chirurgiche meno rigide dell'artrodesi strumentata per compensare la minore elasticità e resistenza dell'osso. Da ciò si desume l'importanza di un attento follow-up clinico del paziente e della necessità di una fattiva collaborazione con altri specialisti (neurologo, neurochirurgo, radiologo) per la prevenzione delle complicanze a lungo termine della patologia ossea del paziente dializzato.

Deux romans de jeunes Chinoises-Américaines, Bone de Fae Myenne Ng et The joy Luck Club d'Amy Tan, illustrent à merveille une nouvelle tendance de la littérature américaine : l'émergence d'un nouveau corpus d'oeuvres rédigées en anglais par des immigrants de première ou de deuxième génération. Occupées à concilier un passé chinois qu'elles ne connaissent qu'à travers les récits de leurs parents et un présent américain dans lequel elles s'inscrivent en quelque sorte de biais, les protagonistes de ces romans ont à passer de la Chine à l'Amérique, du chinois à l'anglais, de l'oral à l'écrit. Il est également question de la manière dont le rapport à l'héritage chinois (et à la mère qui en est l'emblème) donne lieu à une construction identitaire complexe et mobile, le tout imprimant au roman sa forme particulière.

Objective: To determine the association between the laterality of chronic suppurative otitis media (CSOM) and the laterality of sinonasal disease, based on temporal bone ct-scan results and Lund-Mackay Scoring system, among patients admitted for ear surgery in a tertiary government hospital in Metro Manila. Method: Design: Retrospective review of records Setting: Tertiary Government Hospital Patients: Ninety-eight patients diagnosed with chronic suppurative otitis media admitted for otologic surgery in the Department of Otorhinolaryngology – Head and Neck Surgery from January 2011 to June 2014 were considered for inclusion. Hospital charts and temporal bone ct-scan results were retrieved and analyzed for ear and sinonasal radiographic abnormalities and laterality. Excluded were those without CT-scan plates, who underwent temporal bone surgery for reasons other than chronic suppurative otitis media, and those with incomplete records. The Lund-Mackay Scoring System was used to grade sinonasal findings which were compared to CSOM complications. Data was analyzed using t-test, ANOVA for homogenous numerical data, Kruskal-Wallis for heterogenous numerical data, and chi-square test for nominal type of data. Results: Of the 64 patients included in the study, 12 or 18.75% had radiographic sinonasal abnormalities. There was no significant association between the laterality of ear disease and the laterality of sinonasal pathology as there was no significant difference in the proportion of subjects with sinonasal disease according to laterality of CSOM (p=.32). When site of nose pathology was compared to Lund-Mackay graded scores, it was found that bilateral nose pathology generally had a higher Lund-Mackay score of 8.60 ± 5.60. However, there was no significant difference in the Lund-Mackay score according to the nose pathology site (p=.20). An association was seen between total LMS and patients with ear pathologies, but no significant difference was noted (p=.44). Although patients with ear complications had higher LM scores, this was not statistically significant. Conclusion: Laterality of ear disease was not associated with the laterality of sinonasal disease, although CSOM complications were associated with high Lund-Mackay scores. Future, better-designed studies may shed more light on these associations. Keywords: chronic suppurative otitis media, sinonasal disease, Lund-Mackay, Temporal Bone CT-Scan

C'est avec une sorte de malaise que je réponds à l'appel de la Revue, lancé aux «anciens combattants» de la Conférence diplomatique sur la réaffirmation et le développement du droit international humanitaire applicable dans les conflits armés (ci-après Conférence diplomatique), pour commémorer la signature des Protocoles additionnels aux Conventions de Genève, il y a vingt ans. Ce 8 juin 1977, nous tous, ayant d'une manière ou d'une autre collaboré à la rédaction de ces textes, avions, d'une part, éprouvé un soulagement face à la tâche finalement accomplie, mais également, de l'autre, ressenti une sorte de jubilation due au sentiment d'avoir mené à bien une action importante au profit des victimes de la guerre. Car, effectivement, ce nouveau droit des conflits armés a effectué par le biais des deux Protocoles un énorme bond en avant.

In the second poem of Propertius’ fourth book, the form-shifting deity Vertumnus claims that he is suited to any role that he is associated with because he can appear convincingly as a girl or a man:indue me Cois: fiam non dura puella; /meque uirum sumpta quis neget esse toga?(‘dress me in Coan silk, I shall be a gentle maiden: and who would say that I am not a man when I don the toga?’, 4.2.23–4). Later in Propertius 4.9, another gender ambiguous character, Hercules, while trying to gain entry into the shrine of the Bona Dea, boasts that he had woven and performed a handmaiden's service (4.9.47–50):idem ego Sidonia feci seruilia pallaofficia et Lydo pensa diurna colo;mollis et hirsutum cinxit mihi fascia pectus,et manibus duris apta puella fui.I have also done the tasks of a slave-girl in a Sidonian gownand worked at the daily burden of the Lydian distaff.A soft breastband has surrounded my shaggy chest,and with my hard hands I was a fitting girl.Scholars have noted that the language used by Propertius to depict gender inversion in these episodes has profound implications for understanding the generic complexity of the poet's new, more aetiological, fourth book. DeBrohun points out that, when Hercules recalls the soft (mollis) breastband on his hairy (hirsutum) chest – a contrast further substantiated by his claim that he had become apuellawith rough hands (manibus duris) – the hero ‘softens’ his appearance in terms that resonate strongly with the Augustan poets’ expression of the terminology of Callimachean poetics, thus allowing readers to interpret this scene as an act of generic realignment that symbolizes Book 4's attempt to accommodate both grand topics and erotic narratives.

Résumé L'on sait peu de choses sur la manière dont on assistait les pauvres du Haut-Canada au tournant du XIXe siècle. Cet article se penche donc sur les changements idéologiques et structuraux qu'a subis cette assistance jusqu'à la fondation du premier asile pour les pauvres à Toronto en 1837. L'auteur se penche sur les divers moyens qu'ont employés plusieurs sociétés à buts charitables pour alléger le fardeau du pauvre, et de même, il attire l'attention sur le fait que, bien que ces organismes aient pu être efficaces avant 1828, après cette période, le nombre grandissant de gens dans le besoin, les coûts inhérents et les problèmes sociaux qui en découlèrent ont fait en sorte que l'intervention de l'Etat soit devenue non seulement désirable mais tout à fait nécessaire. Enfin, l'auteur tente également de voir comment les changements qui s'observent au Haut-Canada sont reliés aux débats en cours, dans l'Angleterre de l'époque, au sujet de la loi concernant les pauvres. Il suggère aussi que ces événements ne sont peut-être pas étrangers à la nomination de Sir Francis Bond Head en tant que lieutenant-gouverneur du Haut-Canada, en 1836, puisqu'il avait été impliqué dans ces débats en qualité de « Assistant Poor Law Commissioner ».

Abstract. Total gaseous mercury (TGM) was measured onboard a passenger aircraft during monthly CARIBIC flights (Civil Aircraft for Regular Investigation of the Atmosphere Based on an Instrumented Container) made between May 2005 and March 2007 on the routes Frankfurt–São Paulo–Santiago de Chile and back and Frankfurt–Guangzhou–Manila and back. The data provide for the first time an insight into the seasonal distributions of TGM in the upper troposphere and lower stratosphere (UT/LS) of both hemispheres and demonstrate the importance of mercury emissions from biomass burning in the Southern Hemisphere. Numerous plumes were observed in the upper troposphere, the larger of which could be characterized in terms of Hg/CO emission ratios and their probable origins. During the flights to China TGM correlated with CO in the upper troposphere with a seasonally dependent slope reflecting the longer lifetime of elemental mercury when compared to that of CO. A pronounced depletion of TGM was always observed in the extratropical lowermost stratosphere. TGM concentrations there were found to decrease with the increasing concentrations of particles. Combined with the large concentrations of particle bond mercury in the stratosphere observed by others, this finding suggests either a direct conversion of TGM to particle bound mercury or an indirect conversion via a semivolatile bivalent mercury compound. Based on concurrent measurements of SF6 during two flights, the rate of this conversion is estimated to 0.4 ng m−3 yr−1. A zero TGM concentration was not observed during some 200 flight hours in the lowermost stratosphere suggesting an equilibrium between the gaseous and particulate mercury.

English The orang-utans (Pongo pygmaeus and Pongo abelii) living on the islands of Borneo and Sumatra are among the first victims of the large-scale deforestation and exploitation of the south-east tropical rainforest. Rehabilitation and reintroduction of confiscated orang-utans back into their original habitat were initiated in the 1960s. The orang-utan community that has been reintroduced in the Meratus forest since 1997 presents an ideal opportunity to study the successes and failures of the re-adaptation of individuals whose maternal bond has been broken at various ages, interrupting their learning phase. This study enables us to evaluate to what extent learning from others, including humans, is crucial to this process and in what ways ethology and ethnology might merge to achieve a better understanding of the rehabilitation process. French Les orangs-outans (Pongo pygmaeus et Pongo abelii) vivant sur les îles de Bornéo et Sumatra comptent parmi les premières victimes de la déforestation galopante pour l'exploitation du bois et les monocultures qui, aujourd'hui, mettent à mal les forêts tropicales du sud-est asiatique. La réhabilitation et la réintroduction dans leur habitat d'orangs-outans orphelins ayant été confisqués aux braconniers a débuté dans les années 1960. La communauté d'orangs-outans ayant été réintroduite dans la forêt de Meratus depuis 1997 offre une opportunité de choix pour étudier les succès et échecs du processus de réadaptation d'individus dont le lien maternel a été brisé à des âges variés, cassant, de fait, le processus d'apprentissage. Enfin, à travers cette étude, nous souhaitions évaluer dans quelle mesure l'apprentissage auprès d'autres individus, orangs-outans mais aussi humains, peut s'avérer crucial lors du processus d'apprentissage, mais aussi de quelle manière l'éthologie et l'ethnologie peuvent, de concert, permettre une meilleure compréhension du processus de réhabilitation.

Dr. Tierry Garcia was born December 20, 1919 as one of nine children of Dr. Silverio F. Garcia from Bocaue, Bulacan (UPCM 1912) and Elisea Trijo Ballesteros (UP Pharmacy) from Sorsogon. He was married to Amanda, wife of 63 years, and the couple was blessed with three children: Tierry, Jr., Sofia Garcia – Buder, M.D. (a third generation UPCM graduate), and Angela. According to Sofia he “led a life of service to God and to his fellowman, both professionally and personally. His greatest professional legacies for posterity include being among the founding fathers and past Chairman of the Department of Ear, Nose and Throat at the UP-PGH; the Philippine Society of Otorhinolaryngology; and the Manila Doctors' Hospital. He was the last of the small group of pioneers over six decades ago who helped pave the way for the delivery of modern day ENT care to the Filipino people whom he loved.” She continues: “like his father before him, a former surgeon and governor of Sorsogon,” he “strived towards doing ‘the most good for the most people’." On a personal note, his father used to play tennis with my grandfather Col. Antonio Martinez, a Bicolano who was Philippine Constabulary Officer in Sorsogon at that time. Because of this, there formed a special bond between Dr. Tierry and my father. Here are the thoughts and recollections of my father Dr. Armando T. Chiong on this great man: “I first met Dr. Tierry Garcia in 1960. I was 30 years old and he was 40. My first impression of Dr. Garcia was that he was a visionary leader with strong intellect. When he talked in meetings and conferences everybody listened. He was well respected such that he was able to establish the first separate Department of Otolaryngology from Ophthalmology at Manila Doctors Hospital in 1956 in spite of much objections. He established his clinic beside those of famous physicians like Dr. Ambrocio Tangco, founder of the Department of Orthopedics at the Philippine General Hospital, then Dean of UP College of Medicine Benjamin Barrera, Dr. Gonzalo Austria, former Dean of the UE College of Medicine, Dr. Constantino Manahan (world renowned OB-Gynecologist) and Dr. Carlos Sevilla , famous EENT specialist who were among the 14 of his co-founders of Manila Doctors Hospital. Most importantly, he also founded the Philippine Society of Otolaryngology and Bronchoesophagology in 1956.” “When he left for the United States in 1972, I took over his clinic and practice. All his medical instruments that he left with me are still intact and I have them in our hospital in Malolos, Bulacan. As for my last impression of Dr. Garcia, he was a generous and kind person. He helped in my first appointment to the Department of Otolaryngology at UP College of Medicine in 1964 apart from giving me his clinic at the Manila Doctors Hospital.” That he graduated from UPCM at the top ten of his class in 1942 and ranked in the top ten in the Physician’s Licensure Board Exams followed by a three year residency training in surgery at PGH then another residency in the U.S. finishing as chief resident in otolaryngology at Columbia Presbyterian prepared him well for the trail blazing and pioneering work. His bold, and inspiring spirit proved a great influence to succeeding generations of what he had ascribed as the “best and the brightest” otolaryngologist Fellows of PSOHNS now numbering 694 from the original heroic 9 that rallied to establish a separate society 60 years ago in the midst of great opposition. He firmly believed that serving others was the “true path to happiness” as gleaned from one of my own conversations with him after a PGH grand rounds he attended. As proof, he caused the establishment of a PGH Patient Endowment Fund in ORL to help indigent patients undergo much needed surgeries with meager financial resources. We have been most fortunate indeed that he was able to join us in the 2015 Annual Congress last December and on the 60th anniversary of the Philippine Society of Otolaryngology-Head and Neck Surgery last February. Proof perhaps that not all “the good die young.” He has bequeathed to us a most precious legacy, a specialty we have chosen as careers and where we have all found some of life’s most important rewards. In his own words, a meaningful life that can only be measured by what he thought constitutes “true happiness” – a life lived in the service of our God and country, while enjoying a journey filled to the brim by love of family, friends and fellowmen.

Abstract. Total gaseous mercury (TGM) was measured onboard a passenger aircraft during monthly CARIBIC flights (Civil Aircraft for Regular Investigation of the Atmosphere Based on an Instrumented Container) made between May 2005 and March 2007 on the routes Frankfurt-São Paulo-Santiago de Chile and back (seven times four flights) and Frankfurt-Guangzhou-Manila and back (twelve times four flights). The data provide for the first time an insight into the seasonal distributions of TGM in the upper troposphere and lower stratosphere (UT/LS) of both hemispheres and demonstrate the importance of mercury emissions from biomass burning in the Southern Hemisphere. Numerous plumes were observed in the upper troposphere, the larger of which could be characterized in terms of Hg/CO emission ratios and their probable origins. During the flights to China TGM correlated with CO in the upper troposphere with a seasonally dependent slope reflecting the longer lifetime of elemental mercury when compared to that of CO. A pronounced depletion of TGM was always observed in the extratropical lowermost stratosphere. TGM concentrations there were found to decrease with the increasing concentrations of particles. Combined with the large concentrations of particle bond mercury in the stratosphere observed by others, this finding suggests either a direct conversion of TGM to particle bound mercury or an indirect conversion via a semivolatile bivalent mercury compound. Based on concurrent measurements of SF6 during two flights, the rate of this conversion is estimated to 0.4 ng m−3 yr−1. A zero TGM concentration was not observed during some 200 flight hours in the lowermost stratosphere suggesting an equilibrium between the gaseous and particulate mercury.

In recent years, research on lectins is a hot topic in bivalve feeding choice studies. Ruditapes philippinarum are marine bivalves with important economic value. A new C-type lectin (Rpcl) from the manila clam was obtained and its potential role in feed selection was studied. Rpcl cDNA was 929 bp in length and had 720 bp of open reading frame. Rpcl encoded 235 amino acids, comprising a carbohydrate recognition domain (CRD) as well as an N-terminal signal peptide. Rpcl contained a conserved CRD disulfide bond including five cysteine residues (Cys125, Cys142, Cys213, Cys219, and Cys237) and the QPN motif (GLN204-PRO205-ASN206). Phylogenetic analysis revealed that the amino acid sequence of Rpcl was closely related to that of Vpclec-1 from R. philippinarum and C-type lectin from Mercenaria. The qPCR analysis indicated that, Rpcl expression was observed in all examined tissues and was the highest in gills, followed by in the hepatopancreas, and to a lesser extent in the mantle and lip. The in vitro agglutination experiments showed that, the purified Rpcl protein could selectively agglutinate with different microalgae. The strongest agglutinating effect with Chlorella sp. was observed, followed by Karlodinium veneficum and Chaetoceros debilis. No agglutination with Prorocentrum minimum was observed. In the feeding experiment, compared with that of the starvation group, Rpcl expression in the lip and gill of the clam fed with C. debilis and K. veneficum showed a significant upward trend with the change of time. In addition, it was found that the changes in the expression of the Rpcl gene in the gill and lip, the main feeding tissues, were consistent with the slope of the decrease of the microalgal cells in the water body. In summary, Rpcl is involved in the feeding selection process in R. philippinarum. In addition, based on the results that the expression of lectin in the lip is consistent with the slope of the change in algal cell number, it is concluded that the lip lectin plays a deterministic role in feeding of R. philippinarum.

ResumenSintetizamos hallazgos de una investigación de contraste realizada en Colombia y Argentina. El método empleado fue de intervención clínica aplicada a la investigación utilizando espacios de habla, entrevistas de orientación clínica, diarios de bordo y clínico con los cuales conseguimos obtener discursos singulares de adolescentes y extrajimos salidas de constitución subjetiva. También usamos técnicas más convencionales con las que accedimos a discursos particulares que se tienen sobre adolescentes. Así conseguimos identificar, en adolescentes, raperos y grafiteros, que sus salidas a la encrucijada de la adolescencia, relacionadas con las agrupaciones, se dan con la sustitución de sus nombres. Presentamos dos casos de raperos que con sus seudónimos buscan el fortalecimiento del lazo filial –social, en especial con las madres –.Palabras clave: nominación, identificación, nombre propio, sustitución, par-cero. AbstractWe summarize the findings of a contrast research carried out in Colombia and Argentina. The method used was the clinic intervention applied to research by using talking spaces, interviews of clinic orientation, logbooks, and the clinic with which we could obtain both singular discourses of the adolescents and solutions of subjective constitution. We also used some more conventional techniques with which we had access to existing particular discourses on adolescents. Therefore, we could identify that, among adolescents, rappers, and graffiti artists, their solutions –related to groups– to the adolescence crossroads happen by substituting their names. We present the cases of two rappers who seek, through their pseudonym, the strengthening of the filial-social bond, especially with their mothers.Keywords: naming, identification, proper name, substitution, par-cero [buddy/pair-zero]. RésuméCet article présente de manière synthétisée des résultats d'une recherche contrastive effectuée en Colombie et en Argentine. La méthode employée a été celle de l'intervention clinique appliquée à la recherche. Des espaces de prise de parole, des entretiens à orientation clinique et des journaux cliniques et de bord ont permis l'identification de discours singuliers d'adolescents, ainsi que des processus de construction subjective. Des techniques plus conventionnelles ont également dévoilé des discours particuliers sur les adolescents. De cette façon, l'on a pu constater que chez les adolescents, rappeurs et graffiteurs, la substitution de leurs noms au sein des groupes représente le moyen de sortir du carrefour de l'adolescence. L'article présente deux cas de rappeurs qui, à travers leurs pseudonymes, cherchent à renforcer le lien filial-social, en particulier avec les mères.Mot-clés : nomination, identification, nom propre, substitution, par-cero [pote/pair-zéro].

Abstract: The Chinese Law on Property (LoP) was codified in March 2007. The existing provisions on security rights in property, which are an important component thereof, have been consolidated in the newly adopted Law. The aim of this article is to analyse in detail several highly controversial issues, such as creation and perfection, accessoriness and foreclosure of security rights, security rights in bankruptcy proceedings, priority rules, mortgages in movables and real estate, the floating charge, restrictions on the rights of disposal enjoyed by security provider as well as the bona fide acquisition of security rights. This analysis reveals a number of challenges arising from a number of incomplete mixed borrowings from foreign laws, with which China is now faced in constructing an internally coherent and nationally uniform system of property law. Résumé: Le droit chinois de la propriété a été codifié en mars 2007. Les dispositions existantes sur le droit des sûretés en matière de propriété, qui en est une composante importante, ont été renforcées dans la loi nouvelle. Le but du présent article est d’analyser en détail plusieurs questions hautement controversables, telles que la création et l’achèvement, le caractère accessoire et la forclusion des sûretés, le droit des sûretés dans les procédures de liquidation judiciaire, la procédure d?ordre, les hypothèques sur des biens meubles et immeubles, les « charges flottantes », les restrictions au droit de disposition dont bénéficie celui qui octroie une sûreté, ainsi que l’acquisition de bonne foi de sûretés. Cette analyse révèle plusieurs défis, provenant d’emprunts à des droits étrangers et mêlés de manière incomplète, défis auxquels la Chine fait face actuellement dans la construction d’un système de droit de la propriété cohérent intrinsèquement et uniforme au niveau national. Zusammenfassung: Das chinesische Sachenrecht wurde im März 2007 kodifiziert. Die bisherigen Bestimmungen zu den Scherungsrechten am Eigentum, die einen wichtigen Teil des Sachenrechts darstellten, wurden überarbeitet und in ein neu angenommenes Gesetz eingeführt. Dieser Beitrag beabsichtigt einige der sehr kontroversen Themen, wie zum Beispiel die Schaffung und Vollendung, die Akzessorietät und Vollstreckung von Sicherungsrechten, Sicherungsrechte in Insolvenzverfahren, die Prioritätsregel, Hypotheken auf bewegliche und unbewegliche Sachen, die Floating Charge, die Beschränkungen der Verfügungsbefugnis des Anbieters eines Sicherungsrechts sowie auch der gutgläubige Erwerb eines Sicherungsrechts, detailliert darzustellen und zu analysieren. Diese Analyse wird eine Anzahl von Herausforderungen aufzeigen, die durch eine Anzahl nicht vollständig aus ausländischen Rechtsordnungen übernommener Institute verursacht wurde und mit denen China bei der Schaffung eines intern kohärenten und national einheitlichen Systems des Sachenrechts konfrontiert wird.

Pour definir ce que l’extrême contemporain veut dire, nous faisons référence, encore de nos jours, à Michel Chaillou, à qui nous devons ce concept, sans oublier pour autant la bibliographie intervenue plus tard. Rappelons au passage quelques essais qui s’intéressent à la définition et à la problématisation de l’extrême contemporain, parus depuis la fin du XXe siècle : Viart, D. (1999), Le Roman français au XXe siècle. Hachette ; Blanckeman, B., Mura-Brunel, A. Dambre, M. (2004), Le Roman français au tournant du XXIe siècle, Presses de la Sorbonne Nouvelle ; Pellegrini, R. G. (dir.) (2004), Trois études sur le roman de l’extrême contemporain, Schena ; Viart, D., Vercier, B. & Évrard, F. (2008), La littérature française au présent. Héritage, modernité, mutation, Bordas ; Holter, J. (2017), Le clair-obscur « extrême contemporain ». Brill-Rodopi. Dans « L’extrême contemporain, journal d’une idée », Chaillou tâche de définir ainsi son invention : « ce qui est extrêmement contemporain […]. Ce qui m’est le plus proche, mes proches, un même cœur, amis, ma chemise, mes culottes, ce qui touche à la peau, ma savate » (Chaillou, 1987, p. 5). Plus loin, il dit que l’extrême contemporain est « le présent interrogé, saisi aux ouïes, tiré hors de la nasse […]. Ce qui est si contemporain, si avec vous dans le même temps que vous ne pouvez vous en distinguer, l’apercevoir, definir son visage » (Chaillou, 1987, p. 5-6). On ne peut que retrouver certains de ses mots dans les essais qui constituent ce dossier. Dans les quatre articles qui le composent, il est question, en effet, de l’intime, du trop intime, de l’histoire, de ce qui est avec nous en même temps que nous, de ce qui continue à nous interroger sans cesse. On y retrouvera à plusieurs reprises le mot « extrême » : il sera question de traductions ou d’auto-traductions hardies ou « extrêmes », d’auteurs et d’écritures « extrêmes », soit à cause des thématiques abordées, soit à cause des formes adoptées, ou les deux en même temps. Ce n’est pas par hasard si le dossier s’ouvre sur une analyse qu’Aura Sevón consacre à Vivre l’orange, livre publié par Hélène Cixous en 1979. L’œuvre bilingue, plurielle, célèbre de manière radicale la plurealité, selon le terme inventé par Cixous quelques années auparavant. Dans l’essai, l’auteure s’efforce d’ausculter le style fragmentaire propre à Cixous et d’en extraire une pratique de la traduction conçue non seulement comme un processus intellectuel mais aussi comme une pratique sensorielle et émotionnelle. Il y a dans le geste d’écriture de Cixous, extrême à bien des égards, un appel à l’hospitalité, à l’étrangeté. Le fait de placer la traduction avant l’original, cela ne serait qu’un geste « extrême » visant à déconstruire la hiérarchie entre l’original et la version, entre l’auteure et la traductrice. Par sa nature bilingue, ensuite multilingue, par l’hybridation, les jeux de mots polysémiques et les glissements homophones, Vivre l’orange remettrait en question la suprématie du rationnel, la linéarité textuelle, voire la notion même d’auteure. À cette première déclinaison de l’extrême s’ensuit l’essai de Stéphane Konan Luc Brou « La double dominante générique dans Zakwato. Pour que ma terre ne dorme jamais ». L’auteur s’y intéresse à l’œuvre de Azo Vauguy, poète contemporain qui s’inscrit à plein titre dans le renouvellement des formes repoussant à l’extrême les frontières de la poésie. Si la disposition typographique du vers s’accomode, d’une certaine manière, à l’attente du lecteur et au code poétique, le code narratif s’affiche tout de même. La présence de la troisième personne, les temps et les perspectives narratives rendent floues les frontières entre les genres. L’auteur de l’article semble défendre l’idée que l’association des « caractérisèmes » de la narrativité à ceux de la poéticité concourt à fixer le statut de la poésie négro-africaine issue de la tradition orale. Le troisième article de notre dossier explore la production narrative en Côte d’Ivoire. Babyface de Koffi Kwahulé s’inscrit dans cette nouvelle génération de romanciers qui transgressent la norme grammaticale et hybrident les discours. En effet, Daouda Coulibaly recourt à la notion d’hybridité et de carnavalisation pour mettre en lumière la modernité de ce texte de l’extrême. Babyface se situerait dans une sorte d’interlangue, entre plurilinguisme et énonciation sociolectal. De ce fait, il invente un code langagier qui n’obéit qu’aux exigences littéraires. En outre, Babyface représente, en quelque sorte, le syncrétisme de tous les genres littéraires car la poésie, le théâtre, le journal intime y trouvent leur place dans le but de démontrer la capacité de ce roman à accueillir les différentes facettes du réel. Il s’agit donc d’un récit factuel qui dépeint avec force la société ivoirienne contemporaine, considérée comme étant « extrême » à bien des égards. Il y aurait, enfin, une sorte de conjonction entre la forme rupturiste adoptée et la réalité racontée, toutes deux hors norme. Le dernier article du dossier, « Visions et représentations du quartier Chinatown à Paris dans les films français de l’extrême contemporain : de l’exotisme au multiculuralisme », nous fait plonger dans le quartier parisien appelé Chinatown. L’analyse des films Augustin, roi du Kung-fu (1999), Paris je t’aime (2006), Made in China (2019) et Les Olympiades (2021) nous montrent un paysage urbain flou, situé entre le réel et l’imaginaire. Du point de vue strictement démographique et économique, l’identité de Chinatown est douteuse tout en étant présente et agissante. Yue Pan se sert avec justesse de la notion foucauldienne d’hétérotopie afin de qualifier ces espaces difficiles à cerner mais qui existent dans la conscience collective. On pourrait se demander pourquoi des cinéastes français s’intéressent à ce lieu décentré qui peut être partout et nulle part. Dépassée l’exoticisation, cet espace non-parisien à l’intérieur de Paris participerait à cette notion d’hybridité difficile à illustrer et contribuerait au renouvellement des images de Paris au cinéma. Il nous inviterait aussi à réfléchir sur la multiculturalité à la française. En outre, les personnages masculins, les seuls non-asiatiques qui entrent dans Chinatown, mettent en exergue l’érotisation de cet espace et l’extrême stéréotypisation de la femme asiatique en général et chinoise en particulier. Ce dossier de la revue HYBRIDA portant sur l’EXTRÊME nous a permis de faire un bond en avant dans la contemporanéité de la production culturelle en français, de comprendre les enjeux poétiques et politiques de quelques écrivain·e·s, poètes et metteurs en scène. Nous avons pu constater comment ces auteur·e·s ne cessent de remettre en question les formes et les acquis, les frontières et les images, seule manière valable, à notre sens, d’interroger notre présent, pour tenter d’en saisir son agitation et son mouvement constants. Ce n’est pas un hasard si le dossier s’ouvre avec Cixous et se clôt avec l’usage du concept foucauldien d’hétérotopie ; les deux, Cixous et Foucault, ayant profondément réfléchi aux questions et aux discours de l’extrême.

Cochlear implants are now the treatment of choice for patients with severe to profound hearing loss. Inclusion criteria for cochlear implantation have expanded, and a whole array of implantable hearing devices have been introduced over the years. To date, more than 250 cochlear implantations have now been performed in the Philippines (Figure 1). In 2006, the first auditory brainstem implantation, and first vibroplasty or middle ear implantation in the country were done at the Philippine General Hospital (PGH). In 2008, the first electroacoustic stimulation or partial deafness cochlear implantation surgery in the country was performed at the Capitol Medical Center by Professor Joachim Müeller of the University of Würzburg and the author. This concept, that cochlear implantation can be performed for patients with residual hearing or only partial deafness, is quite novel. There are patients whose low frequency hearing below 1.5 kHz is still be quite good while high frequency hearing loss above 1.5 kHz is in the severe to profound range (Figure 2). For such patients speech discrimination scores will typically fall below 60% at 65 dB sound pressure level (SPL) in the best aided condition. This technological advancement, often called electroacoustic stimulation (EAS), was developed in 1999 after Christoph Von Ilberg demonstrated preserved residual low frequency hearing in a patient who underwent cochlear implantation such that the patient wore a hearing aid in the implanted ear.1 Currently, EAS devices are available from two manufacturers. Contraindications to the use of EAS are shown in Table 1. Candidates for EAS devices should have stable low frequency hearing. There should be no progressive or autoimmune sensorineural hearing loss. Also there should be no history of meningitis, otosclerosis, or any other malformation that might cause an obstruction. The patient’s air-bone gap should be < 15 dB. Finally, there should not be any external auditory canal problems that can impede placement of the ear mould for the acoustic component. There are two main components of the EAS system (Figure 3). The external component is made up of a microphone that picks up sounds and a processor that separately encodes low and high frequency energy. After processing, low frequency energy is converted into an acoustic signal via the loudspeaker located in the ear hook and delivered into the external auditory canal. This acoustic signal will vibrate the tympanic membrane and ossicles so that cochlear fluids as well as the relatively intact structures of the cochlea in the apical region are stimulated. In contrast, high frequency energy is coded into radio-wave-like signals which are transmitted transcutaneously to the internal receiver. There, electric signals are delivered to the electrode array that has been surgically implanted into the cochlea. Thus the auditory nerve receives information using two different pathways from low and high frequency sounds, and the auditory nerve signals are then transmitted to the brain. Our Experience: Of the more than 100 implantations done under the Philippine National Ear Institute “CHIP” or Cochlear and Hearing Implants Programme only one was a case of EAS implantation. This particular case demonstrates key principles and concepts that every otolaryngologist should consider. Among these are audiological evaluation, temporal bone imaging, surgical technique for hearing preservation and some quality of life issues. Audiological Evaluation A 33 year old man had been seen at the clinic for over 7 years, with serial audiograms (Figure 4-6) illustrating the presence of good and stable low frequency hearing while high frequency hearing loss increased somewhat. The patient had been continually advised to get the best hearing aids available. However, a series of high-end hearing aids did not solve his problem of poor hearing in noisy places nor his difficulty understanding words when watching television and movies. Figure 7A shows the speech perception scores of this patient obtained with a Word Intelligibility by Picture Identification (WIPI) test, a “closed-set test” using isolated words while Figure 7B represents speech scores when “open-set” Bamford-Kowal-Bench (BKB) Sentence Lists were presented to the listener in both quiet and noise prior to the implantation. Temporal bone imaging A combination of high resolution computerized tomography (HRCT) of the temporal bone with both coronal and axial cochlear views, and T2-weighted normal anatomic Fast Spin Echo (T2 FSE) or 3D Constructive Interference in Steady State (3D CISS) MRI sequences of the inner ear should be done. Results from both studies should ascertain whether the cochlear duct is patent, ruling out any cochlear fibrosis or obstructive pathology. This patient’s HRCT and 3-D CISS MRI studies showed no such cochlear obliteration that would have posed intraoperative difficulties and constituted contraindications to EAS surgery (Figure 8). Surgical Technique for Hearing Preservation A variety of techniques have evolved over the years into what is now commonly called minimally invasive cochlear implantation. Using minimally invasive techniques, residual hearing can indeed be preserved in over 80%-90% of patients 3,4 Initially, a “Soft Cochleostomy” technique was introduced. This entailed careful low-speed drilling of the promontory with a Skeeter® drill (Medtronic Xomed, Jacksonville FL, USA) followed by the use of a mini-lancet to make an opening in the membranous labyrinth. This method avoids direct suctioning and prevents ingress of blood and bone dust into the intracochlear compartment. Also, for this method, the endosteum is left intact after drilling a cochleostomy antero-inferior to the round window. This allows proper placement of the electrode into the scala tympani with less chance of injury to the basilar membrane. Later, a round window approach was introduced, and it also proved to be a reliable way to preserve residual hearing during cochlear implantation. For this method, a more direct round window approach is performed after careful drilling of the round window niche. A limited incision is made just large enough to allow the electrode to be inserted. For both methods, after the endosteal or round window membrane incision is made with a micro lancet, a very flexible electrode of 20 mm length is slowly inserted. During the insertion process, the cochleostomy or round window is kept under direct vision so that insertion forces are minimized. Topical antibiotics and steroids are applied at this time to reduce any inflammatory or apoptotic reactions related to the trauma of opening the cochlea and introducing an electrode. Finally, a soft tissue plug is placed tightly around the electrode entry point into the membranous labyrinth to prevent perilymph leakage. New electrode designs that are thinner and more flexible are important contributors to the preservation of hearing. Postoperative Outcomes and Quality of Life After about 4-6 weeks from the time of surgery the EAS implant is switched on. Based on our experience and that of others,3 speech perception performance improves with prolonged experience with the implant. Roughly 1 ½ years post-surgery this patient has achieved dramatic improvement in hearing both in quiet and in noise using the EAS compared to using only the hearing aid component or the CI component alone. Figure 9 shows this dramatic improvement in free-field pure tone thresholds. Figure 10 demonstrates the speech perception following EAS implantation compared to pre-EAS implantation. Audiologic evaluation done at the PGH Ear Unit using 20 phonetically balanced Filipino words familiar to the patient in quiet and with 55 dB masking noise in the side of the implanted ear clearly showed an advantage with the EAS configuration compared to either hearing aid or CI component alone. Even with noise, this patient actually performed better presumably because he may have concentrated more with the introduction of masking noise. Another factor of course is that the words have now become familiar to the patient with the previous testing done in quiet. Notably, he reported great subjective improvement after only 10 months post-surgery.5 Interestingly the patient’s only complaint during his last follow-up was that he had not been offered bilateral EAS implantation. It is always important for the otolaryngologist to consider the quality of hearing and quality of life of patients with hearing loss. Intervention should not end with a referral note to a hearing aid center or dispenser. It is important to request proof of improvement not only of hearing thresholds but of speech perception outcomes in quiet and in noise. That is, one should document actual performance with the device in place, regardless of the type of device (hearing aid, an EAS device, or a Cochlear implant). Minimal disturbance of the remaining intact structures of the cochlea of patients with low frequency residual hearing can be achieved by employing a meticulous surgical technique, by using the advanced and flexible electrodes developed by some manufacturers, and instilling intraoperative antibiotics and steroids. Thus when one is faced with a ski-slope type audiogram it is likely the patient with this audiogram will not benefit from hearing aids. Such patients should be offered the option of EAS implantation which combines good acoustic stimulation with electric stimulation using a shorter (than conventional cochlear implantation) but very flexible electrode system. Counseling must also be done with a special emphasis on the risk of losing residual hearing, and noting that post-operative rehabilitation may take a long period of time. This patient now has a better quality of life than was obtainable from the most expensive and advanced hearing aids in the market, and has demonstrated a new implantable solution to partial deafness. Truly, EAS technology has opened a new era in prosthetic rehabilitation for hearing impaired adults and children.5 Acknowledgement Dr. Maria Rina Reyes-Quintos is gratefully acknowledged for performing all the excellent audiological testing following the surgery while Susan Javier and Angie Tongko of Manila Hearing Aid Center performed all the audiological testing prior to the surgery. Ms. Celina Ann Tobias, Professional Education Manager of Med-El is also credited with thanks for preparing the figures, reviewing the manuscript and interviewing the patient regarding his hearing performance following the surgery.

A sixth season of excavation at the late Roman rural estate of Gerace (Enna province, Sicily) took place in 2019. The principal goal, of completing the investigation of the bath-house of ca. 380 (first discovered in 2016), was achieved. A second cold pool of the frigidarium was excavated, and found to be very well preserved; in a secondary period, probably during construction, it had been made smaller than originally planned. Bricks underpinning its marble floor are, at ca. 65 cm square, among the largest known, and may document continuing use of the Doric foot measure (widespread in classical and Hellenistic Sicily) into late antiquity. The marble floor had been ripped up during the stripping process in the fifth century, when a bonfire was lit inside the pool. The caldarium also saw modification during construction (it too was made smaller than planned); its mosaic floor was smashed (although its design was recoverable) and all but one of the pilae stacks supporting the floor were removed during demolition. The opus signinum floor of an adjacent hot-water pool had been similarly destroyed. Its back wall was severely fractured by the earthquake that struck Gerace in the second half of the fifth century, possibly not before ca. ad 470. Part of its praefurnium was also excavated, but total exposure was hindered by the precarious state of the masonry. The exterior of the praefurnium of tepidarium 2 was also explored. Two successive water conduits were found to the north, and the water system for supplying the baths hypothetically reconstructed. An enigmatic apse belonging to another building, possibly mid-imperial, was also discovered. Finds in the baths included a new monogrammed tile stamp reading ANTONINI or similar, a leg of a marble statuette, and five chamber pots, four of them reconstructable entire. Four appendices contain reports on other ongoing research. Work on the animal bones include for the first time isotopic analysis of a sample; the number of equid bones continues to rise to unusually high levels for a Roman archaeological site in the Mediterranean. Continuing analysis of the carbonized wood has identified that the hypocaust fuel for the baths comprised oak and olive-tree cuttings. Investigation of a deposit inside one of the chamber pots has shown the presence of eggs of intestinal whipworm (and therefore of faeces), so proving the function of such vessels for the first time. Une sixième saison de fouilles sur le site du domaine rural romain d’époque tardive de Gerace (province d’Enna, Sicile) a eu lieu en 2019. L’objectif principal, à savoir compléter l’investigation des bains datant d’env. 380 apr. J.-C. (découverts en 2016), fut atteint. Un second bassin du frigidarium fut mis au jour et se révéla très bien conservé. Il avait été aménagé dans des dimensions moindres que celles initialement prévues, ce changement ayant probablement été opéré directement au moment des travaux de construction. Les briques qui sous-tendent son plancher en marbre sont, à env. 65 cm2, parmi les plus grandes connues, et peuvent attester de l’utilisation prolongée de la mesure en pied dorique (répandue en Sicile classique et hellénistique) jusque dans l’Antiquité tardive. Le plancher de marbre avait été arraché au Ve siècle lors du processus de décapage, lorsqu’un feu avait été allumé à l’intérieur du bassin. Le caldarium fit lui aussi l’objet de modifications au moment de sa construction (il fut lui-même réduit par rapport à son plan initial); son sol en mosaïque était fracassé (bien que sa conception ait pu être récupérée) et toutes les piles de pilae qui supportaient le plancher sauf une furent retirées au moment de la démolition. Le pavement d’ opus signinum d’un bassin d’eau chaude adjacent avait été détruit de la même manière. Son mur arrière avait été sévèrement fracturé par le tremblement de terre qui frappa Gerace durant la seconde moitié du Ve siècle (peut-être pas avant env. 470 apr. J.-C.). Une partie de son praefurnium fut également fouillée, mais l’exposition entière fut entravée par l’état précaire de la maçonnerie. L’extérieur du praefurnium du tepidarium 2 fut également exploré. Deux conduites d’eau successives furent retrouvées au nord, et le système d’alimentation en eau des bains a pu être hypothétiquement reconstitué. Une abside énigmatique appartenant à un autre édifice, datant possiblement du milieu de l’empire, fut par ailleurs mise au jour. Les découvertes dans les bains comprenaient une nouvelle marque d’étampe sur une tuile d’un monogramme indiquant ANTONINI ou similaire, une jambe d’une statuette en marbre et cinq pots de chambre, dont quatre étaient entièrement reconstructibles. Quatre annexes contiennent des rapports sur d’autres recherches en cours. Les travaux sur les os d’animaux comprenaient pour la première fois l’analyse isotopique d’un échantillon. Le nombre d’ossements d’équidés continue d’augmenter à des niveaux anormalement élevés pour un site archéologique romain en Méditerranée. L’analyse continue de bois carbonisé a permis d’identifier que le combustible de l’hypocauste pour les bains comprenait de chêne et des boutures d’olivier. L’analyse d’un dépôt à l’intérieur d’un des pots de chambre a révélé la présence d’œufs de trichocéphale intestinal (et donc d’excréments), prouvant ainsi la fonction de ces vaisseaux pour la première fois.

My father was a true blue “promdi” from Angeles City, Pampanga. A son of a humble businessman who grew up with 3 siblings. A happy-go-lucky teenager who sometimes got into trouble with the usual traps of growing up and never really cared about his future. With the carefree attitude growing up, he was given an ultimatum by my grandfather. “Son, if you won’t study and don’t get serious with your life, you will be a bum or a beggar on the street.” Having an epiphany, he started getting inspiration from an uncle who was an EENT doctor -- observing in his clinic during summer and that started the fire that built his career of becoming a doctor. He graduated from the University of Santo Tomas Faculty of Medicine in Manila in 1959 then flew to the United States and had seven years of specialization -- first at the Elmhurst Hospital, New York City where he became Chief Resident in Otolaryngology. Not content with his training in ENT he decided to take a second specialty in Ophthalmology, with a three-year residency in Toronto East General Hospital in Canada. He could have stayed in North America to practice but opted to return to his hometown and serve his fellow Kapampangans, establishing Clinica Henson Eye, Ear, Nose and Throat Center in Angeles City. He always liked to tell stories about his residency training days in the US. They did a lot of stapedectomy cases during those times and after every procedure the surgeon whispered in the ear of the patient and asked, “Who is the president of the United States” and the patient should answer “John F. Kennedy.” A memorable situation was while he was doing a tonsillectomy, the nurse said out loud that JFK had been just been assassinated. The most memorable memento he brought home after his training was a Zeiss operating microscope. His mentors told him he should buy one and bring it home to better diagnose and manage ENT cases especially otologic procedures. They said it was a good investment since his children could also use it in their future practice. I’m happy and proud to say that we still use this microscope in our clinic OPD in Angeles City. His thirst for learning and improving his craft continued as he grew his practice. He did further training in Facial Plastic and Cosmetic Surgery in the 70’s at the University of California at Davies Sacramento USA and Shirakabe Clinic Osaka, Japan with the guidance of his mentor Dr. Jose Mathay. He eventually set up a cosmetic surgery clinic along Roxas Blvd in the 80’s and was one of the founding members of the Philippine Society for Cosmetic Surgery. His core competence was Rhinoplasty using silicone implant during those days. My mom, a fine arts graduate and portrait artist, helped in carving and designing the silicone implants. I must say that they were a perfect combination. Most of his patients were the wives of military officers and personnel from Clark Air Force base during the 70’s and 80’s. He also practiced in St. Luke’s Medical Center, Quezon City. Passion for teaching also led him to be a Professor of Otolaryngology at the University of the East Ramon Magsaysay Memorial Medical Hospital and Angeles University Foundation. I remember one of his students in UERM told me that his lectures also included life lessons, how to enjoy your practice and how to be a well-rounded doctor. He inspired a lot of students and residents who trained under him. Growing up as the child of a doctor, my siblings and I were enthralled by his life as a medical man. He was well-respected in the community not just in medicine but also in government service. His passion to serve brought him into politics and he once served as a provincial Board Member of the province of Pampanga during the Cory Aquino administration. He was also very active in the Rotary Club both locally and internationally. He was a people person and everyone knew him. He had that certain charisma that lights up the room. As a family, we were known to be a tennis team. Everybody played including my mom and my brothers. He also enjoyed playing golf with my mom-- and don’t even ask who was the better player! Family dinner was usually spent in debates about medical and surgical cases with my mother as the referee. He really took care of his patients. He always reminded us to give the best service to our patients because they travelled from faraway places just to see you. He never gave up even on challenging cases. I was always in awe when I saw him do local anesthesia on patients undergoing tonsillectomy and Caldwell Luc procedures after my residency. He always advocated using local anesthesia on almost all his surgical procedures. Seeing patients with him in the clinic has taught me a lot but it was also interesting and challenging because we sometimes debated on treatments in front of a patient. I enjoyed travelling with him during conferences and courses abroad. He liked to update himself by observing in FESS, temporal bone and oculoplasty courses. These were our bonding moments as father and son and also with my brother Raoul who is an ophthalmologist[1]oculoplastic surgeon. One thing I miss most about him is when we used to do surgery together. When my brother and I encounter difficult or challenging cases he was always there to provide advice on how to go about it. I am indeed lucky to have a father with the same passion and vocation. I hope I can continue the legacy with my children. I hope my father remains to be an inspiration to his former students and residents. A true gentleman to his family, profession and the community he served.

That murmur, soon replies, “God doth not need Either man’s work or his own gifts; who best Bear his mild yoke, they serve him best. His state Is Kingly. Thousands at his bidding speed And post o’er Land and Ocean without rest: They also serve who only stand and wait.”1 1John Milton, Sonnet 19 The COVID-19 Pandemic has brought out most of the best (and some of the worst) in us. Much has been said, shared, even sung about health care workers as frontline heroes. Whether we indeed form the frontline, or man the last line of defense, due credit is being given to all “front-liners” – essential-service workers, drivers and delivery personnel, security guards, the military and police who literally serve in the trenches of this invisible war. Indeed, it is heartening to read the inspiring messages, hear the encouraging words, listen to the uplifting (sometimes funny) music and songs, witness the moving memes and cartoons, watch the refreshing dances and tributes, and receive the healing blessings and prayers on various media and social media platforms. Indeed, we are motivated to continue to work, so that others may safely stay home. Some of us have even been called upon to die, so that others may live. But so much less is and has been said about those who make our battle possible, who selflessly and silently took it upon themselves to clothe us with personal protective equipment, feed us, transport us, and even shelter us as we engage the unseen enemy. It is these heroes I wish to thank today. I certainly cannot thank them all, but I sincerely hope that those I do mention will represent the many others I cannot. Early on, my brother Elmer Lapeña and his Team Twilight group of “golfing enthusiasts and friends” (“company owners, executives, managers, engineers, technicians, entrepreneurs, and expats in the electronics, semiconductor, metalworking, automotive, aerospace, and packaging manufacturing industries”) responded to the call for better protection for frontliners with door-to-door deliveries of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) to over 40 hospitals in the National Capitol Region, Rizal, Cavite, Laguna and Batangas including the Philippine General Hospital (PGH).2 On a personal note, Elmer and my sister-in-law Annette were closely monitoring our situation, going out of their way to obtain difficult-to-find PPEs for my wife Josie and myself, and our respective Departments of Family and Community Medicine (DFCM) and Otorhinolaryngology (ORL) at the PGH. For her part, our very dear friend Gigi Bautista Rapadas organized Project #HelpCovid19Warriors(HCW), to “go where the virus goes” and “help where help is needed and requested,” harnessing donations from ‘family, friends, and friends of friends” to procure PPE (as well as disinfectants, even canned goods) that were distributed “from Metro Manila to the provinces: Tuguegarao, Bataan, Bulacan, La Union, Nueva Vizcaya, Cavite,” moving from hospitals and health centers to correctional institutes.3 It is because of them that our PGH Department of ORL obtained very expensive but essential respirator hoods for added protection from aerosolized virus when conducting airway procedures, in addition to head-to-foot PPEs for use of the PGH DFCM in attending to PGH staff at the UP Health Service. Meanwhile, without fanfare, our dear friends Popot and Agnes (also my DLSU ’79 classmate) Lorenzana provided cooked meals for 1,000 persons daily. Working with on-the-ground social workers and with the 2KK Tulong sa Kapwa Kapatid Foundation, their Feeding Program “A thousand meals for poor communities” reached Payatas, Talayan, Pinyahan, Smokey Mountain, Maisan, Bagong Silang, Old Balara, Tatalon, Sta. Teresita, Sampaloc, and Sta. Ana, among more than 50 other communities. They generously responded to my wife’s request to provide meals for her community patients of the Canossa Health Center in Tondo. They have also provided meals for hospital staff of Amang Rodriguez Memorial Medical Center, the Medical City Hospital, Veterans Memorial Medical Center, Dr. Jose Fabella Memorial Hospital, Dr. Jose Rodriquez Memorial Hospital, Quezon City General Hospital, the San Lazaro Hospital, Valenzuela City Emergency and Lung Center of the Philippines. They continue this service which to date has provided for more than 32,000 meals, with corporate partners and private individuals joining the effort.4 Other De La Salle University (DLSU) College ‘79 batchmates who wish to remain anonymous obtained board approval of their endorsement to channel all the social development funds of their Maritime Multipurpose Cooperative for the next 3 years to the Philippine General Hospital. Adding their personal funds (and those solicited by their daughter and nephew), they took on the daunting task of sourcing and proving Powered Air Purifying Respirators (PAPRs) for our use. Another DLSU batchmate has been providing PPEs to various hospitals including PGH through their family corporation, Nobleland Ventures, Inc. Even their high school batch ’75 of Saint Jude Catholic School has donated boxes and boxes of PPEs to the PGH and other hospitals. Other DLSU ’79 classmates Bel and Bong Consing, and Timmy, Joy (and Tita Linda) Bautista have personally donated PPEs and funds for our COVID-19 operations, while classmate Fritz de Lange even sent over sweet mangoes for us to enjoy with our fellow frontliners. Generous donations also poured in from La Salle Green Hills (LSGH) High School ’76 friends Cris Ibarra, Norman Uy, Class 4E, and batchmates Tito and Pepper who wish to remain anonymous, as well as Menchit Borbon and her St. Theresa’s College Quezon City (STCQC) - Section 1 classmates. We even received overseas support from my LSGH 4B classmate Bingo Pantaleon from Yangon; my mom Libby, brother Bernie and Lilli, and friend Soyanto from Singapore, and sister Sabine from Germany. And how can we forget the regular frozen food deliveries of Jollibee chicken drumsticks and home-made Bulgogi and Tapa from our dear friends Ed and Aning Go? Perhaps the most touching gifts of all came from my eldest and youngest daughters Melay and Jica, who lovingly prepared and delivered much-appreciated meals to us, and middle child Ro-an, who with our son-in-law Reycay serenaded us with beautiful music that was appreciated by no less than Vice President Leni Robredo and featured by the Philippine Philharmonic Orchestra.5 Their musical fund-raising campaign started with another haunting piece featuring my sister Nina and brother-in-law Kiko.6 As if that was not enough, Ro-an bakes cookies to raise funds for our ongoing COVID-19 operations at PGH, while Melay and Jica keep asking us what we want to eat next. These three count among those who have least, yet “put in everything ” from what little they have.7 These are but a few examples of those known personally to me- my family and friends. And there are many more. In the same way, every other doctor and front liner will have their own stories to tell, of friends, family even mere acquaintances who have come out of the shadows to help, to care, to share in whatever way they can, in fighting this battle with us. Let this be their tribute as well. Those of us who serve in the Philippine General Hospital have been called People Giving Hope.8,9 I believe that we do give hope because others give us hope in turn. I like to think that the inscription in the PGH lobby “They Also Serve Who Care and Share” honors these others in a special way who go over and beyond the call of duty. With apologies to John Milton, our heroes go way over and beyond “they also serve who only stand and wait.”

Background. The use of 3D printing in medical education, prosthetics, and preoperative planning requiresdimensional accuracy of the models compared to the replicated tissues or organs.Objective. To determine the dimensional accuracy of 3D-printed models replicated from metacarpal bones fromcadavers. Methods. Fifty-two models were 3D-printed using fused deposition modeling (FDM), stereolithography (SLA),digital light processing (DLP), and binder jetting method from 13 right first metacarpal bones of cadavers fromthe College of Medicine, University of the Philippines Manila. Six dimensional parameters of the 3D-printedmodels and their control bones were measured using 0.01 mm calipers — length, midshaft diameter, base width,base height, head width, and head height. Mean measurements were compared using non-inferiority testing andmultidimensional scaling. Results. Mean measurements of the 3D-printed models were slightly larger than their control bones (standarddeviation range: 1.219-4.264; standard error range, 0.338-1.183). All models were found to be at least 90% accurateand statistically non-inferior compared to control bones. DLP-printed models were the most accurate (base width,99.62 %) and most similar to their control bone (–0.05, 90% CI –0.34, 0.24). Through multidimensional scaling,DLP-printed models (coordinate = 0.437) were the most similar to the control bone (coordinate = 0.899). Conclusion. The 3D-printed models are dimensionally accurate when compared to bones.

Abstract Muscovy ducks are included in the genus Cairina (Cairina moschata) originating from Mexico, Central America and South America. In Indonesia, this type of duck is known as a duck (entok) or Muscovy duck (muscovy duck). The Muscovy duck belongs to poultry that has relatively shorter legs than its body; the fingers have swimming membranes; the beak is covered by a delicate, sensitive membrane; concave-shaped fur, thick and greasy. The Muscovy duck is a waterfowl that leads to meat as potential commodity that has to be cultivated. This study aims to determine the phenotypic diversity of the Muscovy duck based on morphometrics. The method used in this study was purposive random sampling with the provision that Muscovy ducks aged over 6 months with a total of 100 male and 100 female Muscovy ducks. The parameter measured in this study were beak length, neck length, body length, wing bone length, body weight, femur length, shank length and third finger bone length. The results indicate that the head includes the beak length of males 5.65 ± 0.35 cm and females 4.81 ± 0.31 cm. Male neck length 17.68±0.98 cm, and female 9.01±0.62 cm. Body parts include male body length of 25.86±0.86 cm, and female body length of 23.22±1.02 cm. The length of the wing bones of males is 27.50±1.24 cm, and that of females is 21.76±1.05 cm. Male body weight 3.45±0.20 kg, and female 1.99±0.28 kg. The legs include the length of the male thigh 8.72±0.44 cm, and the female 8.59±0.35 cm. male tarsometatarsus shank length 4.56±0.43 cm, and female 3.83±0.32 cm. The length of the third finger is 7.8±0.26 cm, and the female is 6.40±0.65 cm. The results showed that the morphometric size of the male Muscovy duck was longer than that of the female Muscovy duck due to its phylogenetic characteristics. Keywords: Muscovy Duck, Morphometric Abstrak Itik Muscovy termasuk dalam keluarga (genus) Cairina (Cairina moschata) berasal dari Meksiko, Amerika Tengah dan Amerika Selatan. Di Indonesia bebek ini dikenal dengan mentok (entok) atau itik Muscovy (muscovy duck) dan cukup berpotensi untuk dibudidayakan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui keragaman fenotipik itik Muscovy berdasarkan morfometrik. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah purposive random sampling dengan ketentuan itik Muscovy berusia diatas 6 bulan dengan jumlah data 100 ekor jantan dan 100 ekor betina itik Muscovy. Data yang diukur adalah panjang paruh, panjang leher, panjang badan, panjang tulang sayap, bobot badan, panjang tulang paha, panjang shank dan panjang tulang jari ketiga. Panjang paruh jantan 5,65±0,35 cm dan betina 4,81±0,31 cm. Panjang leher jantan 17,68±0,98 cm, dan betina 9,01±0,62 cm. Panjang badan jantan 25,86±0,86 cm, dan betina 23,22±1,02 cm. Panjang tulang sayap jantan 27,50±1,24 cm, dan betina 21,76±1,05 cm. Bobot badan jantan 3,45±0,20 kg, dan betina 1,99±0,28 kg. Panjang paha jantan 8,72±0,44 cm, dan betina 8,59±0,35 cm. Panjang shank tarsometatarsus jantan 4,56±0,43 cm, dan betina 3,83±0,32 cm. Panjang jari ketiga 7,8±0,26 cm, dan betina 6,40±0,65 cm. Kesimpulan: Ukuran morfometrik itik Muscovy jantan lebih panjang dari pada itik Muscovy betina karena sifat phylogenetik. Kata Kunci : Itik Muscovy, Morfometrik

ABSTRACTBackground: Currently, there is no standardized approach to the frequency of monitoring tacrolimus levels in patients who have undergone hematopoietic stem cell transplant (HSCT). Previously, the practice at the study hospital was to monitor tacrolimus levels daily throughout a patient’s admission. A recent institutional study suggested that measurement of tacrolimus level is more frequent than needed to achieve consistent time in the therapeutic range (TTR), particularly after the first 7 days. As a result, tacrolimus monitoring was changed to daily measurement for the initial week of therapy, followed by measurements on Monday, Wednesday, and Friday in subsequent weeks.Objective:To confirm the safety and efficacy of the recent practice change.Methods: This retrospective chart review of HSCT patients admitted to The Ottawa Hospital involved 68 patients in the pre–practice change group and 43 patients in the post–practice change group. Data on tacrolimus measurement were collected for up to 21 days after initiation of this medication. The proportion of TTR was compared between the2 groups. Differences in the incidence and severity of renal dysfunction and the incidence of acute graft versus host disease (GVHD) were determined and described.Results: In the pre–practice change cohort, the median proportion of TTR for tacrolimus was 40.5% for days 1–7, 65.1% for days 8–14, and 78.9% for days 15–21, similar to the values for the post–practice change group (46.6% [p = 0.09], 62.9% [p = 0.93], and 70.0% [p = 0.22], respectively, for the same periods). The incidence of acute GVHD within 100 days after HSCT was 24% and 33% for the pre– and post–practice change cohorts, respectively. The incidence and severity of renal dysfunction were similar between the 2 groups.Conclusion:The proportion of TTR for tacrolimus was not significantly affected by the recent practice change. Similarly, the incidence and severity of renal dysfunction and the incidence of acute GVHD did not appear to differ between the pre– and post–practice change groups.RÉSUMÉContexte : Il n’existe actuellement aucune approche standardisée portant sur la fréquence des contrôles des valeurs du tacrolimus pour les patients ayant subi une greffe de cellules souches hématopoïétiques (GCSH). Dans le passé, la pratique à l’hôpital où s’est déroulée l’étude consistait à les contrôler quotidiennement durant tout le séjour du patient. Une récente étude institutionnelle a laissé entendre que cette mesure était plus fréquente que nécessaire pour obtenir une marge thérapeutique régulière (TTR), particulièrement après les sept premiers jours. Par conséquent, une modification du contrôle des valeurs du tacrolimus préconise désormais des mesures quotidiennes pendant la première semaine de la thérapie, suivies de mesures le lundi, le mercredi et le vendredi au coursdes semaines suivantes.Objectif : Confirmer la sécurité et l’efficacité du récent changement apporté à la pratique.Méthode : Cet examen rétrospectif des dossiers des patients GCSH admis à l’Hôpital d’Ottawa concernait 68 patients du groupe « avant le changement de pratique » et 43 du groupe « après le changement de pratique ». Les données relatives aux mesures des valeurs du tacrolimus ont été recueillies pendant les 21 premiers jours après le début de l’administration de ce médicament. La comparaison entre les deux groupes portait sur la proportion de TTR. Les différences d’incidence et de gravité du dysfonctionnement rénal et l’apparition de réaction aiguë du griffon contre l’hôte (GVHD) ont été définies et décrites.Résultats : Dans la cohorte « avant le changement de pratique », la proportion moyenne de TTR du tacrolimus était de 40,5 % du 1er au 7e jour; de 65,1 % du 8e au 14e jour et de 78,9 % du 15e au 21e jour. Ces valeurs sont similaires à celles du groupe « après le changement de pratique » (respectivement 46,6 % [p = 0,09], 62,9 % [p = 0,93] et 70,0 % [p = 0,22] pendant les mêmes périodes). L’incidence de réaction aiguë du greffon contre l'hôte dans les 100 jours après la GCSH se montait respectivement à 24 % et à 33 % dans les cohortes « avant et après le changement de pratique ». L’incidence et la gravité du dysfonctionnement rénal étaient similaires dans les deux groupes.Conclusion : La proportion de TTR relative au tacrolimus n’a pas été modifiée de manière significative par le changement récent de pratique. De même, l’incidence et la gravité du dysfonctionnement rénal et l’incidence de réaction aiguë du greffon contre l’hôte ne semblaient pas différer entre les groupes avant et après le changement de pratique.

In November 2012, the educational provisions of the Copyright Modernization Act were proclaimed in force, thereby introducing a number of significant changes to the Canadian Copyright Act. These changes include the expansion of fair dealing to include the purpose of education, the addition of new educational exceptions for the online transmission of lessons and the use of work freely available through the internet, and a number of amendments that make existing educational exceptions more technologically accommodating. This paper considers the significance of these changes for post-secondary instructors, first contextualizing the changes in relation to recent fair dealing jurisprudence, and then considering their significance for everyday instructional practice. Drawing on influential court decisions and the commentary of academics and lawyers, the paper not only describes how the changes to the Copyright Act have expanded the rights and exceptions available to instructors, but also identifies a number of unresolved questions about how the changes should be applied in practice. Despite these areas of uncertainty, the paper concludes that the changes bode well for post-secondary instructors, as they relax many long-standing restrictions around the use of copyrighted works for educational purposes. En novembre 2012, les dispositions éducatives de la Loi sur la modernisation du droit d’auteur ont été proclamées avec force. Elles apportaient un certain nombre de changements significatifs à la Loi du Canada sur le droit d’auteur. Ces changements comprennent l’élargissement de l’utilisation équitable pour y inclure le but de l’éducation, l’addition de nouvelles exceptions éducatives pour la transmission de leçons en ligne et l’utilisation de travaux disponibles à volonté sur internet, ainsi qu’un certain nombre de modifications aux exceptions éducatives existantes qui tiennent davantage compte de la technologie. Cet article examine la signification de ces changements pour les enseignants de niveau post-secondaire, tout d’abord en mettant en contexte les changements par rapport à la jurisprudence récente en matière d’élargissement de l’utilisation, ensuite en examinant leur signification pour la pratique de l’enseignement de tous les jours. L’article, qui met à profit les décisions de la cour et les commentaires d’universitaires et d’avocats, non seulement décrit la manière dont les changements apportés à la Loi du droit d’auteur ont élargi les droits et les exceptions à la disposition des enseignants, il identifie également un certain nombre de questions non résolues sur la manière dont les changements devraient être mis en pratique. Malgré ces zones d’incertitude, l’article en arrive à la conclusion que les changements sont de bon augure pour les enseignants de niveau post-secondaire car ils assouplissent de nombreuses restrictions qui existaient de longue date concernant l’utilisation de travaux protégés par le droit d’auteur pour les besoins éducatifs.

Leptospira interrogans is a bacterial species responsible for leptospirosis, a neglected worldwide zoonosis. Mice and rats are resistant and can become asymptomatic carriers, whereas humans and some other mammals may develop severe forms of leptospirosis. Uncommon among spirochetes, leptospires contain lipopolysaccharide (LPS) in their outer membrane. LPS is highly immunogenic and forms the basis for a large number of serovars. Vaccination with inactivated leptospires elicits a protective immunity, restricted to serovars with related LPS. This protection that lasts in mice, is not long lasting in humans and requires annual boosts. Leptospires are stealth pathogens that evade the complement system and some pattern recognition receptors from the Toll-like (TLR) and Nod-Like families, therefore limiting antibacterial defense. In macrophages, leptospires totally escape recognition by human TLR4, and escape the TRIF arm of the mouse TLR4 pathway. However, very little is known about the recognition and processing of leptospires by dendritic cells (DCs), although they are crucial cells linking innate and adaptive immunity. Here we tested the activation of primary DCs derived from human monocytes (MO-DCs) and mouse bone marrow (BM-DCs) 24h after stimulation with saprophytic or different pathogenic virulent or avirulent L. interrogans. We measured by flow cytometry the expression of DC-SIGN, a lectin involved in T-cell activation, co-stimulation molecules and MHC-II markers, and pro- and anti-inflammatory cytokines by ELISA. We found that exposure to leptospires, live or heat-killed, activated dendritic cells. However, pathogenic L. interrogans, especially from the Icterohaemorraghiae Verdun strain, triggered less marker upregulation and less cytokine production than the saprophytic Leptospira biflexa. In addition, we showed a better activation with avirulent leptospires, when compared to the virulent parental strains in murine BM-DCs. We did not observe this difference in human MO-DCs, suggesting a role for TLR4 in DC stimulation. Accordingly, using BM-DCs from transgenic deficient mice, we showed that virulent Icterohaemorraghiae and Manilae serovars dampened DC activation, at least partly, through the TLR4 and TRIF pathways. This work shows a novel bacterial immune evasion mechanism to limit DC activation and further illustrates the role of the leptospiral LPS as a virulence factor.

Research has been one of the core pillars of the Department of Orthopedics of the Philippine General Hospital over its now 50 years of existence. The department established one of the earliest resident’s research contests in the hospital in 1983 and its graduates regularly publish in peer reviewed journals and present their results in international conferences.1 Residents are required to complete 2 original studies prior to graduation and encouraged to document their clinical cases fully for future observational studies. Despite the apparent fascination, questions remain for a lot of trainees and clinicians. “Why do research? How does it help our patients?” Skepticism abounds as even clinically sound and well-made studies oftentimes do not lead to policy and practice changes needed to improve patient care.2 Given contrarian evidence from randomized controlled trials (RCTs), practices of most established surgeons do not change.3 Hope remains however as evidence-based practice in orthopedics is growing and here to stay.4 Surgeons who accurately examine and diagnose their patient, keep medical records, analyze the medical literature for the best treatment, and explain the available options are subconsciously practicing the scientific methods of observation, documentation, analysis, and reporting conclusions which are the basis of all scientific research. Incorporating research education not just to residency training programs but also to continuing medical education (CME) courses for surgeons may help develop the skills to comprehend new studies and incorporate them into patient care. Reassuringly for the elder surgeon, even old dogs have been shown to learn new tricks for their practice, just not as fast as the younger generation.5 The challenge now presented to Philippine medical practitioners is to develop clinical research that will translate into improved care for patients. As majority of literature dictating treatment for musculoskeletal disorders come from developed countries, case series or observational cohorts reporting local data in our setting is greatly important in guiding patient care.6 The fundamental goal is to produce high quality studies or new breakthroughs that engage discussion amongst a wide audience and lead to system changes that eventually enhance patient outcomes.7 As part of the celebration of the PGH Department of Orthopedics 50th golden anniversary, this orthopedic issue of the ACTA MEDICA PHILIPPINA represents work from the different orthopedic subspecialities of the department and its graduates. Pioneering studies on brachial plexus injuries, computer navigated spine surgery, rotationplasty, artificial intelligence, pedagogy, and much more highlight the growth of orthopedics in the Philippines. A study on one of the newest fields in Philippine orthopedics, orthogeriatrics, exemplifies the importance of blazing a new trail. The publication by Reyes et al. on a multidisciplinary orthogeriatric approach to the treatment of fragility hip fractures has shown improved outcomes consistent with the positive results of other fracture liaison services in Asia and worldwide.8,9 Their work has since led to the UPM-PGH Orthogeriatric Multidisciplinary Fracture Management Model and Fracture Liaison Service being adopted by PGH as a clinical pathway and has served as a model for other hospitals in the Philippines to improve their care of patients with fragility hip fractures. With the follow-through from the initial clinical study to administrative and policy changes, this example aptly illustrates the power of research to effect significant improvements in clinical outcomes and inspires all of us to continue to strive for better care for our patients. Czar Louie Gaston, MD, FPOA Department of Orthopedics Philippine General Hospital University of the Philippines Manila REFERENCES College of Medicine University of the Philippines Manila. Orthopedics [Internet]. [cited 2021 May]. Available from: https://cm.upm.edu.ph/p/orthopedics/ Buchbinder R, Maher C, Harris IA. Setting the research agenda for improving health care in musculoskeletal disorders. Nat Rev Rheumatol. 2015 Oct;11(10):597-605. doi: 10.1038/nrrheum.2015.81. Epub 2015 Jun 16. PMID: 26077917. Sonntag J, Landale K, Brorson S, Harris IA. Can the results of a randomized controlled trial change the treatment preferences of orthopaedic surgeons? Bone Jt Open. 2020 Sep 11;1(9):549-555. doi: 10.1302/2633-1462.19.BJO-2020-0093.R1. PMID: 33215153; PMCID: PMC7659699. Griffin XL, Haddad FS. Evidence-based decision making at the core of orthopaedic practice. Bone Joint J. 2014 Aug;96-B(8):1000-1. doi: 10.1302/0301-620X.96B8.34614. PMID: 25086112. Niles SE, Balazs GC, Cawley C, Bosse M, Mackenzie E, Li Y, et al. Translating research into practice: is evidence-based medicine being practiced in military-relevant orthopedic trauma? Mil Med. 2015 Apr;180(4):445-53. doi: 10.7205/MILMED-D-14-00296. PMID: 25826350. Elliott IS, Sonshine DB, Akhavan S, Slade Shantz A, Caldwell A, Slade Shantz J, et al. What factors influence the production of orthopaedic research in East Africa? A qualitative analysis of interviews. Clin Orthop Relat Res. 2015 Jun;473(6):2120-30. doi: 10.1007/s11999-015-4254-5. Epub 2015 Mar 21. PMID: 25795030; PMCID:PMC4419000. Tchetchik A, Grinstein A, Manes E, Shapira D, Durst R. From research to practice: Which research strategy contributes more to clinical excellence? Comparing high-volume versus high-quality biomedical research. PLoS One. 2015 Jun 24;10(6):e0129259. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0129259. PMID: 26107296; PMCID: PMC4480880. Chang LY, Tsai KS, Peng JK, Chen CH, Lin GT, Lin CH, et al. The development of Taiwan Fracture Liaison Service network. Osteoporos Sarcopenia. 2018 Jun;4(2):47-52. doi: 10.1016/j.afos.2018.06.001. Epub 2018 Jun 7. PMID: 30775542; PMCID: PMC6362955. Barton DW, Piple AS, Smith CT, Moskal SA, Carmouche JJ. The clinical impact of fracture liaison services: A systematic review. Geriatr Orthop Surg Rehabil. 2021 Jan 11;12:2151459320979978. doi: 10.1177/2151459320979978. PMID: 33489430; PMCID: PMC7809296

Qu’elles soient liées à la persécution, la pauvreté, la sécheresse ou la recherche de meilleures conditions de vie, les sociétés humaines n’ont cessé d’être façonnées par des déplacements forcés de populations, massifs et soudains dans certains cas; continuels, de faible ampleur et liés à une mixité de facteurs le plus souvent. L’ancienneté et la permanence de la migration forcée contrastent avec la construction relativement récente des réfugiés comme problème social et politique devant faire l’objet d’un traitement bureaucratique spécifique. Bien que l’obligation de protéger les personnes persécutées se retrouve dans toutes les grandes traditions religieuses, ce n’est qu’au cours de la première moitié du XXe siècle que la notion de réfugié devient une catégorie juridique à part entière et qu’émerge, aux échelles transnationales et nationales, un ensemble de politiques, de normes et d’organisations dédiées aux questions d’asile. L’ampleur des déplacements de populations générés par les révolutions bolcheviques puis les deux guerres mondiales, et l’apparition du phénomène des « sans-États » suite au démantèlement des derniers grands empires européens, préoccupent les gouvernements d’Europe occidentale. Réfugiés et apatrides sont perçus comme une menace pour leur sécurité et un poids dans un contexte économique difficile. En même temps, certains voient un intérêt politique à accueillir les réfugiés qui fuient des pays ennemis (Gatrell 2013: 35). Parallèlement, l’aide humanitaire est en plein essor et renforce l’attention internationale portée sur les réfugiés en faisant d’eux des victimes à secourir (ibid: 20). Gouvernements et acteurs humanitaires chargent alors la Sociétés des nations (SDN) de réfléchir à l’élaboration d’un statut spécifique pour les réfugiés, afin de mieux les identifier, les prendre en charge mais aussi les contrôler. Avec la disparition de la SDN et les milliers de nouveaux déplacés de la deuxième guerre mondiale, c’est au Haut commissariat des Nations-Unies aux réfugiés (HCR) que les États confieront par la suite la mission de trouver une « solution durable au problème des réfugiés ». Une année plus tard, la Convention de Genève relative au statut de réfugiés est finalisée: elle énoncera un ensemble de droits associés au statut de réfugié dont elle donnera, pour la première fois, une définition générale, alors largement informée par le contexte de la guerre froide. Si l’institutionnalisation du « problème » des réfugiés apparaît comme une réponse à l’ampleur des mouvements de réfugiés provoqués par les deux guerres mondiales, elle est surtout indissociable de l’histoire des États-Nations et de l’affirmation progressive de leur hégémonie comme seule forme d’organisation politique légitime sur la scène internationale (Loescher et al., 2008: 8). Avec l’émergence, depuis les traités de Westphalie de 1648, d’États centralisés en Europe naît en effet la fiction qu’à un peuple devrait toujours correspondre un territoire et un État. À la fin du XIXe siècle, c’est aussi la montée des nationalismes européens qui fera du contrôle des mouvements de populations aux frontières et de la réalisation du principe d’homogénéité nationale un élément central de l’idéologie du pouvoir souverain. Cet ancrage de la figure contemporaine du réfugié dans le système des États-Nations se reflète bien dans la définition qu’en donne la Convention de Genève : « une personne qui se trouve hors du pays dont elle a la nationalité ou dans lequel elle a sa résidence habituelle; qui craint, avec raison, d’être persécutée du fait de son appartenance communautaire, de sa religion, de sa nationalité, de son appartenance à un certain groupe social ou de ses opinions politiques, et qui ne peut ou ne veut se réclamer de la protection de ce pays ou y retourner en raison de la dite crainte ». C’est bien la perte de la protection de l’État du pays d’origine et le franchissement d’une frontière internationale qui définissent, juridiquement, le réfugié, en plus du motif, très restreint, de persécution individuelle. Reprise dans presque toutes les législations nationales des 147 pays aujourd’hui signataires de la Convention, cette définition constitue désormais la pierre angulaire du traitement bureaucratique de l’asile à l’échelle globale. Bien qu’elle soit fortement contestée pour son caractère obsolète, étato-centré et peu flexible (Loescher et al. 2008: 98), elle reste à ce jour le seul instrument juridique qui confère au statut de réfugié une légitimité universelle. L’anthropologie a apporté une contribution majeure à la compréhension du phénomène des réfugiés, en mettant en avant l’expérience de la mobilité telle qu’elle est vécue par les individus, et non pas uniquement telle qu’elles est construite et définie par les catégories juridiques et les organisations humanitaires (Chatty 2014: 74). En s’intéressant aux dispositifs d’aide aux réfugiés, elle a également nourri plusieurs autres champs de réflexion de la discipline, tels que l’anthropologie juridique, l’anthropologie du développement, l’anthropologie des organisations et l’anthropologie médicale. À l’exception de quelques recherches pionnières (Colson 1971; Loizios 1981), c’est surtout à partir du milieu des années 1980 qu’une importante littérature se développe sur ces questions. Avec l’institutionnalisation de l’aide humanitaire et la globalisation progressive d’un traitement ordonné et spatialisé de la migration, le « problème » des réfugiés est de plus en plus visible, en particulier dans les pays du Sud, théâtres des conflits liés à la guerre froide mais aussi terrains de prédilection des anthropologues. L’anthropologie joue alors un rôle important dans la constitution des réfugiés en objet de savoir : c’est en effet à Barbara Harell-Bond que l’on doit la création, en 1982, du Refugee studies Center de l’Université d’Oxford, qui marquera l’autonomisation de la réflexion sur les réfugiés des études, plus larges, sur les migrations. Les premières recherches ethnographiques se focalisent sur l’Afrique et appréhendent les réfugiés en termes de liminalité : des personnes ayant subi un rite de séparation, qui se retrouvent dans un entre-deux, ni dedans, ni dehors. L’aide humanitaire, analysée en termes de dysfonctionnements, de charity business et de rapports de domination, y est fortement critiquée (Harrell-Bond 1986; Harrell-Bond et Vourtira 1992), tandis que l’agencéité et les coping strategies des réfugiés sont mis en avant pour déconstruire la figure du réfugié dépendant de l’aide (Kibreab 1993). Parce qu’elles cherchaient à rester pertinentes du point de vue de l’action, ces premiers travaux sont souvent restés teintés d’un certain misérabilisme et n’ont pas véritablement déconstruit le cadre épistémologique sur lequel le système d’asile se fonde (Chatty 2014: 80). Il faudra attendre les travaux de Malkki (1995) pour le faire et pour questionner, plus largement, la pertinence d’utiliser la notion de « réfugié » comme catégorie d’analyse. Mobilisant les apports des études postmodernes et transnationales, Malkki s’attaque en particulier à la métaphore de l’enracinement. Elle montre comment les refugee studies sont restées encastrées dans l’« ordre national des choses », soit dans une vision sédentaire, nationale et territorialisée des appartenances identitaires qui n’appréhende la perte du lien à l’État-nation et la mobilité qu’en termes d’anormalité et de dépossession. Dénaturalisant les liens entre cultures et territoires, Malkki rappelle ainsi que les réfugiés n’occupent une situation liminale qu’au regard du système des États-Nations. Son travail amènera les refugee studies à redéfinir leur objet autour de la notion de « migration forcée », plus à même de capturer à la fois l’agencéité des acteurs dans les processus migratoires, et les contraintes qui les influencent (Van Hear 2011). Dans son héritage, plusieurs études ont alors cherché à documenter les parcours des réfugiés en dehors de leur seule relation au cadre juridique qui les définit : elles ont montré que les individus transcendent sans cesse les catégories d’appartenance nationales, mais également les frontières établies par la bureaucratie de l’asile entre réfugiés politiques et migrants économiques. Les stratégies socio-économiques se construisent sur la mobilité, souvent très valorisée, dans des rapports complexes à une diversité de lieux distants auxquels les camps sont incorporés (Monsutti 2005; Horst 2006). Tandis que les rapports d’appartenance se définissent par le maintien de mémoires, de pratiques et de relations sociales, qui se tissent, bien souvent, à cheval entre divers territoires ou en relation à une nation imaginée. Ces réflexions déboucheront finalement sur une critique plus large des politiques d’asile qui n’envisagent la solution au « problème » des réfugiés qu’en termes de rapatriement ou d’intégration, sans tenir compte de l’importance de la dimension transnationale des pratiques ordinaires (Backewell 2002; Long 2014) ni de la dimension problématique du retour « chez soi » (Allen 1996). Pratiques transnationales et renforcement du sentiment d’appartenance nationale, souvent exacerbé par la politisation des camps et des diasporas, peuvent néanmoins aller de pairs, l’enjeu étant alors de penser ces deux phénomènes de manière dialogique et de comprendre les rapports de classe, de genre ou d’ethnicité qui s’y jouent (Fresia 2014a). Parallèlement aux travaux centrés sur les vécus des réfugiés, les années 2000 sont marquées par une nouvelle vague d’études critiques envers la bureaucratie de l’asile et l’aide humanitaire. Parce qu’ils rendent visibles, en la spatialisant, la figure contemporaine du réfugié, les camps deviennent des lieux d’enquête particulièrement privilégiés, au point de voir émerger une véritable campnography. Inspirée par la philosophie politique de Giorgio Agamben, celle-ci les décrit comme des espaces de confinement, des hors lieux caractérisés par un régime d’exception: quelque que soit leur degré d’ouverture ou de fermeture, ils ont pour caractéristique de suspendre la reconnaissance d’une égalité politique entre leurs occupants et les citoyens ordinaires (Agier 2014: 20; Fassin et Pondolfi 2010). Ambivalents, les camps sont, en même temps, analysés comme de nouveaux lieux de socialisation, réinvestis de sens. Souvent marqués par une forte agitation politique, ils sont aussi des espaces de mobilisations. Incoporés dans des réseaux d’échanges économiques, ils se transforment, et durent jusqu’à devenir de nouvelles marges urbaines ordinaires (Agier 2014: 27). Constitués en lieux de mémoire des injustices passées ou présentes, mais aussi de projections vers un futur incertain, ils deviennent des sites privilégiés où observer la fabrique et l’expression de nouvelles formes de citoyenneté aux marges de l’État (Turner 2010; Fresia and Von Kanel 2014; Wilson, 2016). Très riche, cette campnography a parfois eu tendance à n’envisager les réfugiés que dans un seul face à face avec le « gouvernement humanitaire », délaissant ainsi une réflexion plus large sur la manière dont les camps sont aussi enchâssés et régulés par d’autres normes (droits coutumiers, droits de l’homme) que le seul régime d’exception que leur statut légitime. Autre élément constitutif de la bureaucratie de l’asile, les dispositifs de tri, chargés de distinguer les réfugiés des migrants, ont également fait l’objet de récentes études ethnographiques, marquant une ouverture de la réflexion sur des contextes européens et nord-américains. Leurs auteurs mettent en exergue la dimension fondamentalement située, négociée et contingente des pratiques d’octroi du statut de réfugiés ainsi que les normes implicites qui les régulent (Good 2007; Akoka 2012). Ils montrent comment la formalisation croissante de ces pratiques contribuent à naturaliser toujours plus la distinction entre vrais et faux réfugiés, mais aussi à dépolitiser les registres des demandes d’asile considérées comme légitimes, de plus en plus appréhendées à travers le vocabulaire de la compassion, du trauma et de la souffrance (D’Halluin-Mabillot 2012; Zetter 2007). Enfin, après avoir été « enrollés » dans le HCR pour un temps, certains anthropologues ont commencé à documenter, de manière empirique, le rôle de cette nébuleuse bureaucratique dans la globalisation du traitement bureaucratisé de l’asile, et les modalités concrètes d’exercice de son autorité, en montrant comment celles-ci reproduisent sans cesse un ordre national des choses lui-même à l’origine du « problème » des réfugiés (Scalletaris 2013; Sandvik et Jacobsen 2016 ; Fresia 2014b). Outre les enjeux d’accès aux bureaucraties de l’asile et la difficulté de reconstituer des parcours de vie souvent multi-situés, l’étude des migrations forcées n’a cessé de poser un enjeu épistémologique de taille à l’anthropologie : celui de réussir à penser la problématique de la mobilité, liée à des contextes de guerres ou de persécution, autrement qu’au travers des seuls espaces et labels produits par le régime de l’asile, mais tout en prenant « au sérieux » ce régime, son mode de (re)production et ses effets structurants sur le vécu des individus. À ce titre, un important travail de décentrement et d’historicisation reste à faire pour saisir la manière dont les espaces bureaucratiques de l’asile s’enchâssent, tout en les modifiant, dans des espaces migratoires et des dynamiques socio-historiques qui leur préexistent, et s’articulent à une pluralité plus large de normes et de régimes de droits, qui ne relèvent pas de la seule institution de l’asile. Continuer à documenter la manière dont les personnes trouvent des formes de protection et de solidarité en dehors des seuls dispositifs bureaucratiques de l’asile apparaît aussi comme un impératif pour pouvoir penser le phénomène de la mobilité sous contrainte et les réponses qu’on peut lui apporter autrement ou différemment.

A la fin du mois de mars 2010, Michel Daerden, Ministre des Pensions au gouvernement fédéral, présentait son livre vert sur les pensions. Selon un communiqué de presse de Belga (25/03/2010), lors de cette présentation, «Michel Daerden a invoqué notamment les bonus pension pour inciter les gens à travailler plus longtemps. Ce système existe déjà et certains disent qu'il a échoué. Le ministre estime quant à lui qu'on manque de données statistiques précises pour juger de son impact». Regards économiques a saisi la balle du Ministre au bond pour publier, dans sa dernière livraison, les résultats d’une étude de Marjan Maes qui démontrent, sur base d’une analyse statistique objective et rigoureuse, que le «bonus de pension» est une réforme inefficace en matière de soutenabilité financière, et relativement peu efficace en termes de relèvement de l’âge de retraite et de réduction des inégalités. La raison principale est qu’un grand nombre de travailleurs vont bénéficier du bonus sans pour autant travailler davantage, et/ou vont même partir plus tôt en retraite. Afin de relever le taux d’emploi des travailleurs âgés, le gouvernement belge a approuvé fin 2005 une loi baptisée «Pacte de Solidarité entre Générations». Parmi les mesures mises en œuvre, le «bonus de pensio » consiste en une augmentation forfaitaire et permanente du montant de la pension légale pour les travailleurs salariés qui décident de reporter leur départ à la retraite. Le bonus a finalement été fixé à 624€ pour toute année d’activité professionnelle au-delà de 62 ans (ou au-delà d’une 44e année de carrière). Lors des négociations précédant le Pacte de Solidarité, il était question de fixer le montant du bonus à 300€ pour toute année de travail au-delà de 60 ans. C’est ce scénario initial que Marjan Maes a analysé dans son étude. Plutôt que de pénaliser la retraite anticipée, le gouvernement a donc choisi de récompenser les années de travail supplémentaires. L’objectif de l’étude de Marjan Maes est d’évaluer les effets du «bonus de pension» sur l’âge de départ à la retraite, sur le budget des pensions et sur les inégalités au sein de la population âgée. Son second objectif est de comparer cette mesure à deux autres politiques non retenues par le gouvernement et visant à pénaliser les départs anticipés en retraite. Un premier scénario alternatif, qualifié de «malus proportionnel», consiste à pénaliser (respectivement, augmenter) la pension légale de 5 % par année de retraite anticipée avant 65 ans (respectivement, reportée après 65 ans) dans l’intervalle 60-70 ans. Les pénalisations ou gratifications sont donc proportionnelles au niveau de la pension légale. En d’autres termes, la pension prise à l’âge de 60 (respectivement 70) ans est 25 % plus basse (respectivement élevée) que si elle avait été prise à l’âge légal de 65 ans. Le second scénario alternatif, qualifié de «malus forfaitaire», consiste à ajuster la pension légale d’un montant forfaitaire pour chaque année d’écart entre l’âge de départ en retraite et 65 ans. Les pénalisations ou gratifications sont indépendantes du revenu. Elles pénalisent donc davantage les individus à bas revenu que les individus à revenu élevé. Afin de rendre ce scénario comparable avec le précédent, les montants forfaitaires ont été choisis de manière à induire le même impact budgétaire pour le gouvernement : on les calcule, pour chaque âge de retraite possible, comme la différence moyenne entre les prestations de pension en l’absence de réforme et sous le malus proportionnel. Les résultats de Marjan Maes sont révélateurs. Le «bonus de pension» n’augmente l’âge de départ à la retraite que de 0,3 année alors que des réformes de type «malus» augmentent l’âge de départ à la retraite de 1,1 années. Par ailleurs, alors que cette mesure a été adoptée pour améliorer la soutenabilité budgétaire du régime des pensions, le «bonus de pension» a pour conséquence de creuser le budget des pensions. Les recettes fiscales supplémentaires générées par un bonus (sous forme de cotisations de sécurité sociale accrues et grâce à des périodes de retraite plus courtes) sont inférieures au montant global de bonus de pension à verser aux pensionnés pendant toute la période de leur retraite. Au contraire, les politiques de malus génèrent les effets budgétaires escomptés. Quelle est l’intuition de ces résultats ? Les trois réformes génèrent des incitants à reporter le départ à la retraite pour un grand nombre de travailleurs âgés. Cependant, un autre effet financier est à l’œuvre qui, dans le cas du bonus, pousse les travailleurs à partir plus tôt. En effet, sans bonus, il était optimal pour certains individus de travailler au-delà de 60 ans. Comme il est impossible de discriminer entre ces individus et ceux choisissant de se retirer anticipativement, ces individus reçoivent un cadeau inespéré. L’introduction du bonus augmente le montant attendu de leur pension légale et crée un «effet de richesse» qui les pousse à consommer à se retirer plus tôt du marché du travail. En résumé, bien qu'un bonus par année de travail additionnelle incite à travailler plus longtemps, cet effet est contrebalancé par un effet-richesse qui, lui, avance l'âge de la retraite. Cet effet de richesse est important et avéré : il explique pourquoi l’introduction d’un bonus dans le régime des fonctionnaires publics en 2001 n’a pas généré la moindre augmentation de l’âge de la retraite, mais a creusé le déficit du gouvernement. A contrario, les réformes visant à pénaliser les retraites anticipées induisent un effet de richesse négatif qui contribue à retarder les départs à la pension. Par conséquent, les effets du bonus de pension sur l’âge de départ à la retraite et sur le budget sont moins favorables que ceux des pénalisations ou malus. Comme le bonus consiste en un montant forfaitaire, le gouvernement a également mis en avant les effets redistributifs potentiels de sa politique. Pourtant, en matière d’inégalités, le bonus de pension contribue à augmenter les écarts de revenus entre les bénéficiaires d’une pension légale et les bénéficiaires de la GRAPA (Garantie de Revenu Aux Personnes Agées), étant donné que la GRAPA, en tant que système d’assistance, n’est pas affectée par les réformes de pension. Les résultats de Marjan Maes démontrent que ce sont les réformes pénalisant la retraite anticipée qui réduisent le plus les inégalités des revenus parmi les pensionnés.

A la fin du mois de mars 2010, Michel Daerden, Ministre des Pensions au gouvernement fédéral, présentait son livre vert sur les pensions. Selon un communiqué de presse de Belga (25/03/2010), lors de cette présentation, «Michel Daerden a invoqué notamment les bonus pension pour inciter les gens à travailler plus longtemps. Ce système existe déjà et certains disent qu'il a échoué. Le ministre estime quant à lui qu'on manque de données statistiques précises pour juger de son impact». Regards économiques a saisi la balle du Ministre au bond pour publier, dans sa dernière livraison, les résultats d’une étude de Marjan Maes qui démontrent, sur base d’une analyse statistique objective et rigoureuse, que le «bonus de pension» est une réforme inefficace en matière de soutenabilité financière, et relativement peu efficace en termes de relèvement de l’âge de retraite et de réduction des inégalités. La raison principale est qu’un grand nombre de travailleurs vont bénéficier du bonus sans pour autant travailler davantage, et/ou vont même partir plus tôt en retraite. Afin de relever le taux d’emploi des travailleurs âgés, le gouvernement belge a approuvé fin 2005 une loi baptisée «Pacte de Solidarité entre Générations». Parmi les mesures mises en œuvre, le «bonus de pensio » consiste en une augmentation forfaitaire et permanente du montant de la pension légale pour les travailleurs salariés qui décident de reporter leur départ à la retraite. Le bonus a finalement été fixé à 624€ pour toute année d’activité professionnelle au-delà de 62 ans (ou au-delà d’une 44e année de carrière). Lors des négociations précédant le Pacte de Solidarité, il était question de fixer le montant du bonus à 300€ pour toute année de travail au-delà de 60 ans. C’est ce scénario initial que Marjan Maes a analysé dans son étude. Plutôt que de pénaliser la retraite anticipée, le gouvernement a donc choisi de récompenser les années de travail supplémentaires. L’objectif de l’étude de Marjan Maes est d’évaluer les effets du «bonus de pension» sur l’âge de départ à la retraite, sur le budget des pensions et sur les inégalités au sein de la population âgée. Son second objectif est de comparer cette mesure à deux autres politiques non retenues par le gouvernement et visant à pénaliser les départs anticipés en retraite. Un premier scénario alternatif, qualifié de «malus proportionnel», consiste à pénaliser (respectivement, augmenter) la pension légale de 5 % par année de retraite anticipée avant 65 ans (respectivement, reportée après 65 ans) dans l’intervalle 60-70 ans. Les pénalisations ou gratifications sont donc proportionnelles au niveau de la pension légale. En d’autres termes, la pension prise à l’âge de 60 (respectivement 70) ans est 25 % plus basse (respectivement élevée) que si elle avait été prise à l’âge légal de 65 ans. Le second scénario alternatif, qualifié de «malus forfaitaire», consiste à ajuster la pension légale d’un montant forfaitaire pour chaque année d’écart entre l’âge de départ en retraite et 65 ans. Les pénalisations ou gratifications sont indépendantes du revenu. Elles pénalisent donc davantage les individus à bas revenu que les individus à revenu élevé. Afin de rendre ce scénario comparable avec le précédent, les montants forfaitaires ont été choisis de manière à induire le même impact budgétaire pour le gouvernement : on les calcule, pour chaque âge de retraite possible, comme la différence moyenne entre les prestations de pension en l’absence de réforme et sous le malus proportionnel. Les résultats de Marjan Maes sont révélateurs. Le «bonus de pension» n’augmente l’âge de départ à la retraite que de 0,3 année alors que des réformes de type «malus» augmentent l’âge de départ à la retraite de 1,1 années. Par ailleurs, alors que cette mesure a été adoptée pour améliorer la soutenabilité budgétaire du régime des pensions, le «bonus de pension» a pour conséquence de creuser le budget des pensions. Les recettes fiscales supplémentaires générées par un bonus (sous forme de cotisations de sécurité sociale accrues et grâce à des périodes de retraite plus courtes) sont inférieures au montant global de bonus de pension à verser aux pensionnés pendant toute la période de leur retraite. Au contraire, les politiques de malus génèrent les effets budgétaires escomptés. Quelle est l’intuition de ces résultats ? Les trois réformes génèrent des incitants à reporter le départ à la retraite pour un grand nombre de travailleurs âgés. Cependant, un autre effet financier est à l’œuvre qui, dans le cas du bonus, pousse les travailleurs à partir plus tôt. En effet, sans bonus, il était optimal pour certains individus de travailler au-delà de 60 ans. Comme il est impossible de discriminer entre ces individus et ceux choisissant de se retirer anticipativement, ces individus reçoivent un cadeau inespéré. L’introduction du bonus augmente le montant attendu de leur pension légale et crée un «effet de richesse» qui les pousse à consommer à se retirer plus tôt du marché du travail. En résumé, bien qu'un bonus par année de travail additionnelle incite à travailler plus longtemps, cet effet est contrebalancé par un effet-richesse qui, lui, avance l'âge de la retraite. Cet effet de richesse est important et avéré : il explique pourquoi l’introduction d’un bonus dans le régime des fonctionnaires publics en 2001 n’a pas généré la moindre augmentation de l’âge de la retraite, mais a creusé le déficit du gouvernement. A contrario, les réformes visant à pénaliser les retraites anticipées induisent un effet de richesse négatif qui contribue à retarder les départs à la pension. Par conséquent, les effets du bonus de pension sur l’âge de départ à la retraite et sur le budget sont moins favorables que ceux des pénalisations ou malus. Comme le bonus consiste en un montant forfaitaire, le gouvernement a également mis en avant les effets redistributifs potentiels de sa politique. Pourtant, en matière d’inégalités, le bonus de pension contribue à augmenter les écarts de revenus entre les bénéficiaires d’une pension légale et les bénéficiaires de la GRAPA (Garantie de Revenu Aux Personnes Agées), étant donné que la GRAPA, en tant que système d’assistance, n’est pas affectée par les réformes de pension. Les résultats de Marjan Maes démontrent que ce sont les réformes pénalisant la retraite anticipée qui réduisent le plus les inégalités des revenus parmi les pensionnés.

IntroductionSydney’s Garden Palace was a magnificent building with a grandeur that dominated the skyline, stretching from the site of the current State Library of New South Wales to the building that now houses the Sydney Conservatorium of Music. The Palace captivated society from its opening in 1879. This article outlines the building of one of Sydney’s early structural icons and how, despite being destroyed by fire after three short years in 1882, it had an enormous impact on the burgeoning colonial community of New South Wales, thus building a physical structure, pride and a suite of memories.Design and ConstructionIn February 1878, the Colonial Secretary’s Office announced that “it is intended to hold under the supervision of the Agricultural Society of New South Wales an international Exhibition in Sydney in August 1879” (Official Record ix). By December the same year it had become clear that the Agricultural Society lacked the resources to complete the project and control passed to the state government. Colonial Architect James Barnet was directed to prepare “plans for a building suitable for an international exhibition, proposed to be built in the Inner Domain” (Official Record xx). Within three days he had submitted a set of drawings for approval. From this point on there was a great sense of urgency to complete the building in less than 10 months for the exhibition opening the following September.The successful contractor was John Young, a highly experienced building contractor who had worked on the Crystal Palace for the 1851 London International Exhibition and locally on the General Post Office and Exhibition Building at Prince Alfred Park (Kent 6). Young was confident, procuring electric lights from London so that work could be carried out 24 hours a day, to ensure that the building was delivered on time. The structure was built, as detailed in the Colonial Record (1881), using over 1 million metres of timber, 2.5 million bricks and 220 tonnes of galvanised corrugated iron. Remarkably the building was designed as a temporary structure to house the Exhibition. At the end of the Exhibition the building was not dismantled as originally planned and was instead repurposed for government office space and served to house, among other things, records and objects of historical significance. Ultimately the provisional building materials used for the Garden Palace were more suited to a temporary structure, in contrast with those used for the more permanent structures built at the same time which are still standing today.The building was an architectural and engineering wonder set in a cathedral-like cruciform design, showcasing a stained-glass skylight in the largest dome in the southern hemisphere (64 metres high and 30 metres in diameter). The total floor space of the exhibition building was three and half hectares, and the area occupied by the Garden Palace and related buildings—including the Fine Arts Gallery, Agricultural Hall, Machinery Hall and 10 restaurants and places of refreshment—was an astounding 14 hectares (Official Record xxxvi). To put the scale of the Garden Palace into contemporary perspective it was approximately twice the size of the Queen Victoria Building that stands on Sydney’s George Street today.Several innovative features set the building apart from other Sydney structures of the day. The rainwater downpipes were enclosed in hollow columns of pine along the aisles, ventilation was provided through the floors and louvered windows (Official Record xxi) while a Whittier’s Steam Elevator enabled visitors to ascend the north tower and take in the harbour views (“Among the Machinery” 70-71). The building dominated the Sydney skyline, serving as a visual anchor point that welcomed visitors arriving in the city by boat:one of the first objects that met our view as, after 12 o’clock, we proceeded up Port Jackson, was the shell of the Exhibition Building which is so rapidly rising on the Domain, and which next September, is to dazzle the eyes of the world with its splendours. (“A ‘Bohemian’s’ Holiday Notes” 2)The DomeThe dome of the Garden Palace was directly above the intersection of the nave and transept and rested on a drum, approximately 30 metres in diameter. The drum featured 36 oval windows which flooded the space below with light. The dome was made of wood covered with corrugated galvanised iron featuring 12 large lattice ribs and 24 smaller ribs bound together with purlins of wood strengthened with iron. At the top of the dome was a lantern and stained glass skylight designed by Messrs. Lyon and Cottier. It was light blue, powdered with golden stars with wooden ribs in red, buff and gold (Notes 6). The painting and decorating of the dome commenced just one month before the exhibition was due to open. The dome was the sixth largest dome in the world at the time. During construction, contractor Mr Young allowed visitors be lifted in a cage to view the building’s progress.During the construction of the Lantern which surmounts the Dome of the Exhibition, visitors have been permitted, through the courtesy of Mr. Young, to ascend in the cage conveying materials for work. This cage is lifted by a single cable, which was constructed specially of picked Manilla hemp, for hoisting into position the heavy timbers used in the construction. The sensation whilst ascending is a most novel one, and must resemble that experienced in ballooning. To see the building sinking slowly beneath you as you successively reach the levels of the galleries, and the roofs of the transept and aisles is an experience never to be forgotten, and it seems a pity that no provision can be made for visitors, on paying a small fee, going up to the dome. (“View from the Lantern of the Dome Exhibition” 8)The ExhibitionInternational Exhibitions presented the opportunity for countries to express their national identities and demonstrate their economic and technological achievements. They allowed countries to showcase the very best examples of contemporary art, handicrafts and the latest technologies particularly in manufacturing (Pont and Proudfoot 231).The Sydney International Exhibition was the ninth International Exhibition and the colony’s first, and was responsible for bringing the world to Sydney at a time when the colony was prosperous and full of potential. The Exhibition—opening on 17 September 1879 and closing on 20 April 1880—had an enormous impact on the community, it boosted the economy and was the catalyst for improving the city’s infrastructure. It was a great source of civic pride.Image 1: The International Exhibition Sydney, 1879-1880, supplement to the Illustrated Sydney News Jan. 1880. Image credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW (call no.: DL X8/3)This bird’s eye view of the Garden Palace shows how impressive the main structure was and how much of the Gardens and Domain were occupied by ancillary buildings for the Exhibition. Based on an original drawing by John Thomas Richardson, chief engraver at the Illustrated Sydney News, this lithograph features a key identifying buildings including the Art Gallery, Machinery Hall, and Agricultural Hall. Pens and sheds for livestock can also be seen. The parade ground was used throughout the Exhibition for displays of animals. The first notable display was the International Show of Sheep featuring Australian, French and English sheep; not surprisingly the shearing demonstrations proved to be particularly popular with the community.Approximately 34 countries and their colonies participated in the Exhibition, displaying the very best examples of technology, industry and art laid out in densely packed courts (Barnet n.p.). There were approximately 14,000 exhibits (Official Record c) which included displays of Bohemian glass, tapestries, fine porcelain, fabrics, pyramids of gold, metals, minerals, wood carvings, watches, ethnographic specimens, and heavy machinery. Image 2: “Meet Me under the Dome.” Illustrated Sydney News 1 Nov. 1879: 4. Official records cite that between 19,853 and 24,000 visitors attended the Exhibition on the opening day of 17 September 1879, and over 1.1 million people visited during its seven months of operation. Sizeable numbers considering the population of the colony, at the time, was just over 700,000 (New South Wales Census).The Exhibition helped to create a sense of place and community and was a popular destination for visitors. On crowded days the base of the dome became a favourite meeting place for visitors, so much so that “meet me under the dome” became a common expression in Sydney during the Exhibition (Official Record lxxxiii).Attendance was steady and continuous throughout the course of the Exhibition and, despite exceeding the predicted cost by almost four times, the Exhibition was deemed a resounding success. The Executive Commissioner Mr P.A. Jennings remarked at the closing ceremony:this great undertaking […] marks perhaps the most important epoch that has occurred in our history. In holding this exhibition we have entered into a new arena and a race of progress among the nations of the earth, and have placed ourselves in kindly competition with the most ancient States of the old and new world. (Official Record ciii)Initially the cost of admission was set at 5 shillings and later dropped to 1 shilling. Season tickets for the Exhibition were also available for £3 3s which entitled the holder to unlimited entry during all hours of general admission. Throughout the Exhibition, season ticket holders accounted for 76,278 admissions. The Exhibition boosted the economy and encouraged authorities to improve the city’s services and facilities which helped to build a sense of community as well as pride in the achievement of such a fantastic structure. A steam-powered tramway was installed to transport exhibition-goers around the city, after the Exhibition, the tramway network was expanded and by 1905–1906 the trams were converted to electric traction (Freestone 32).After the exhibition closed, the imposing Garden Palace building was used as office space and storage for various government departments.An Icon DestroyedIn the early hours of 22 September 1882 tragedy struck when the Palace was engulfed by fire (“Destruction of the Garden Palace” 7). The building – and all its contents – destroyed.Image 3: Burning of the Garden Palace from Eaglesfield, Darlinghurst, sketched at 5.55am, Sep 22/82. Image credit: Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW (call no.: SSV/137) Many accounts and illustrations of the Garden Palace fire can be found in contemporary newspapers and artworks. A rudimentary drawing by an unknown artist held by the State Library of New South Wales appears to have been created as the Palace was burning. The precise time and location is recorded on the painting, suggesting it was painted from Eaglesfield, a school on Darlinghurst Road. It purveys a sense of immediacy giving some insight into the chaos and heat of the tragedy. A French artist living in Sydney, Lucien Henry, was among those who attempted to capture the fire. His assistant, G.H. Aurousseau, described the event in the Technical Gazette in 1912:Mister Henry went out onto the balcony and watched until the Great Dome toppled in; it was then early morning; he went back to his studio procured a canvas, sat down and painted the whole scene in a most realistic manner, showing the fig trees in the Domain, the flames rising through the towers, the dome falling in and the reflected light of the flames all around. (Technical Gazette 33-35)The painting Henry produced is not the watercolour held by the State Library of New South Wales, however it is interesting to see how people were moved to document the destruction of such an iconic building in the city’s history.What Was Destroyed?The NSW Legislative Assembly debate of 26 September 1882, together with newspapers of the day, documented what was lost in the fire. The Garden Palace housed the foundation collection of the Technological and Sanitary Museum (the precursor to the Powerhouse Museum, now the Museum of Applied Arts and Sciences), due to open on 1 December 1882. This collection included significant ethnological specimens such as Australian Indigenous artefacts, many of which were acquired from the Sydney International Exhibition. The Art Society of New South Wales had hung 300 paintings in preparation for their annual art exhibition due to open on 2 October of that year, all of these paintings consumed by fire.The Records of the Crown Lands Occupation Office were lost along with the 1881 Census (though the summary survived). Numerous railway surveys were lost, as were: £7,000 worth of statues, between 20,000 and 30,000 plants and the holdings of the Linnean Society offices and museum housed on the ground floor. The Eastern Suburbs Brass Band performed the day before at the opening of the Eastern Suburbs Horticultural Society Flower show; all the instruments were stored in the Garden Palace and were destroyed. Several Government Departments also lost significant records, including the: Fisheries Office; Mining Department; Harbour and Rivers Department; and, as mentioned, the Census Department.The fire was so ferocious that the windows in the terraces along Macquarie Street cracked with the heat and sheets of corrugated iron were blown as far away as Elizabeth Bay. How Did The Fire Start?No one knows how the fire started on that fateful September morning, and despite an official enquiry no explanation was ever delivered. One theory blamed the wealthy residents of Macquarie Street, disgruntled at losing their harbour views. Another was that it was burnt to destroy records stored in the basement of the building that contained embarrassing details about the convict heritage of many distinguished families. Margaret Lyon, daughter of the Garden Palace decorator John Lyon, wrote in her diary:a gentleman who says a boy told him when he was putting out the domain lights, that he saw a man jump out of the window and immediately after observed smoke, they are advertising for the boy […]. Everyone seems to agree on his point that it has been done on purpose – Today a safe has been found with diamonds, sapphires and emeralds, there were also some papers in it but they were considerably charred. The statue of her majesty or at least what remains of it, for it is completely ruined – the census papers were also ruined, they were ready almost to be sent to the printers, the work of 30 men for 14 months. Valuable government documents, railway and other plans all gone. (MLMSS 1381/Box 1/Item 2) There are many eyewitness accounts of the fire that day. From nightwatchman Mr Frederick Kirchen and his replacement Mr John McKnight, to an emotional description by 14-year-old student Ethel Pockley. Although there were conflicting accounts as to where the fire may have started, it seems likely that the fire started in the basement with flames rising around the statue of Queen Victoria, situated directly under the dome. The coroner did not make a conclusive finding on the cause of the fire but was scathing of the lack of diligence by the authorities in housing such important items in a building that was not well-secured a was a potential fire hazard.Building a ReputationA number of safes were known to have been in the building storing valuables and records. One such safe, a fireproof safe manufactured by Milner and Son of Liverpool, was in the southern corner of the building near the southern tower. The contents of this safe were unscathed in contrast with the contents of other safes, the contents of which were destroyed. The Milner safe was a little discoloured and blistered on the outside but otherwise intact. “The contents included three ledgers, or journals, a few memoranda and a plan of the exhibition”—the glue was slightly melted—the plan was a little discoloured and a few loose papers were a little charred but overall the contents were “sound and unhurt”—what better advertising could one ask for! (“The Garden Palace Fire” 5).barrangal dyara (skin and bones): Rebuilding CommunityThe positive developments for Sydney and the colony that stemmed from the building and its exhibition, such as public transport and community spirit, grew and took new forms. Yet, in the years since 1882 the memory of the Garden Palace and its disaster faded from the consciousness of the Sydney community. The great loss felt by Indigenous communities went unresolved.Image 4: barrangal dyara (skin and bones). Image credit: Sarah Morley.In September 2016 artist Jonathan Jones presented barrangal dyara (skin and bones), a large scale sculptural installation on the site of the Garden Palace Building in Sydney’s Royal Botanic Garden. The installation was Jones’s response to the immense loss felt throughout Australia with the destruction of countless Aboriginal objects in the fire. The installation featured thousands of bleached white shields made of gypsum that were laid out to show the footprint of the Garden Palace and represent the rubble left after the fire.Based on four typical designs from Aboriginal nations of the south-east, these shields not only raise the chalky bones of the building, but speak to the thousands of shields that would have had cultural presence in this landscape over generations. (Pike 33)ConclusionSydney’s Garden Palace was a stunning addition to the skyline of colonial Sydney. A massive undertaking, the Palace opened, to great acclaim, in 1879 and its effect on the community of Sydney and indeed the colony of New South Wales was sizeable. There were brief discussions, just after the fire, about rebuilding this great structure in a more permanent fashion for the centenary Exhibition in 1888 (“[From Our Own Correspondents] New South Wales” 5). Ultimately, it was decided that this achievement of the colony of New South Wales would be recorded in history, gifting a legacy of national pride and positivity on the one hand, but on the other an example of the destructive colonial impact on Indigenous communities. For many Sydney-siders today this history is as obscured as the original foundations of the physical building. What we build—iconic structures, civic pride, a sense of community—require maintenance and remembering. References“Among the Machinery.” The Sydney Mail and New South Wales Advertiser 10 Jan. 1880: 70-71.Aurousseau, G.H. “Lucien Henry: First Lecturer in Art at the Sydney Technical College.” Technical Gazette 2.III (1912): 33-35.Barnet, James. International Exhibition, Sydney, 1880: References to the Plans Showing the Space and Position Occupied by the Various Exhibits in the Garden Palace. Sydney: Colonial Architect’s Office, 1880.“A ‘Bohemian’s’ Holiday Notes.” The Singleton Argus and Upper Hunter General Advocate 23 Apr. 1879: 2.Census Department. New South Wales Census. 1881. 3 Mar. 2017 <http://hccda.ada.edu.au/pages/NSW-1881-census-02_vi>. “Destruction of the Garden Palace.” Sydney Morning Herald 23 Sep. 1882: 7.Freestone, Robert. “Space Society and Urban Reform.” Colonial City, Global City, Sydney’s International Exhibition 1879. Eds. Peter Proudfoot, Roslyn Maguire, and Robert Freestone. Darlinghurst, NSW: Crossing P, 2000. 15-33.“[From Our Own Correspondents] New South Wales.” The Age (Melbourne, Vic.) 30 Sep. 1882: 5.“The Garden Palace Fire.” Sydney Morning Herald 25 Sep. 1882: 5.Illustrated Sydney News and New South Wales Agriculturalist and Grazier 1 Nov. 1879: 4.“International Exhibition.” Australian Town and Country Journal 15 Feb. 1879: 11.Kent, H.C. “Reminiscences of Building Methods in the Seventies under John Young. Lecture.” Architecture: An Australian Magazine of Architecture and the Arts Nov. (1924): 5-13.Lyon, Margaret. Unpublished Manuscript Diary. MLMSS 1381/Box 1/Item 2.New South Wales, Legislative Assembly. Debates 22 Sep. 1882: 542-56.Notes on the Sydney International Exhibition of 1879. Melbourne: Government Printer, 1881.Official Record of the Sydney International Exhibition 1879. Sydney: Government Printer, 1881.Pike, Emma. “barrangal dyara (skin and bones).” Jonathan Jones: barrangal dyara (skin and bones). Eds. Ross Gibson, Jonathan Jones, and Genevieve O’Callaghan. Balmain: Kaldor Public Arts Project, 2016.Pont, Graham, and Peter Proudfoot. “The Technological Movement and the Garden Palace.” Colonial City, Global City, Sydney’s International Exhibition 1879. Eds. Peter Proudfoot, Roslyn Maguire, and Robert Freestone. Darlinghurst, NSW: Crossing Press, 2000. 239-249.“View from the Lantern of the Dome of the Exhibition.” Illustrated Sydney News and New South Wales Agriculturalist and Grazier 9 Aug. 1879: 8.

The mobile phone found its way to the Philippines when the first generation of Global Systems for Mobile Communication or GSM handsets was introduced in the country in 1994. This GSM protocol eventually developed to introduce a faster and more efficient means of storing, manipulating, and transmitting data by allowing data to be translated into a series of ones and zeroes. Digital technology furthered the mobile phone’s potentials from being a mere “talking device on the move” (Leung and Wei 316) to a more dynamic participant in the new information age. The capacity to merge all forms of binary data enabled mobile phones to allow convergent services such as chatting, voice-mail, news updates, e-mailing, Internet browsing, and even the dissemination of image and audio files. Apart from the allure of the possibilities of digital communication, the mobile phone was also welcomed in the Philippines because of its convenience; it provided the country, especially the rural areas where telephones are unavailable or inaccessible, with a modern means of communication. A survey conducted by the Social Weather Station (SWS) in 2001 reveals the extent of the dissemination of this technology in the Philippines: “Out of the 15 million households in the Philippines, an estimated 2.5 million have a cellular phone, of which 2.3 million have text-messaging capacity. For the entire nation, text-messaging is available to 15% of all households in general, but it is available to 53% of ABC households in particular. Of the 2.3 million text-capable households in the nation, 800 thousand are in Metro Manila.” Of the 80 million Filipinos, there are now 22 million mobile phone owners in the country compared to only 6.7 million subscribed landlines (Lallana 1). Of the various digital applications of the mobile phone, text messaging is still considered to be the most exploited service in the Philippines. A voice call placed through the mobile phone would typically cost around six to seven pesos per minute while a text message costs a peso per message. Corollary, a typical Filipino now sends an average of ten messages every day, contributing to a daily traffic of over 300 million text messages (Pertierra 58). This has led to the popular notion of the Philippines as the “texting capital of the world” (Pertierra et al. 88). In Text-ing Selves, a study that examines the use of mobile phones in the country, Pertierra and other researchers argue that texting has made it possible to create new unsurveilled and unconventional human relationships. In one case cited in the book, for example, a male and a female texter met after an accidental exchange of text messages. Although initially they were very reserved and guarded, familiarity between the two was fostered greatly because the medium allowed for an anonymous and uncommitted communication. Eventually, they met and shortly after that, got engaged. A second instance involved a person who exchanged phone numbers with his friends to pursue strangers and win new friends by texting. He engaged in virtual or text-based “affairs” with women, which would later on result to actual physical sex. Another case examined was that of an 18-year old bisexual who met “textmates” by participating in interactive Text TV chatrooms. Although he eventually met up with individuals to have sex, he professed to use the Text TV mainly to create these virtual relationships with persons of the same sex. (Pertierra et al. 64-89) It is because of the considerable popularity of the medium and the possible repercussions of such curious relationships and interpersonal communication patterns that the phenomenon of mobile phone use, particularly that of texting, in the Philippines is worthy of systematic scrutiny. Thus, the purpose of this study is to examine the relational context being created through this wireless messaging system. An exploratory study, this research examines the contributions of the texting technology that allowed development of romantic relationships among its users. Ultimately, this paper aims to identify what makes texting a novel romantic device in the Philippines. The framework in the understanding of relationship development through texting incorporates Malcolm Parks’ theory of relationship life cycle and network (352). In his proposal, interpersonal relationships of all types are usually conceptualized as developing from the impersonal to the personal along a series of relatively specific dimensions: increases in interdependence, in the variety and intimacy of interaction, in interpersonal predictability and understanding, in the change toward more personalized ways of communicating and coordinating, in commitment, and in the convergence of the participants’ social networks. According to Parks (359-68), relationships move within the constructive character of communication that involves the interaction of the structure and content of communication between the participants. Thus, the researcher would like to identify the relationship between these seven factors of relationship development and the texting technology. This research identified the attributes of the texting technology along the seven dimensions of Park’s theory of relational development. Qualitative data was obtained and explored in the light of the concepts presented in the related literature, particularly the theoretical discourses of Paul Levinson and Raul Pertierra et al. A total of 43 respondents, 21 males and 22 females, were selected through purposive sampling to derive exploratory data through the in-depth interview method. Texting and Interdependence Unwritten Rule of Texting Respondents revealed that their relationships developed with their respective partners because texting made them more dependent on each other. “It became a habit” (Emmy). Partners texted each other as often as they could, until they have established themselves as regular textmates. One respondent’s day would also be influenced by his partner’s text message: “Kapag hindi siya nakakapagtext, nami-miss ko siya (If she doesn’t text, I miss her). Her simple ‘good morning’s’ can really help me start my day right.” At this level of the relationship, texters always had the compulsion to keep the communication constantly moving. One respondent attributed this to the “unwritten rule of texting.” Clara elaborated: You know there’s this unwritten rule in texing: once a person has texted you, you have to reply. If you don’t reply, the person will automatically think you ignored him or her on purpose. So you have to reply no matter what. Even when you really have nothing to say, you’re forced to come up with something or give your opinion just to keep the conversation going. Immediacy and Accessibility Some respondents exhibited interdependence by “reporting” or informing each other of the happenings in their individual lives. Arnel shared: Ang ilang pinakanatulong sa amin ng texting ay to inform each other kung saan na kami at kung anong pinagkakaabalahan namin at a specific time, especially kung hindi kami magkasama. (One of the greatest aid of texting in our relationship is that it enables us to inform each other about where we are and what we are doing at a specific time, especially if we are not together). He also added that texting allows them to organize their schedules as well as to logistically set meeting times or inform the other of one’s tardiness. Texting also allowed for the individuals in the relationship to influence each other’s thoughts, behaviors, and actions. “Kapag nagkukuwento siya kung anong nangyari sa kaniya tapos tingin ko mali, pinagsasabihan ko siya (If she tells me stories about what happened to her and then I see that there’s something wrong with it, I admonish her)” (Jesus). Jack summarized how the texting technology facilitated these indicators of interdependence between romantic partners: There’s a feeling of security that having a cellphone gives to a certain person, because you know that, more often than not, you can and will be reached by anyone, anywhere, anytime, and vice versa. So when I need comfort, or someone to listen, or I need to vent, or I need my boyfriend’s opinion, or I need his help in making a decision, it’s really relieving to know that he’s just a text or phone call away. These responses from the participants in a texting romantic relationship confirm Paul Levinson’s arguments of the mobile phone’s feature of accessibility. In the book Cellphone: The Story of the World’s Most Mobile Medium and How it has Transformed Everything! he mentions that the mobile phone technology, particularly texting, permits users to make instant, immediate and direct delivery of messages. He further explains that texting can be a romancing tool because before there was the mobile phone, people placing call through the telephone had to make sure that the persons they are asking out on a date are at home when the phone rings (Levinson 97). Texting and Depth: Privacy and Levinson’s Silence Texting also facilitated an efficient exchange of a variety of important, intimate, and personal topics and feelings for most of the respondents. A number of respondents even confessed that they could go as intimate as exchanging sexual messages with their partners. One respondent revealed that he could text his partner anything “kahit nga text sex pwede rin eh (even ‘sex text’ is allowed).” But mostly, the text exchanges consisted of intimate romantic feelings that one could not manage to say in person. Richard shared: “For example, through text we can say ‘I love you’ to each other. Aside from that, nasasabi ko rin yung mga problems na hindi ko masabi ng harapan (I could tell her about my problems that I could not say face-to-face).” Arnel, a homosexual, attributed this ease of transmitting intimate and personal topics and feelings to the texting technology’s unique feature of privacy. “Kasi wari bang nakakalikha ng pribadong espasyo yung screen ng phone mo na kahit na magkalayo kayo” (Because the mobile phone screen is able to create a private space that even if you are far from each other) physically, the virtual space created by that technology is apparent. Because no one can hear you say those things or no one else can read [them], assuming na hindi pinabasa sa ibang tao o hindi nakita (that it is not allowed to be read or seen by others) (Arnel). Arnel’s discussion of the private space that allows for intimate exchanges links up with Paul Levinson’s silence as one of the biggest benefit of the texting technology. Texting permits receivers to view their messages in private as opposed to having others in the environment hear and know about their particular communication or simply even just the fact that they are communicating (Levinson 112-14). Anonymity RJ would associate this capability to swap intimate information between partners to texting’s provision for anonymity. In texting, there is the element of anonymity, thus, you can feel more comfortable with sharing more intimate messages. As opposed to a face-to-face conversation wherein you would tend to hold back some feelings or thoughts because of fear of outright rejection. Personally, I consider that factor as a very important element in the development of our relationship. Because I am not really the aggressive-frank type of guy, I tend to hold back in telling her intimate things face to face. The feature of anonymity that the respondents mentioned seems to refer to one characteristic that Pertierra, et al. (91) outlined in their book. They wrote that communication through texting has also efficiently incorporated meaning, intention, and expressions allowing texters to say what is normally unsayable in face-to-face contexts. This clearly points to the comfort that the respondents identified when they’d share about intimate details like their exes and other information that a typical “non-aggressive-frank guy, who fears outright rejection,” would. Autonomy Perhaps an additional feature that might be closely related to privacy and anonymity is the autonomous nature of the texting technology. Homosexuals like Jetrin took advantage of this feature to facilitate unconventional same-sex affairs: “Unlike pagers, mobile phones are not monitored, therefore I can pretty much say what I want to the other person. I get to express myself more clearly and intimate[ly]”. Because of this absence of censorship, texters can confidently say “’I love you’ or ‘I want to throw you against the wall and make you feel like a cheap whore’ (Jetrin)” without having to concern themselves about a third-party processing their messages. Texting and Breadth Expressing Real and Virtual Emotions Because of these various constraints, respondents started to locate other avenues to communicate with their partners. Thus, the breadth of the relationship increased. Other means of communication that the respondents mentioned are face-to-face encounters, voice phone calls (either landline or mobile phone), e-mail, chat (YM, ICQ, Web cam, etc.), and even snail mail. However way they decided to extend their communication beyond texting, almost all of them declared that it is still texting that instigated this movement to another medium. One respondent said “Of course text ang taga-initiate (initiates) and then more ways [follow] after.” Although texting employs a dualistic nature of beneficial anonymity and uncertainty between exchanging partners, a number of respondents still express optimism about the texting technology’s capacity to bridge the gap between expressing real and virtual emotions. Some claimed that “even [in] text [there is] personality; smiling face, exclamation points, feelings are still communicated.” RG also expressed that “yung mga smileys nakakatulong sa pag-express ng emotions (smileys help in expressing emotions).” Jake added that “qualities like the smiley faces and sad faces you can make using the punctuation marks, etc. can really add warmth and depth to text messages.” Texting and Commitment Regularity Since most of the couples in a romantic relationship did not have the luxury of time to meet up in person or talk over the phone regularly, the frequency of texting became a distinct indication about their commitment to their relationships. “To commit is to be there for the person, 24/7. Texting helps in achieving that despite of the barriers in time and distance” (Von). Didith showed the other end of this phenomenon: “When he texted less and less in the course of the relationship, it made me doubt about … his commitment.” This regularity of texting also provided for strengthening the bond and connection between partners that ultimately “As we share more and more of our lives with each other, more trust develops…and the more trust you instill in each other, the more you expect the relationship to be stronger and more lasting” (Jack). Convenience and Affordability Some respondents pointed out texting’s convenient nature of linking partners who are rather separated by physical and geographical limits. Richard used texting to contact his partner “kasi malayo kami sa isa’t-isa, lalo na kapag umuuwi siya sa Bulacan. Texting ang pinakamadali, cheapest, and convenient way para makapag-communicate kami (because we are far from each other, especially if she goes home to Bulacan. Texting is the fastest, cheapest, and convenient way for us to communicate).” This “presence” that strengthens the commitment between partners, as suggested by most of the respondents, indicates the capacity of the mobile phone to transform into an extension of the human body and connect partners intimately. Texting, Predictability and Understanding Redundancy Some of the respondents agreed that it is the regularity of texting that enabled them to become more capable of understanding and predicting their partner’s feelings and behaviors. Tina articulated this: “Probably due to redundancy, one can predict how the other will react to certain statements.” Jake also expressed the same suggestion: Texting in our relationship has become a routine, actually. Texting has become like talking for us. And the more we text/talk, the more we get to know each other. Nagiging sanay na kami sa ugali at pag-iisip ng isa’t-isa (We become used to each other’s attitudes and thinking). So it’s inevitable for us to be able to predict one another’s reactions and thoughts to certain topics. Because we get to a point wherein we feel like we know each other so well, that when we are able to correctly predict a feeling or behavior, we find it amusing. In the end, the regularity of the interaction brought about learning. “I’ve learned much of her from texting. I knew that she becomes disappointed with certain things or she really appreciates it when I do certain things. It became easier for me to learn about her thoughts, feelings, etc.” (RJ) Managing of Contextual Cues A lot of the respondents mentioned that their understanding and predictability of their partners was also heightened by the context of the construction of the messages that were being transmitted. “If there are smiley faces, then we’re okay. No cute expressions mean we’re in a serious mode” (Didith). “Either an added word, a missing word, or a word out of place in the message gives me the clue” (Jake). The textual structure and signs became instrumental into the translation of how to perceive another’s feelings or reactions. “For example, pag normal, sweet words yung nasa text, may mga ‘I love you,’ mga ganon. Pero kung galit siya, may iba. Minsan ‘Oo’ lang yung sagot. Kaya mas nakikilala ko pa siya through text (For example, on a normal circumstance, her text would contain sweet words like ‘I love you.’ But if she’s mad, it’s different. At times, she would just reply with a mere ‘yes.’ That’s why I get to know her more through text)” (Richard). Texting and Communicative Change Own Private World Texting allowed respondents to create special languages that they used to interact with their own partners. It is an inherent characteristic of texting that limits messages up to 360 characters only, and it becomes almost a requirement to really adapt a rather abbreviated way of writing when one has to send a message. In this study however, it was found that the languages that respondents created were not the usual languages that the general public would use or understand in texting – it even went beyond the usual use of the popular smileys. Respondents revealed that they created codes that only they and their respective partners understood in their “own private world” (Jackie, Emma). “How I text him is different from how I text other people so I don’t think other people would understand what I’m telling him, and why the manner is so if they read our messages” (Anika). Leana shared an example: My partner and I have created special nicknames and shortcuts that only the two of us know and understand. Kunyari (For example), we have our own way of saying ‘I love you’ or ‘I miss you.’ To send a kiss… we use a set of characters different from the usual. Basta secret na namin ‘yon (It is our secret). Fun Majority of the respondents identified communicative code change as the most exciting and fun part in texting. “It is one of the best things about relating with someone through texting. It is one of the most fun things to do” (Mario). And the amusement that this interaction caused was not only limited in the virtual environment and the textual context. “It is one of the fun things about our texting and it even carries over when we are together personally” (Justin). “Since words are what we have, we play with them and try to be creative. Para masaya, exciting (So that it is fun and exciting)” (Charm). Incidentally, this sense of fun and excitement is also one of the attributes that Pertierra and his co-authors mentioned in their book Txt-ing Selves (Pertierra et al. 140): “Many see texting as an opportunity for fun.” Texting and Network Convergence Texting also made network convergence possible among partners, and their respective social circles, in a romantic relationship. Because the respondents engaged in non-stop texting, their friends and family started to notice their change in behavior. “People become curious… They want to know the person I text with every minute of every day… I guess people can tell when a person’s in love, even when it has only developed through texting” (Clara). Jake shared a very likely scenario: “If you get text messages when you’re with your friends/family and you laugh at the message you receive, or just react to whatever you receive, you’d have to make kwento (tell) who you’re texting to make sense of your reactions.” Others though, readily announced their relationships to everyone: “I’ll text my friends first na ‘Uy, may bago ako.’ (I will text my friends first that: ‘Hey, I have a new girlfriend.’)” (Richard). But sometimes, texters also introduced their partners to people outside their friends and family circles. “Sometimes, it even goes beyond personal. Example, if my ‘new partner’ who has never met any of my friends and family need help with something (business, academic, etc.) then I introduce him to someone from my circle who can be of help to him” (Jetrin). Network convergence could also take place through and within the medium itself. Respondents revealed that their family and friends actually interact with each other through texting without necessarily having the opportunity to meet in person. Pauline shared: “Ate (My older sister)… used to send text messages to him before to ask where I am. And my mom stole his number from my phone ‘just in case’.” Didith and her boyfriend also experienced having their friends involved in the dynamics of their relationship: “During our first major quarrel, he texted and called my friend to ask what I was mad about. Likewise, when we have a minor spat, I call his friend to vent or ask about him.” Conclusion This study establishes the texting technology’s capacity as a romancing gadget. As the interview participants pointed out, because of the technology’s capacity to allow users to create their own world capable of expressing real and virtual emotions, and managing contextual cues, texters were able to increase their dependence and understanding of one another. It also allowed for partners to exchange more personal and intimate information through an instant and private delivery of messages. The facilitation of communicative change made their relationship more exciting and that the texting medium itself became the message of commitment to their relationship. Finally, texting also led the partners to introduce one another to their families and friends either through the texting environment or face-to-face. Ultimately, texting became their means to achieving intimacy and romance. Texting offered a modern communication medium for carrying out traditional gender roles in pursuing romance for the heterosexual majority of the respondents. However, the messaging tool also empowered the homosexuals and bisexuals involved in the study. The highly private and autonomous textual environment enabled them to explore new and unorthodox romantic and even sexual relations. Moreover, texting may be considered as a venue for “technological foreplay” (Nadarajan). Almost all of those who have used texting to sustain their intimacy indicated the choice to expand to other modes of communication. Although relationships set in a purely virtual environment actually exist, the findings that these relationships rarely stay virtual point to the idea that the virtual setting of texting becomes simply just another place where partners get to exercise their romance for each other, only to be further “consummated” perhaps by a face-to-face contact. Data gathering for this research revealed a noteworthy number of respondents who engage in a purely virtual textual relationship. A further investigation of this occurrence will be able to highlight the capacity of texting as a relationship gadget. Long distance relationships sustained by this technology also provide a good ground for the exploration of the text messaging’s potentials as communication tool. References Lallana, Emmanuel. SMS, Business, and Government in the Philippines. Manila: Department of Science and Technology, 2004. Leung, Louis, and Ran Wei. “More than Just Talk on the Move: Uses and Gratifications of the Cellular Phone.” Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 77 (2000): 308-320. Levinson, Paul. Cellphone: The Story of the World’s Most Mobile Medium and How It Has Transformed Everything! New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. Mangahas, Malou. “For the Little History of EDSA-2.” Social Weather Station 26 Jan. 2001. 31 Jan. 2005 http://www.sws.org.ph/>. Nadarajan, Gunalan. Personal communication with the author. 2004. Parks, Malcolm. “Communication Networks and Relationship Life Cycles.” Handbook of Personal Relationships: Theory, Research, and Interventions. 2nd ed. Ed. Steve Duck. London: John Wiley, 1997. 351-72. Pertierra, Raul. Transforming Technologies: Altered Selves – Mobile Phone and Internet Use in the Philippines. Manila: De La Salle UP, 2006. Pertierra, Raul, et al. Text-ing Selves: Cellphones and Philippine Modernity. Manila: De La Salle UP, 2002. Solis, Randy Jay. “Mobile Romance: An Exploration of the Development of Romantic Relationships through Texting.” Asia Culture Forum, Gwangju, South Korea: 29 Oct. 2006. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Solis, Randy Jay C. "Texting Love: An Exploration of Text Messaging as a Medium for Romance in the Philippines." M/C Journal 10.1 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/05-solis.php>. APA Style Solis, R. (Mar. 2007) "Texting Love: An Exploration of Text Messaging as a Medium for Romance in the Philippines," M/C Journal, 10(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/05-solis.php>.

On 12 March 2020, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte announced a lockdown of Manila to stop the spread of COVID-19. The cities, provinces, and islands of the Philippines remained under various levels of community quarantine for the remainder of the year. Under the strictest lockdown measures, known as Enhanced Community Quarantine (ECQ), no one aged below 21 or over 60 years was allowed out, a curfew was implemented between 10pm and 5am, and only one person per household, carrying a quarantine pass, was allowed to go out for essential items (Bainbridge & Vimonsuknopparat; Ratcliffe & Fonbuena). The policing of these measures was strict, with a heavy reliance on police and military to enforce health protocols (Hapal). In early April, Duterte warned that violators of the lockdown who caused trouble could be shot (Reuters). Criticisms concerning the dissemination of information about the pandemic were exacerbated when on 5 May, 2020, Filipinos lost an important source of news and entertainment as the country’s largest media network ABS-CBN was shut down after the government denied the renewal of its broadcast franchise (Gutierrez; “ABS-CBN”; “Independent Broadcaster”). The handling of the pandemic by the Duterte government has been characterised by inaction, scapegoating, and framed as a war on an existential threat (Hapal). This has led to feelings of frustration, anger, and despair that has impacted and been incorporated into the artistic expression of some Filipino creatives (Esguerra, “Reflecting”). As they did in the rest of the world, social media platforms became a vital source of entertainment for many facing these harsh lockdown measures in the Philippines in 2020. Viral forms included the sharing of videos of recipes for whipped Dalgona coffee and ube-pandesal on TikTok, binge-watching KDramas like Crash Landing on You on Netflix, playing Animal Crossing on Nintendo Switch, and watching Thailand’s Boys’ Love genre web series 2Gether: The Series on YouTube. Around the world, many arts and cultural organisations turned to online platforms to continue their events during the COVID-19 pandemic. #RomanceClass, a Filipino community of authors, artists, and actors who consume, produce, and enact mostly self-published English-language romance fiction in the Philippines, also turned to these platforms to hold their community’s live literature events. This article analyses this shift by #RomanceClass. It contends that, due to their nature as an independent, born-digital literary organisation, they were able to adapt swiftly and effectively to online-only events in response to the harshness of the Filipino lockdown, creating new forms of artistic innovation by adopting the aesthetics of Zoom into their creative practice (for example, name tags and gallery camera view). This aesthetic swiftly became familiar to people all over the world in 2020, and adopting digital platforms encodes within it the possibility for a global audience. However, while #RomanceClass are and have been open to a global audience, and their creative innovations during the pandemic have clearly been informed by transcultural online trends, this article argues that their adoption of digital platforms and creative innovations represented a continuation of their existing ethos, producing material explicitly intended for a Filipino audience, and more specifically, their existing community, prioritising community connection over any more expansive marketing efforts (McAlister et al.). The Live Literature of #RomanceClass The term #RomanceClass refers to a biblio-community of authors, readers, artists, and actors, all involved in the production and consumption of English-language romance novels in the Philippines. #RomanceClass began online in 2013 via a free writing class run predominantly on Facebook by author Mina V. Esguerra (for more on this, see McAlister et al.). As the community has developed, in-person events have become a major part of the community’s activities. However, as a born-digital social formation, #RomanceClass has always existed, to some extent, online. Their comfort in digital spaces was key to their ability to pivot swiftly to the circumstances in the Philippines during the lockdowns in 2020. One of the most distinctive practices of #RomanceClass is their live reading events. Prior to 2020, community members would gather in April for April Feels Day, and in October for Feels Fest for events where local actors would read curated passages from community-authored romance novels, and audiences’ verbal and physical responses became part of the performance. The live readings represent a distinctive form of live literature – that is, events where literature is the dominant art form presented or performed (Wiles), a field which encompasses phenomena like storytelling festivals, author readings, and literary festivals (Dane; Harvey; Weber; Wilson). In October 2019, we interviewed several #RomanceClass community members and attended one of these live reading events, Feels Fest, where we observed that the nature of the event very clearly reflected the way the community functions: they are “highly professionalised, but also tightly bound on an affective level, regularly describing [themselves] as a found family” (McAlister et al. 404). Attendance at live readings is capped (50 people, for the event we attended). The events are thus less about audience-building than they are community-sustaining, something which they do by providing community comforts. In particular, this includes kilig, a Filipino term referring to a kind of affective romantic excitement, usually demonstrated by the audience members in reaction to the actors’ readings. While the in-person component is very important to the live reading events, they have always spanned online and offline contexts – the events are usually live-tweeted by participants, and the readings are recorded and posted to YouTube by an official community videographer, with the explicit acknowledgment that if you attended the event, you are more than welcome to relive it as many times as you want. (Readings which contain a high degree of sexual content are not searchable on YouTube so as not to cause any harm to the actors, but the links are made privately available to attendees.) However, the lockdown measures implemented in the Philippines in 2020 meant that only the online context was available to the community – and so, like so many other arts communities around the world, they were forced to adapt. We tend to think of platforms like Zoom as encoded with the potential to allow people into a space who might not have been able to access it before. However, in their transition to an online-only context, #RomanceClass clearly sought to prioritise the community-sustaining practices of their existing events rather than trying in any major way to court new, potentially global, audiences. This prioritisation of community, rather than marketing, provided a space for #RomanceClass authors to engage cathartically with their experiences of lockdown in the Philippines (Esguerra, “Reflecting”). Embracing the Zoom Aesthetic: #RomanceClass in 2020 #RomanceClass’s first online event in 2020 was April Feels Day 2020, which occurred not long after lockdown began in the Philippines. Its production reflects the quick transition to an online-only co-presence space. It featured six books recently published by community authors. For each, the author introduced the book, and then an actor read an excerpt – a different approach to that hitherto taken in live events, where two actors, playing the roles of the romantic protagonists, would perform the readings together. Like the in-person live readings, April Feels Day 2020 was a synchronous event with a digital afterlife. It was streamed via Twitch, and participants could log on to watch and join the real-time conversations occurring in the chat. Those who did not sign up for a Twitch account could still watch the stream and post about the event on Twitter under the hashtag #AprilFeelsDay2020. After the event, videos featuring each book were posted to YouTube, as they had been for previous in-person live reading events, allowing participants to relive the experience if they so desired, and for authors to use as workshopping tools to allow them to hear how their prose and characters’ voices sounded (something which several authors reported doing with recordings of live readings in our interviews with them in 2019). April Feels Day 2020 represented a speedy pivot to working and socialising from home by the #RomanceClass community, something enabled by the existing digital architecture they had built up around their pre-pandemic live reading events, and their willingness to experiment with platforms like Twitch. However, it also represented a learning experience, a place to begin to think about how they might adapt creatively to the circumstances provoked by the global pandemic. They innovated in several ways. For instance, they adopted mukbang – a South Korean internet phenomenon which has become popular worldwide, wherein a host consumes a large amount of food while interacting with their audience in an online audiovisual broadcast – in their Mukbang Nights videos, where a few members of #RomanceClass would eat food and discuss their books (Anjani et al.). Food is a beloved part of both #RomanceClass events and books (“there’s lots of food, always. At some point someone always describes what the characters are eating. No exceptions”, author Carla de Guzman told us when we interviewed her in 2019), and so their adoption of mukbang shows the ways in which their 2020 digital events sought to recreate established forms of communal cohesion in a virtual co-presence space. An even more pointed example of this is their Hello, Ever After web series, which drew on the growing popularity of born-digital web series in Southeast Asia and other virtual performances around the globe. Hello, Ever After was both a natural extension of and significantly differed from #RomanceClass in-person live events. Usually, April Feels Day and October Feels Fest feature actors reading and performing passages from already published community books. By contrast, Hello, Ever After featured original short scripts written by community authors. These scripts took established characters from these authors’ novels and served as epilogues, where viewers could see how these characters and their romances fared during the pandemic. Like in-person live reading events – and unlike the digital April Feels Day 2020 – it featured two actors playing virtually side-by-side, reinforcing that one of the key pleasures derived from the reading events is the kilig produced through the interaction between the actors playing against each other (something we also observed in our 2019 fieldwork: the community has developed hashtags to refer specifically to the live reading performance interactions of some of their actors, such as #gahoates, in reference to actors Gio Gahol and Rachel Coates). The scenes are purposefully written as video chats, which allows not only for the fact that the actors were unable to physically interact with each other because of the lockdowns, but also tapped into the Zoom communication aesthetic that commandeered many people’s personal and professional communications during COVID-19 restrictions. Although the web series used a different video conferencing technology, community member Tania Arpa, who directed the web series episodes, adapted the nameplate feature that displayed the characters’ names to more closely align with the Zoom format, demonstrating #RomanceClass’s close attentiveness to developments in the global media environment. Zoom and other virtual co-presence platforms became essentially universal in 2020. One of their affordances was that people could virtually attend events from anywhere in the world, which encodes in it the possibility of reaching a broader, more global audience base. However, #RomanceClass maintained their high sensitivity to the local Filipino context through Hello, Ever After. By setting episodes during the Philippines’ lockdown, emphasised by the video chat mise en scène, Hello, Ever After captures the nuances of the sociopolitical and sometimes mundane aspects of the local pandemic response. Moreover, the series features characters known to and beloved by the community, as the episodes function as epilogues to #RomanceClass books, taking place in what An Goris calls the “post-HEA” [happily ever after] space. #RomanceClass books are available digitally – and have a readership – outside the Philippines, and so the Hello, Ever After web series is theoretically a text that can be enjoyed by many. However, the community was not necessarily seeking to broaden their audience base through Hello, Ever After; it was community-sustaining, rather than community-expanding. It built on the extant repository of community knowledge and affect by using characters that #RomanceClass members know intimately and have emotional connections to, who are not as familiar and legible to those outside the community, intended for an audience with a level of genre knowledge (McAlister et al.; Fletcher et al.). While the pandemic experience these characters were going through was global, as the almost universal familiarity with the Zoom aesthetic shows, Hello, Ever After was highly attentive to the local context. Almost all the episodes featured “Easter eggs” and dialogues that pointed to local situations that only members of the targeted Filipino audience would understand and be familiar with, echoing the pandemic challenges of the country’s present reality. Episodes featured recurrent themes like dissatisfaction with the government’s slow response and misaligned priorities, anger towards politicians exacerbating the impact of the pandemic with poor health and transportation policies, and recognition of voluntary service and aid rendered by private individuals. For example, the first episode, Make Good Days, an epilogue to Mina V. Esguerra’s novel What Kind of Day, focusses on the challenges “essential worker” hero Ben (played by Raphael Robes) faces as a local politician’s speechwriter, who has been tasked to draft a memorial speech for his boss to deliver in honour of an acquaintance who has succumbed to COVID-19. He has developed a “3:00 habit” of a Zoom call with his partner Naya (Rachel Coates), mirroring the “3:00 habit” or “3:00 Prayer to the Divine Mercy” many Catholic Filipino devotees pray and recite daily at that specific hour, a habit reinforced through schools, churches, and media, where entertainment shows allow time for the prayer to be televised. Ben and Naya’s conversation in this particular 3:00 call dwells on what they think Filipino citizens deserve, especially from local government officials who repeatedly fail them (Baizas; Torres). They also discuss the impact that the pandemic has had on Naya’s work life. She runs a tourism and travel business – which is the way that the two characters met in What Kind of Day – which she has been forced to close because of the pandemic. Naya grieves not just for the dream job she has had to give up, but also sympathises with the enormous number of Filipinos who suddenly became unemployed because of the economy closing down (Tirona). Hello, Ever After draws together the political realities of living in the Philippines during the pandemic with the personal, by showing the effects of these realities on characters like Ben and Naya, who are well-known to the #RomanceClass community. #RomanceClass books encompass a wide variety of protagonists, and so the episodes of Hello, Ever After were able to explore how the lives of health workers, actors, single parents, students, scientists, office workers, development workers, CEOs and more could be impacted by the pandemic and the lockdowns in the Philippines. They also allowed the authors to express some of their personal frustrations with living through quarantine, something they admit fueled some parts of the scripts (“Behind the Scenes: Hello, Ever After”). #RomanceClass novels like What Kind of Day all end happily, with the romantic protagonists together (in contrast to a lot of other Filipino media, which ends unhappily – for more on this, see McAlister et al.). Make Good Days and the other episodes of Hello, Ever After reflect the grim realities of pandemic life in the Philippines; however, they do not undercut this happy ending, and instead seek to reinforce it. Through Hello, Ever After, the community literally seeks to “make good days” for themselves by creating opportunities to access the familiar comfort and warmth of kilig scenes. Kilig refers to a kind of affective romantic emotion that usually has a physical manifestation (Trinidad, “Shipping”; “Kilig”). It does not have an equivalent word or phrase in English, but can be used as a noun to denote a thrilling state of excitement or as an adjective to describe moments or scenes that evoke this feeling. Creating and becoming immersed in kilig is central to #RomanceClass texts and events: authors attempt to produce kilig through their writing, and actors attempt to provoke it during live reading performances (something which, as mentioned above, was probably made more difficult in the one-actor live readings of the fully online Aprils Feels Day 2020, as much of the kilig is generated by the interactions between the actors). Kilig scenes are plentiful in Hello, Ever After. For instance, in Make Good Days, Naya asks Ben to name a thing he hated before the pandemic that he now misses. He replies that he misses being stuck in traffic with her – that he still hates traffic, but he misses spending that time with her. Escapism was a high priority for many people and communities creating art during the 2020 lockdowns. Given this, it is interesting that #RomanceClass chose to create kilig in their web series by leaning into the temporal moment and creating material specifically revolving around the lockdown in the Philippines, showing couples like Ben and Naya supporting each other and sharing their pandemic-caused burdens. Hello, Ever After both reflected the harsh reality in which the community found themselves but also gave them something to cling to in the hardest days of lockdown, showing that kilig could be found even in the toughest of circumstances when both characters and community members found themselves separated. Conclusion As a community which began in a digital space, #RomanceClass was well-positioned to pivot to an online-only environment during the pandemic, even though in-person events had become such a distinctive part of their community outputs. They experimented and innovated significantly in 2020, producing a range of digital outputs, including the Hello, Ever After web series. On the surface, this does not seem especially unusual: many arts organisations innovated digitally during the pandemic. What was particularly notable about #RomanceClass’s digital outputs, however, was that they were not designed to be marketing tools. They were not actively courting a new audience; rather, outputs like Hello, Ever After were designed to be community-sustaining, providing the existing audience comfort, familiarity, and kilig in a situation (local and global) that was not in any way comfortable or familiar. We Will Be Okay is the title of the second Hello, Ever After video, an epilogue to Celestine Trinidad’s Ghost of a Feeling: a neat summary of the message the episodes offered to the #RomanceClass audience through these revisitings of beloved characters and relationships. As we have discussed elsewhere, #RomanceClass is a professionalised community, but their affective ties are very strong (McAlister et al.). Their digital outputs during the pandemic showed this, and demonstrated again the way their community bonds are reinforced through their repeated re-engagement with their texts, just as their pre-pandemic forms of live literature did. There was kilig to be found in revisiting well-known couples, even in depressing circumstances. As the community engage together with these new epilogues and share their affective reactions, their social ties are reinforced – even when they are forced to be separated. References “ABS-CBN: Philippines’ Biggest Broadcaster Forced Off Air.” BBC, 5 May 2020. 22 Mar. 2021 <http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-52548703>. Anjani, Laurensia, et al. “Why Do People Watch Others Eat Food? An Empirical Study on the Motivations and Practices of Mukbang Viewers.” Proceedings of the 2020 CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems. April 2020. DOI: 10.1145/3313831.3376567. Bainbridge, Amy, and Supattra Vimonsuknopparat. “This Is What Life Is Like in the Philippines amid One of the World’s Toughest Coronavirus Lockdowns.” ABC News, 29 Apr. 2020. 22 Mar. 2021 <http://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-04-29/philippines-social-volcano-threatening-to-erupt-amid-covid-19/12193188>. Baizas, Gaby. “‘Law Is Law Unless Friends Kayo’: Netizens Slam Gov’t Double Standards.” Rappler, 13 May 2020. 22 Mar. 2021 <http://www.rappler.com/nation/netizens-reaction-law-is-law-double-standards-government-ecq-guidelines>. “Behind the Scenes: Hello, Ever After.” Facilitated by Mina V. Esguerra. RomanceClass, 7 Aug. 2020. 22 Mar. 2021 <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3-9FuCSX08M>. Dane, Alexandra. “Cultural Capital as Performance: Tote Bags and Contemporary Literary Festivals.” Mémoires du Livre 11.2 (2020). <http://www.erudit.org/fr/revues/memoires/2020-v11-n2-memoires05373/1070270ar.pdf>. Esguerra, Mina V. What Kind of Day. Self-published, 2018. ———. “Reflecting on Hello, Ever After.” Mina V. Esguerra, 23 April 2021. 17 May 2021 <http://minavesguerra.com/news/reflecting-on-hello-ever-after/>. Fletcher, Lisa, Beth Driscoll, and Kim Wilkins. “Genre Worlds and Popular Fiction: The Case of Twenty-First Century Australian Romance.” Journal of Popular Culture 51.4 (2018): 997-1015. Goris, An. “Happily Ever After… and After: Serialisation and the Popular Romance Novel.” Americana: The Journal of American Popular Culture 12.1 (2013). 22 Mar. 2021 <http://www.americanpopularculture.com/journal/articles/spring_2013/goris.htm>. Gutierrez, Jason. “Philippine Congress Officially Shuts Down Leading Broadcaster.” New York Times, 10 July 2020. 22 Mar. 2021 <http://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/10/world/asia/philippines-congress-media-duterte-abs-cbn.html>. Hapal, Karl. “The Philippines’ COVID-19 Response: Securitising the Pandemic and Disciplining the Pasaway.” Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs (2021). <http://doi.org/10.1177/1868103421994261>. Harvey, Hannah. “On the Edge of the Storytelling World: The Festival Circuit and the Fringe.” Storytelling, Self, Society 4.2 (2008): 134-151. “Independent Broadcaster ABS-CBN Shut Down by Philippines Government in ‘Crushing Blow’ to Press Freedom.” ABC News, 6 May 2020. 22 Mar. 2021 <http://www.abc.net.au/news/2020-05-06/philippines-news-outlet-closure-abs-cbn-duterte/12218416>. “Make Good Days.” Dir. Tania Arpa. RomanceClass, 26 June 2020. 22 Mar. 2021 <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6bqpij-S7DU&t=5s>. McAlister, Jodi, Claire Parnell, and Andrea Anne Trinidad. “#RomanceClass: Genre World, Intimate Public, Found Family.” Publishing Research Quarterly 36 (2020): 403-417. Ratcliffe, Rebecca, and Carmela Fonbuena. “Millions in Manila Back in Lockdown as Duterte Loses Control of Coronavirus Spread.” The Guardian, 4 Aug. 2020. 22 Mar. 2021 <http://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/aug/04/millions-in-manila-philippines-back-in-lockdown-as-duterte-loses-control-of-coronavirus-spread>. Reuters. “‘Shoot Them Dead’ – Philippine Leader Says Won’t Tolerate Lockdown Violators.” CNBC, 2 April 2020. 22 Mar. 2021 <https://www.cnbc.com/2020/04/02/philippines-duterte-threatens-to-shoot-lockdown-violators.html>. Tirona, Ana Olivia A. “Unemployment Rate Hits Record High in 2020.” Business World, 9 Mar. 2021. 22 Mar. 2021 <http://www.bworldonline.com/unemployment-rate-hits-record-high-in-2020/>. Torres, Thets. “5 Times the Government Disobeyed and Ignored Their Own Laws.” NoliSoli, 13 May 2020. 22 Mar. 2021 <http://nolisoli.ph/80192/ph-government-disobeyed-and-ignored-their-own-laws-ttorres-20200513/>. Trinidad, Andrea Anne. “‘Kilig to the Bones!’: Kilig as the Backbone of the Filipino Romance Experience.” Paper presented at the International Association for the Study of Popular Romance conference, 2020. ———. “‘Shipping’ Larry Stylinson: What Makes Pairing Appealing Boys Romantic?” Paper presented at the International Association for the Study of Popular Romance conference, 2018. Trinidad, Celestine. Ghost of a Feeling. Self-published, 2018. Weber, Millicent. Literary Festivals and Contemporary Book Culture. Cham: Palgrave, 2018. “We Will Be Okay.” Dir. Tania Arpa. RomanceClass, 3 July 2020. 22 Mar. 2021 <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ed2SamGU3Tk>. Wiles, Ellen. “Live Literature and Cultural Value: Explorations in Experiential Literary Ethnography.” PhD thesis. 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Introduction The social roles of alcohol consumption are rich and varied, with different types of alcoholic beverages reflecting important symbolic and cultural meanings. Sparkling wine is especially notable for its association with secular and sacred celebrations. Indeed, sparkling wine is rarely drunk as a matter of routine; bottles of such wine signal special occasions, heightened by the formality and excitement associated with opening the bottle and controlling (or not!) the resultant fizz (Faith). Originating in England and France in the late 1600s, sparkling wine marked a dramatic shift in winemaking techniques, with winemakers deliberately adding “fizz” or bubbles to their product (Faith). The resulting effervescent wines were first enjoyed by the social elite of European society, signifying privilege, wealth, luxury and nobility; however, new techniques for producing, selling and distributing the wines created a mass consumer culture (Guy). Production of Australian sparkling wines began in the late nineteenth century and consumption remains popular. As a “new world” country – that is, one not located in the wine producing areas of Europe – Australian sparkling wines cannot directly draw on the same marketing traditions as those of the “old world”. One enterprising company, Treasury Wine Estates, markets a range of wines, including a sparkling variety, called 19 Crimes, that draws, not on European traditions tied to luxury, wealth and prestige, but Australia’s colonial history. Using Augmented Reality and interactive story-telling, 19 Crimes wine labels feature convicts who had committed one or more of 19 crimes punishable by transportation to Australia from Britain. The marketing of sparkling wine using convict images and convict stories of transportation have not diminished the celebratory role of consuming “bubbly”. Rather, in exploring the marketing techniques employed by the company, particularly when linked to the traditional drink of celebration, we argue that 19 Crimes, while fun and informative, nevertheless romanticises convict experiences and Australia’s convict past. Convict Heritage and Re-Appropriating the Convict Image Australia’s cultural heritage is undeniably linked to its convict past. Convicts were transported to Australia from England and Ireland over an 80-year period between 1788-1868. While the convict system in Australia was not predominantly characterised by incarceration and institutionalisation (Jones 18) the work they performed was often forced and physically taxing, and food and clothing shortages were common. Transportation meant exile, and “it was a fierce punishment that ejected men, women and children from their homelands into distant and unknown territories” (Bogle 23). Convict experiences of transportation often varied and were dependent not just on the offender themselves (for example their original crime, how willing they were to work and their behaviour), but also upon the location they were sent to. “Normal” punishment could include solitary confinement, physical reprimands (flogging) or hard labour in chain gangs. From the time that transportation ceased in the mid 1800s, efforts were made to distance Australia’s future from the “convict stain” of its past (Jones). Many convict establishments were dismantled or repurposed with the intent of forgetting the past, although some became sites of tourist visitation from the time of closure. Importantly, however, the wider political and social reluctance to engage in discourse regarding Australia’s “unsavoury historical incident” of its convict past continued up until the 1970s (Jones 26). During the 1970s Australia’s convict heritage began to be discussed more openly, and indeed, more favourably (Welch 597). Many today now view Australia’s convicts as “reluctant pioneers” (Barnard 7), and as such they are celebrated within our history. In short, the convict heritage is now something to be celebrated rather than shunned. This celebration has been capitalised upon by tourist industries and more recently by wine label 19 Crimes. “19 Crimes: Cheers to the Infamous” The Treasury Wine Estates brand launched 19 Crimes in 2011 to a target population of young men aged between 18 and 34 (Lyons). Two limited edition vintages sold out in 2011 with “virtually no promotion” (19 Crimes, “Canadians”). In 2017, 19 Crimes became the first wine to use an Augmented Reality (AR) app (the app was later renamed Living Wines Labels in 2018) that allowed customers to hover their [smart] phone in front of a bottle of the wine and [watch] mugshots of infamous 18th century British criminals come to life as 3D characters who recount their side of the story. Having committed at least one of the 19 crimes punishable by exile to Australia, these convicts now humor and delight wine drinkers across the globe. (Lirie) Given the target audience of the 19 Crimes wine was already 18-34 year old males, AR made sense as a marketing technique. Advertisers are well aware the millennial generation is “digitally empowered” and the AR experience was created to not only allow “consumers to engage with 19 Crimes wines but also explore some of the stories of Australia’s convict past … [as] told by the convicts-turned-colonists themselves!” (Lilley cited in Szentpeteri 1-2). The strategy encourages people to collect convicts by purchasing other 19 Crimes alcohol to experience a wider range of stories. The AR has been highly praised: they [the labels] animate, explaining just what went down and giving a richer experience to your beverage; engaging both the mind and the taste buds simultaneously … . ‘A fantastic app that brings a little piece of history to life’, writes one user on the Apple app store. ‘I jumped out of my skin when the mugshot spoke to me’. (Stone) From here, the success of 19 Crimes has been widespread. For example, in November 2020, media reports indicated that 19 Crimes red wine was the most popular supermarket wine in the UK (Lyons; Pearson-Jones). During the UK COVID lockdown in 2020, 19 Crimes sales increased by 148 per cent in volume (Pearson-Jones). This success is in no small part to its innovative marketing techniques, which of course includes the AR technology heralded as a way to enhance the customer experience (Lirie). The 19 Crimes wine label explicitly celebrates infamous convicts turned settlers. The website “19 Crimes: Cheers to the Infamous” incorporates ideas of celebration, champagne and bubbles by encouraging people to toast their mates: the convicts on our wines are not fiction. They were of flesh and blood, criminals and scholars. Their punishment of transportation should have shattered their spirits. Instead, it forged a bond stronger than steel. Raise a glass to our convict past and the principles these brave men and women lived by. (19 Crimes, “Cheers”) While using alcohol, and in particular sparkling wine, to participate in a toasting ritual is the “norm” for many social situations, what is distinctive about the 19 Crimes label is that they have chosen to merchandise and market known offenders for individuals to encounter and collect as part of their drinking entertainment. This is an innovative and highly popular concept. According to one marketing company: “19 Crimes Wines celebrate the rebellious spirit of the more than 160,000 exiled men and women, the rule breakers and law defying citizens that forged a new culture and national spirit in Australia” (Social Playground). The implication is that by drinking this brand of [sparkling] wine, consumers are also partaking in celebrating those convicts who “forged” Australian culture and national spirit. In many ways, this is not a “bad thing”. 19 Crimes are promoting Australian cultural history in unique ways and on a very public and international scale. The wine also recognises the hard work and success stories of the many convicts that did indeed build Australia. Further, 19 Crimes are not intentionally minimising the experiences of convicts. They implicitly acknowledge the distress felt by convicts noting that it “should have shattered their spirits”. However, at times, the narratives and marketing tools romanticise the convict experience and culturally reinterpret a difficult experience into one of novelty. They also tap into Australia’s embracement of larrikinism. In many ways, 19 Crimes are encouraging consumers to participate in larrikin behaviour, which Bellanta identifies as being irreverent, mocking authority, showing a disrespect for social subtleties and engaging in boisterous drunkenness with mates. Celebrating convict history with a glass of bubbly certainly mocks authority, as does participating in cultural practices that subvert original intentions. Several companies in the US and Europe are now reportedly offering the service of selling wine bottle labels with customisable mugshots. Journalist Legaspi suggests that the perfect gift for anyone who wants a sparkling wine or cider to toast with during the Yuletide season would be having a customisable mugshot as a wine bottle label. The label comes with the person’s mugshot along with a “goofy ‘crime’ that fits the person-appealing” (Sotelo cited in Legaspi). In 2019, Social Playground partnered with MAAKE and Dan Murphy's stores around Australia to offer customers their own personalised sticker mugshots that could be added to the wine bottles. The campaign was intended to drive awareness of 19 Crimes, and mugshot photo areas were set up in each store. Customers could then pose for a photo against the “mug shot style backdrop. Each photo was treated with custom filters to match the wine labels actual packaging” and then printed on a sticker (Social Playground). The result was a fun photo moment, delivered as a personalised experience. Shoppers were encouraged to purchase the product to personalise their bottle, with hundreds of consumers taking up the offer. With instant SMS delivery, consumers also received a branded print that could be shared so [sic] social media, driving increased brand awareness for 19 Crimes. (Social Playground) While these customised labels were not interactive, they lent a unique and memorable spin to the wine. In many circumstances, adding personalised photographs to wine bottles provides a perfect and unique gift; yet, could be interpreted as making light of the conditions experienced by convicts. However, within our current culture, which celebrates our convict heritage and embraces crime consumerism, the reframing of a mugshot from a tool used by the State to control into a novelty gift or memento becomes culturally acceptable and desirable. Indeed, taking a larrikin stance, the reframing of the mugshot is to be encouraged. It should be noted that while some prisons were photographing criminals as early as the 1840s, it was not common practice before the 1870s in England. The Habitual Criminals Act of 1869 has been attributed with accelerating the use of criminal photographs, and in 1871 the Crimes Prevention Act mandated the photographing of criminals (Clark). Further, in Australia, convicts only began to be photographed in the early 1870s (Barnard) and only in Western Australia and Port Arthur (Convict Records, “Resources”), restricting the availability of images which 19 Crimes can utilise. The marketing techniques behind 19 Crimes and the Augmented app offered by Living Wines Labels ensure that a very particular picture of the convicts is conveyed to its customers. As seen above, convicts are labelled in jovial terms such as “rule breakers”, having a “rebellious spirit” or “law defying citizens”, again linking to notions of larrikinism and its celebration. 19 Crimes have been careful to select convicts that have a story linked to “rule breaking, culture creating and overcoming adversity” (19 Crimes, “Snoop”) as well as convicts who have become settlers, or in other words, the “success stories”. This is an ingenious marketing strategy. Through selecting success stories, 19 Crimes are able to create an environment where consumers can enjoy their bubbly while learning about a dark period of Australia’s heritage. Yet, there is a distancing within the narratives that these convicts are actually “criminals”, or where their criminal behaviour is acknowledged, it is presented in a way that celebrates it. Words such as criminals, thieves, assault, manslaughter and repeat offenders are foregone to ensure that consumers are never really reminded that they may be celebrating “bad” people. The crimes that make up 19 Crimes include: Grand Larceny, theft above the value of one shilling. Petty Larceny, theft under one shilling. Buying or receiving stolen goods, jewels, and plate... Stealing lead, iron, or copper, or buying or receiving. Impersonating an Egyptian. Stealing from furnished lodgings. Setting fire to underwood. Stealing letters, advancing the postage, and secreting the money. Assault with an intent to rob. Stealing fish from a pond or river. Stealing roots, trees, or plants, or destroying them. Bigamy. Assaulting, cutting, or burning clothes. Counterfeiting the copper coin... Clandestine marriage. Stealing a shroud out of a grave. Watermen carrying too many passengers on the Thames, if any drowned. Incorrigible rogues who broke out of Prison and persons reprieved from capital punishment. Embeuling Naval Stores, in certain cases. (19 Crimes, “Crimes”) This list has been carefully chosen to fit the narrative that convicts were transported in the main for what now appear to be minimal offences, rather than for serious crimes which would otherwise have been punished by death, allowing the consumer to enjoy their bubbly without engaging too closely with the convict story they are experiencing. The AR experience offered by these labels provides consumers with a glimpse of the convicts’ stories. Generally, viewers are told what crime the convict committed, a little of the hardships they encountered and the success of their outcome. Take for example the transcript of the Blanc de Blancs label: as a soldier I fought for country. As a rebel I fought for cause. As a man I fought for freedom. My name is James Wilson and I fight to the end. I am not ashamed to speak the truth. I was tried for treason. Banished to Australia. Yet I challenged my fate and brought six of my brothers to freedom. Think that we have been nearly nine years in this living tomb since our first arrest and that it is impossible for mind or body to withstand the continual strain that is upon them. One or the other must give way. While the contrived voice of James Wilson speaks about continual strain on the body and mind, and having to live in a “living tomb” [Australia] the actual difficulties experienced by convicts is not really engaged with. Upon further investigation, it is also evident that James Wilson was not an ordinary convict, nor was he strictly tried for treason. Information on Wilson is limited, however from what is known it is clear that he enlisted in the British Army at age 17 to avoid arrest when he assaulted a policeman (Snoots). In 1864 he joined the Irish Republican Brotherhood and became a Fenian; which led him to desert the British Army in 1865. The following year he was arrested for desertion and was convicted by the Dublin General Court Martial for the crime of being an “Irish rebel” (Convict Records, “Wilson”), desertion and mutinous conduct (photo from the Wild Geese Memorial cited in The Silver Voice). Prior to transportation, Wilson was photographed at Dublin Mountjoy Prison in 1866 (Manuscripts and Archives Division), and this is the photo that appears on the Blanc de Blancs label. He arrived in Fremantle, Western Australia on 9 January 1868. On 3 June 1869 Wilson “was sentenced to fourteen days solitary, confinement including ten days on bread and water” (photo from the Wild Geese Memorial cited in The Silver Voice) for an unknown offence or breach of conduct. A few years into his sentence he sent a letter to a fellow Fenian New York journalist John Devoy. Wilson wrote that his was a voice from the tomb. For is not this a living tomb? In the tomb it is only a man’s body is good for the worms but in this living tomb the canker worm of care enters the very soul. Think that we have been nearly nine years in this living tomb since our first arrest and that it is impossible for mind or body to withstand the continual strain that is upon them. One or the other must give way. (Wilson, 1874, cited in FitzSimons; emphasis added) Note the last two lines of the extract of the letter have been used verbatim by 19 Crimes to create their interactive label. This letter sparked a rescue mission which saw James Wilson and five of his fellow prisoners being rescued and taken to America where Wilson lived out his life (Reid). This escape has been nicknamed “The Great Escape” and a memorial was been built in 2005 in Rockingham where the escape took place. While 19 Crimes have re-created many elements of Wilson’s story in the interactive label, they have romanticised some aspects while generalising the conditions endured by convicts. For example, citing treason as Wilson’s crime rather than desertion is perhaps meant to elicit more sympathy for his situation. Further, the selection of a Fenian convict (who were often viewed as political prisoners that were distinct from the “criminal convicts”; Amos) allows 19 Crimes to build upon narratives of rule breaking by focussing on a convict who was sent to Australia for fighting for what he believed in. In this way, Wilson may not be seen as a “real” criminal, but rather someone to be celebrated and admired. Conclusion As a “new world” producer of sparkling wine, it was important for 19 Crimes to differentiate itself from the traditionally more sophisticated market of sparkling-wine consumers. At a lower price range, 19 Crimes caters to a different, predominantly younger, less wealthy clientele, who nevertheless consume alcoholic drinks symbolic to the occasion. The introduction of an effervescent wine to their already extensive collection encourages consumers to buy their product to use in celebratory contexts where the consumption of bubbly defines the occasion. The marketing of Blanc de Blancs directly draws upon ideas of celebration whilst promoting an image and story of a convict whose situation is admired – not the usual narrative that one associates with celebration and bubbly. Blanc de Blancs, and other 19 Crimes wines, celebrate “the rules they [convicts] broke and the culture they built” (19 Crimes, “Crimes”). This is something that the company actively promotes through its website and elsewhere. Using AR, 19 Crimes are providing drinkers with selective vantage points that often sensationalise the reality of transportation and disengage the consumer from that reality (Wise and McLean 569). Yet, 19 Crimes are at least engaging with the convict narrative and stimulating interest in the convict past. Consumers are being informed, convicts are being named and their stories celebrated instead of shunned. Consumers are comfortable drinking bubbly from a bottle that features a convict because the crimes committed by the convict (and/or to the convict by the criminal justice system) occurred so long ago that they have now been romanticised as part of Australia’s colourful history. The mugshot has been re-appropriated within our culture to become a novelty or fun interactive experience in many social settings. For example, many dark tourist sites allow visitors to take home souvenir mugshots from decommissioned police and prison sites to act as a memento of their visit. The promotional campaign for people to have their own mugshot taken and added to a wine bottle, while now a cultural norm, may diminish the real intent behind a mugshot for some people. For example, while drinking your bubbly or posing for a fake mugshot, it may be hard to remember that at the time their photographs were taken, convicts and transportees were “ordered to sit for the camera” (Barnard 7), so as to facilitate State survelliance and control over these individuals (Wise and McLean 562). Sparkling wine, and the bubbles that it contains, are intended to increase fun and enjoyment. Yet, in the case of 19 Crimes, the application of a real-life convict to a sparkling wine label adds an element of levity, but so too novelty and romanticism to what are ultimately narratives of crime and criminal activity; thus potentially “making light” of the convict experience. 19 Crimes offers consumers a remarkable way to interact with our convict heritage. The labels and AR experience promote an excitement and interest in convict heritage with potential to spark discussion around transportation. The careful selection of convicts and recognition of the hardships surrounding transportation have enabled 19 Crimes to successfully re-appropriate the convict image for celebratory occasions. References 19 Crimes. “Cheers to the Infamous.” 19 Crimes, 2020. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://www.19crimes.com>. ———. “The 19 Crimes.” 19 Crimes, 2020. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://www.19crimes.com/en-au/the-19-crimes>. ———. “19 Crimes Announces Multi-Year Partnership with Entertainment Icon Snoop Dogg.” PR Newswire 16 Apr. 2020. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/19-crimes-announces-multi-year-partnership-with-entertainment-icon-snoop-dogg-301041585.html>. ———. “19 Crimes Canadians Not Likely to Commit, But Clamouring For.” PR Newswire 10 Oct. 2013. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/19-crimes-canadians-not-likely-to-commit-but-clamouring-for-513086721.html>. Amos, Keith William. The Fenians and Australia c 1865-1880. Doctoral thesis, UNE, 1987. <https://hdl.handle.net/1959.11/12781>. Barnard, Edwin. Exiled: The Port Arthur Convict Photographs. Canberra: National Library of Australia, 2010. Bellanta, Melissa. Larrikins: A History. University of Queensland Press. Bogle, Michael. Convicts: Transportation and Australia. Sydney: Historic Houses Trust of New South Wales, 2008. Clark, Julia. ‘Through a Glass, Darkly’: The Camera, the Convict and the Criminal Life. PhD Dissertation, University of Tasmania, 2015. Convict Records. “James Wilson.” Convict Records 2020. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://convictrecords.com.au/convicts/wilson/james/72523>. ———. “Convict Resources.” Convict Records 2021. 23 Feb. 2021 <https://convictrecords.com.au/resources>. Faith, Nicholas. The Story of Champagne. Oxford: Infinite Ideas, 2016. FitzSimons, Peter. “The Catalpa: How the Plan to Break Free Irish Prisoners in Fremantle Was Hatched, and Funded.” Sydney Morning Herald 21 Apr. 2019. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/books/the-catalpa-how-the-plan-to-break-free-irish-prisoners-in-fremantle-was-hatched-and-funded-20190416-p51eq2.html>. Guy, Kolleen. When Champagne Became French: Wine and the Making of a National identity. Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins UP, 2007. Jones, Jennifer Kathleen. Historical Archaeology of Tourism at Port Arthur, Tasmania, 1885-1960. PhD Dissertation, Simon Fraser University, 2016. Legaspi, John. “Need a Wicked Gift Idea? Try This Wine Brand’s Customizable Bottle Label with Your Own Mugshot.” Manila Bulletin 18 Nov. 2020. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://mb.com.ph/2020/11/18/need-a-wicked-gift-idea-try-this-wine-brands-customizable-bottle-label-with-your-own-mugshot/>. Lirie. “Augmented Reality Example: Marketing Wine with 19 Crimes.” Boot Camp Digital 13 Mar. 2018. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://bootcampdigital.com/blog/augmented-reality-example-marketing-wine-19-crimes/>. Lyons, Matthew. “19 Crimes Named UK’s Favourite Supermarket Wine.” Harpers 23 Nov. 2020. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://harpers.co.uk/news/fullstory.php/aid/28104/19_Crimes_named_UK_s_favourite_supermarket_wine.html>. Manuscripts and Archives Division, The New York Public Library. "John O'Reilly, 10th Hussars; Thomas Delany; James Wilson, See James Thomas, Page 16; Martin Hogan, See O'Brien, Same Page (16)." The New York Public Library Digital Collections. 1866. <https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47dc-9768-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99>. Pearson-Jones, Bridie. “Cheers to That! £9 Bottle of Australian Red Inspired by 19 Crimes That Deported Convicts in 18th Century Tops List as UK’s Favourite Supermarket Wine.” Daily Mail 22 Nov. 2020. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://www.dailymail.co.uk/femail/food/article-8933567/19-Crimes-Red-UKs-favourite-supermarket-wine.html>. Reid, Richard. “Object Biography: ‘A Noble Whale Ship and Commander’ – The Catalpa Rescue, April 1876.” National Museum of Australia n.d. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.nma.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0015/2553/NMA_Catalpa.pdf>. Snoots, Jen. “James Wilson.” Find A Grave 2007. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.findagrave.com/memorial/19912884/james-wilson>. Social Playground. “Printing Wine Labels with 19 Crimes.” Social Playground 2019. 14 Dec. 2020 <https://www.socialplayground.com.au/case-studies/maake-19-crimes>. Stone, Zara. “19 Crimes Wine Is an Amazing Example of Adult Targeted Augmented Reality.” Forbes 12 Dec. 2017. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://www.forbes.com/sites/zarastone/2017/12/12/19-crimes-wine-is-an-amazing-example-of-adult-targeted-augmented-reality/?sh=492a551d47de>. Szentpeteri, Chloe. “Sales and Marketing: Label Design and Printing: Augmented Reality Bringing Bottles to Life: How Treasury Wine Estates Forged a New Era of Wine Label Design.” Australian and New Zealand Grapegrower and Winemaker 654 (2018): 84-85. The Silver Voice. “The Greatest Propaganda Coup in Fenian History.” A Silver Voice From Ireland 2017. 15 Dec. 2020 <https://thesilvervoice.wordpress.com/tag/james-wilson/>. Welch, Michael. “Penal Tourism and the ‘Dream of Order’: Exhibiting Early Penology in Argentina and Australia.” Punishment & Society 14.5 (2012): 584-615. Wise, Jenny, and Lesley McLean. “Pack of Thieves: The Visual Representation of Prisoners and Convicts in Dark Tourist Sites.” The Palgrave Handbook of Incarceration in Popular Culture. Eds. Marcus K. Harmes, Meredith A. Harmes, and Barbara Harmes. Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020. 555-73.

IntroductionCulinary education in Ireland has long been influenced by culinary education being delivered in catering colleges in the United Kingdom (UK). Institutionalised culinary education started in Britain through the sponsorship of guild conglomerates (Lawson and Silver). The City & Guilds of London Institute for the Advancement of Technical Education opened its central institution in 1884. Culinary education in Ireland began in Kevin Street Technical School in the late 1880s. This consisted of evening courses in plain cookery. Dublin’s leading chefs and waiters of the time participated in developing courses in French culinary classics and these courses ran in Parnell Square Vocational School from 1926 (Mac Con Iomaire “The Changing”). St Mary’s College of Domestic Science was purpose built and opened in 1941 in Cathal Brugha Street. This was renamed the Dublin College of Catering in the 1950s. The Council for Education, Recruitment and Training for the Hotel Industry (CERT) was set up in 1963 and ran cookery courses using the City & Guilds of London examinations as its benchmark. In 1982, when the National Craft Curriculum Certification Board (NCCCB) was established, CERT began carrying out their own examinations. This allowed Irish catering education to set its own standards, establish its own criteria and award its own certificates, roles which were previously carried out by City & Guilds of London (Corr). CERT awarded its first certificates in professional cookery in 1989. The training role of CERT was taken over by Fáilte Ireland, the State tourism board, in 2003. Changing Trends in Cookery and Culinary Textbooks at DIT The Dublin College of Catering which became part of the Dublin Institute of Technology (DIT) is the flagship of catering education in Ireland (Mac Con Iomaire “The Changing”). The first DIT culinary award, was introduced in 1984 Certificate in Diet Cookery, later renamed Higher Certificate in Health and Nutrition for the Culinary Arts. On the 19th of July 1992 the Dublin Institute of Technology Act was enacted into law. This Act enabled DIT to provide vocational and technical education and training for the economic, technological, scientific, commercial, industrial, social and cultural development of the State (Ireland 1992). In 1998, DIT was granted degree awarding powers by the Irish state, enabling it to make major awards at Higher Certificate, Ordinary Bachelor Degree, Honors Bachelor Degree, Masters and PhD levels (Levels six to ten in the National Framework of Qualifications), as well as a range of minor, special purpose and supplemental awards (National NQAI). It was not until 1999, when a primary degree in Culinary Arts was sanctioned by the Department of Education in Ireland (Duff, The Story), that a more diverse range of textbooks was recommended based on a new liberal/vocational educational philosophy. DITs School of Culinary Arts currently offers: Higher Certificates Health and Nutrition for the Culinary Arts; Higher Certificate in Culinary Arts (Professional Culinary Practice); BSc (Ord) in Baking and Pastry Arts Management; BA (Hons) in Culinary Arts; BSc (Hons) Bar Management and Entrepreneurship; BSc (Hons) in Culinary Entrepreneurship; and, MSc in Culinary Innovation and Food Product Development. From 1942 to 1970, haute cuisine, or classical French cuisine was the most influential cooking trend in Irish cuisine and this is reflected in the culinary textbooks of that era. Haute cuisine has been influenced by many influential writers/chefs such as Francois La Varenne, Antoine Carême, Auguste Escoffier, Ferand Point, Paul Bocuse, Anton Mosiman, Albert and Michel Roux to name but a few. The period from 1947 to 1974 can be viewed as a “golden age” of haute cuisine in Ireland, as more award-winning world-class restaurants traded in Dublin during this period than at any other time in history (Mac Con Iomaire “The Changing”). Hotels and restaurants were run in the Escoffier partie system style which is a system of hierarchy among kitchen staff and areas of the kitchens specialising in cooking particular parts of the menu i.e sauces (saucier), fish (poissonnier), larder (garde manger), vegetable (legumier) and pastry (patissier). In the late 1960s, Escoffier-styled restaurants were considered overstaffed and were no longer financially viable. Restaurants began to be run by chef-proprietors, using plate rather than silver service. Nouvelle cuisine began in the 1970s and this became a modern form of haute cuisine (Gillespie). The rise in chef-proprietor run restaurants in Ireland reflected the same characteristics of the nouvelle cuisine movement. Culinary textbooks such as Practical Professional Cookery, La Technique, The Complete Guide to Modern Cooking, The Art of the Garde Mange and Patisserie interpreted nouvelle cuisine techniques and plated dishes. In 1977, the DIT began delivering courses in City & Guilds Advanced Kitchen & Larder 706/3 and Pastry 706/3, the only college in Ireland to do so at the time. Many graduates from these courses became the future Irish culinary lecturers, chef-proprietors, and culinary leaders. The next two decades saw a rise in fusion cooking, nouvelle cuisine, and a return to French classical cooking. Numerous Irish chefs were returning to Ireland having worked with Michelin starred chefs and opening new restaurants in the vein of classical French cooking, such as Kevin Thornton (Wine Epergne & Thorntons). These chefs were, in turn, influencing culinary training in DIT with a return to classical French cooking. New Classical French culinary textbooks such as New Classical Cuisine, The Modern Patisserie, The French Professional Pastry Series and Advanced Practical Cookery were being used in DIT In the last 15 years, science in cooking has become the current trend in culinary education in DIT. This is acknowledged by the increased number of culinary science textbooks and modules in molecular gastronomy offered in DIT. This also coincided with the launch of the BA (Hons) in Culinary Arts in DIT moving culinary education from a technical to a liberal education. Books such as The Science of Cooking, On Food and Cooking, The Fat Duck Cookbook and Modern Gastronomy now appear on recommended textbooks for culinary students.For the purpose of this article, practical classes held at DIT will be broken down as follows: hot kitchen class, larder classes, and pastry classes. These classes had recommended textbooks for each area. These can be broken down into three sections: hot kitche, larder, and pastry. This table identifies that the textbooks used in culinary education at DIT reflected the trends in cookery at the time they were being used. Hot Kitchen Larder Pastry Le Guide Culinaire. 1921. Le Guide Culinaire. 1921. The International Confectioner. 1968. Le Repertoire De La Cuisine. 1914. The Larder Chef, Classical Food Preparation and Presentation. 1969. Patisserie. 1971. All in the Cooking, Books 1&2. 1943 The Art of the Garde Manger. 1973. The Modern Patissier. 1986 Larousse Gastronomique. 1961. New Classic Cuisine. 1989. Professional French Pastry Series. 1987. Practical Cookery. 1962. The Curious Cook. 1990. Complete Pastrywork Techniques. 1991. Practical Professional Cookery. 1972. On Food and Cooking. The Science and Lore of the Kitchen. 1991. On Food and Cooking: The Science and Lore of the Kitchen. 1991 La Technique. 1976. Advanced Practical Cookery. 1995. Desserts: A Lifelong Passion. 1994. Escoffier: The Complete Guide to the Art of Modern Cookery. 1979. The Science of Cooking. 2000. Culinary Artistry. Dornenburg, 1996. Professional Cookery: The Process Approach. 1985. Garde Manger, The Art and Craft of the Cold Kitchen. 2004. Grande Finales: The Art of the Plated Dessert. 1997. On Food and Cooking: The Science and Lore of the Kitchen. 1991. The Science of Cooking. 2000. Fat Duck Cookbook. 2009. Modern Gastronomy. 2010. Tab.1. DIT Culinary Textbooks.1942–1960 During the first half of the 20th century, senior staff working in Dublin hotels, restaurants and clubs were predominately foreign born and trained. The two decades following World War II could be viewed as the “golden age” of haute cuisine in Dublin as many award-wining restaurants traded in the city at this time (Mac Con Iomaire “The Emergence”). Culinary education in DIT in 1942 saw the use of Escoffier’s Le Guide Culinaire as the defining textbook (Bowe). This was first published in 1903 and translated into English in 1907. In 1979 Cracknell and Kaufmann published a more comprehensive and update edited version under the title The Complete Guide to the Art of Modern Cookery by Escoffier for use in culinary colleges. This demonstrated that Escoffier’s work had withstood the test of the decades and was still relevant. Le Repertoire de La Cuisine by Louis Saulnier, a student of Escoffier, presented the fundamentals of French classical cookery. Le Repertoire was inspired by the work of Escoffier and contains thousands of classical recipes presented in a brief format that can be clearly understood by chefs and cooks. Le Repertoire remains an important part of any DIT culinary student’s textbook list. All in the Cooking by Josephine Marnell, Nora Breathnach, Ann Mairtin and Mor Murnaghan (1946) was one of the first cookbooks to be published in Ireland (Cashmann). This book was a domestic science cooking book written by lecturers in the Cathal Brugha Street College. There is a combination of classical French recipes and Irish recipes throughout the book. 1960s It was not until the 1960s that reference book Larousse Gastronomique and new textbooks such as Practical Cookery, The Larder Chef and International Confectionary made their way into DIT culinary education. These books still focused on classical French cooking but used lighter sauces and reflected more modern cooking equipment and techniques. Also, this period was the first time that specific books for larder and pastry work were introduced into the DIT culinary education system (Bowe). Larousse Gastronomique, which used Le Guide Culinaire as a basis (James), was first published in 1938 and translated into English in 1961. Practical Cookery, which is still used in DIT culinary education, is now in its 12th edition. Each edition has built on the previous, however, there is now criticism that some of the content is dated (Richards). Practical Cookery has established itself as a key textbook in culinary education both in Ireland and England. Practical Cookery recipes were laid out in easy to follow steps and food commodities were discussed briefly. The Larder Chef was first published in 1969 and is currently in its 4th edition. This book focuses on classical French larder techniques, butchery and fishmongery but recognises current trends and fashions in food presentation. The International Confectioner is no longer in print but is still used as a reference for basic recipes in pastry classes (Campbell). The Modern Patissier demonstrated more updated techniques and methods than were used in The International Confectioner. The Modern Patissier is still used as a reference book in DIT. 1970s The 1970s saw the decline in haute cuisine in Ireland, as it was in the process of being replaced by nouvelle cuisine. Irish chefs were being influenced by the works of chefs such as Paul Boucuse, Roger Verge, Michel Guerard, Raymond Olivier, Jean & Pierre Troisgros, Alain Senderens, Jacques Maniere, Jean Delaveine and Michel Guerard who advanced the uncomplicated natural presentation in food. Henri Gault claims that it was his manifesto published in October 1973 in Gault-Millau magazine which unleashed the movement called La Nouvelle Cuisine Française (Gault). In nouvelle cuisine, dishes in Carème and Escoffier’s style were rejected as over-rich and complicated. The principles underpinning this new movement focused on the freshness of ingredients, and lightness and harmony in all components and accompaniments, as well as basic and simple cooking methods and types of presentation. This was not, however, a complete overthrowing of the past, but a moving forward in the long-term process of cuisine development, utilising the very best from each evolution (Cousins). Books such as Practical Professional Cookery, The Art of the Garde Manger and Patisserie reflected this new lighter approach to cookery. Patisserie was first published in 1971, is now in its second edition, and continues to be used in DIT culinary education. This book became an essential textbook in pastrywork, and covers the entire syllabus of City & Guilds and CERT (now Fáilte Ireland). Patisserie covered all basic pastry recipes and techniques, while the second edition (in 1993) included new modern recipes, modern pastry equipment, commodities, and food hygiene regulations reflecting the changing catering environment. The Art of the Garde Manger is an American book highlighting the artistry, creativity, and cooking sensitivity need to be a successful Garde Manger (the larder chef who prepares cold preparation in a partie system kitchen). It reflected the dynamic changes occurring in the culinary world but recognised the importance of understanding basic French culinary principles. It is no longer used in DIT culinary education. La Technique is a guide to classical French preparation (Escoffier’s methods and techniques) using detailed pictures and notes. This book remains a very useful guide and reference for culinary students. Practical Professional Cookery also became an important textbook as it was written with the student and chef/lecturer in mind, as it provides a wider range of recipes and detailed information to assist in understanding the tasks at hand. It is based on classical French cooking and compliments Practical Cookery as a textbook, however, its recipes are for ten portions as opposed to four portions in Practical Cookery. Again this book was written with the City & Guilds examinations in mind. 1980s During the mid-1980s, many young Irish chefs and waiters emigrated. They returned in the late-1980s and early-1990s having gained vast experience of nouvelle and fusion cuisine in London, Paris, New York, California and elsewhere (Mac Con Iomaire, “The Changing”). These energetic, well-trained professionals began opening chef-proprietor restaurants around Dublin, providing invaluable training and positions for up-and-coming young chefs, waiters and culinary college graduates. The 1980s saw a return to French classical cookery textbook such as Professional Cookery: The Process Approach, New Classic Cuisine and the Professional French Pastry series, because educators saw the need for students to learn the basics of French cookery. Professional Cookery: The Process Approach was written by Daniel Stevenson who was, at the time, a senior lecturer in Food and Beverage Operations at Oxford Polytechnic in England. Again, this book was written for students with an emphasis on the cookery techniques and the practices of professional cookery. The Complete Guide to Modern Cooking by Escoffier continued to be used. This book is used by cooks and chefs as a reference for ingredients in dishes rather than a recipe book, as it does not go into detail in the methods as it is assumed the cook/chef would have the required experience to know the method of production. Le Guide Culinaire was only used on advanced City & Guilds courses in DIT during this decade (Bowe). New Classic Cuisine by the classically French trained chefs, Albert and Michel Roux (Gayot), is a classical French cuisine cookbook used as a reference by DIT culinary educators at the time because of the influence the Roux brothers were having over the English fine dining scene. The Professional French Pastry Series is a range of four volumes of pastry books: Vol. 1 Doughs, Batters and Meringues; Vol. 2 Creams, Confections and Finished Desserts; Vol. 3 Petit Four, Chocolate, Frozen Desserts and Sugar Work; and Vol. 4 Decorations, Borders and Letters, Marzipan, Modern Desserts. These books about classical French pastry making were used on the advanced pastry courses at DIT as learners needed a basic knowledge of pastry making to use them. 1990s Ireland in the late 1990s became a very prosperous and thriving European nation; the phenomena that became known as the “celtic tiger” was in full swing (Mac Con Iomaire “The Changing”). The Irish dining public were being treated to a resurgence of traditional Irish cuisine using fresh wholesome food (Hughes). The Irish population was considered more well-educated and well travelled than previous generations and culinary students were now becoming interested in the science of cooking. In 1996, the BA (Hons) in Culinary Arts program at DIT was first mooted (Hegarty). Finally, in 1999, a primary degree in Culinary Arts was sanctioned by the Department of Education underpinned by a new liberal/vocational philosophy in education (Duff). Teaching culinary arts in the past had been through a vocational education focus whereby students were taught skills for industry which were narrow, restrictive, and constraining, without the necessary knowledge to articulate the acquired skill. The reading list for culinary students reflected this new liberal education in culinary arts as Harold McGee’s books The Curious Cook and On Food and Cooking: The Science and Lore of the Kitchen explored and explained the science of cooking. On Food and Cooking: The Science and Lore of the Kitchen proposed that “science can make cooking more interesting by connecting it with the basic workings of the natural world” (Vega 373). Advanced Practical Cookery was written for City & Guilds students. In DIT this book was used by advanced culinary students sitting Fáilte Ireland examinations, and the second year of the new BA (Hons) in Culinary Arts. Culinary Artistry encouraged chefs to explore the creative process of culinary composition as it explored the intersection of food, imagination, and taste (Dornenburg). This book encouraged chefs to develop their own style of cuisine using fresh seasonal ingredients, and was used for advanced students but is no longer a set text. Chefs were being encouraged to show their artistic traits, and none more so than pastry chefs. Grande Finale: The Art of Plated Desserts encouraged advanced students to identify different “schools” of pastry in relation to the world of art and design. The concept of the recipes used in this book were built on the original spectacular pieces montées created by Antoine Carême. 2000–2013 After nouvelle cuisine, recent developments have included interest in various fusion cuisines, such as Asia-Pacific, and in molecular gastronomy. Molecular gastronomists strive to find perfect recipes using scientific methods of investigation (Blanck). Hervè This experimentation with recipes and his introduction to Nicholos Kurti led them to create a food discipline they called “molecular gastronomy”. In 1998, a number of creative chefs began experimenting with the incorporation of ingredients and techniques normally used in mass food production in order to arrive at previously unattainable culinary creations. This “new cooking” (Vega 373) required a knowledge of chemical reactions and physico-chemical phenomena in relation to food, as well as specialist tools, which were created by these early explorers. It has been suggested that molecular gastronomy is “science-based cooking” (Vega 375) and that this concept refers to conscious application of the principles and tools from food science and other disciplines for the development of new dishes particularly in the context of classical cuisine (Vega). The Science of Cooking assists students in understanding the chemistry and physics of cooking. This book takes traditional French techniques and recipes and refutes some of the claims and methods used in traditional recipes. Garde Manger: The Art and Craft of the Cold Kitchen is used for the advanced larder modules at DIT. This book builds on basic skills in the Larder Chef book. Molecular gastronomy as a subject area was developed in 2009 in DIT, the first of its kind in Ireland. The Fat Duck Cookbook and Modern Gastronomy underpin the theoretical aspects of the module. This module is taught to 4th year BA (Hons) in Culinary Arts students who already have three years experience in culinary education and the culinary industry, and also to MSc Culinary Innovation and Food Product Development students. Conclusion Escoffier, the master of French classical cuisine, still influences culinary textbooks to this day. His basic approach to cooking is considered essential to teaching culinary students, allowing them to embrace the core skills and competencies required to work in the professional environment. Teaching of culinary arts at DIT has moved vocational education to a more liberal basis, and it is imperative that the chosen textbooks reflect this development. This liberal education gives the students a broader understanding of cooking, hospitality management, food science, gastronomy, health and safety, oenology, and food product development. To date there is no practical culinary textbook written specifically for Irish culinary education, particularly within this new liberal/vocational paradigm. There is clearly a need for a new textbook which combines the best of Escoffier’s classical French techniques with the more modern molecular gastronomy techniques popularised by Ferran Adria. References Adria, Ferran. Modern Gastronomy A to Z: A Scientific and Gastronomic Lexicon. London: CRC P, 2010. Barker, William. The Modern Patissier. London: Hutchinson, 1974. Barham, Peter. The Science of Cooking. Berlin: Springer-Verlag, 2000. 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