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Journal articles on the topic 'Mandarin prosody'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

ZHOU, PENG, YI (ESTHER) SU, STEPHEN CRAIN, LIQUN GAO, and LIKAN ZHAN. "Children's use of phonological information in ambiguity resolution: a view from Mandarin Chinese." Journal of Child Language 39, no. 4 (September 14, 2011): 687–730. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305000911000249.

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ABSTRACTHow do children develop the mapping between prosody and other levels of linguistic knowledge? This question has received considerable attention in child language research. In the present study two experiments were conducted to investigate four- to five-year-old Mandarin-speaking children's sensitivity to prosody in ambiguity resolution. Experiment 1 used eye-tracking to assess children's use of stress in resolving structural ambiguities. Experiment 2 took advantage of special properties of Mandarin to investigate whether children can use intonational cues to resolve ambiguities involving speech acts. The results of our experiments show that children's use of prosodic information in ambiguity resolution varies depending on the type of ambiguity involved. Children can use prosodic information more effectively to resolve speech act ambiguities than to resolve structural ambiguities. This finding suggests that the mapping between prosody and semantics/pragmatics in young children is better established than the mapping between prosody and syntax.

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2

He, Xuliang. "Mandarin-Accented Dutch Prosody." Language Acquisition 20, no. 3 (July 2013): 254–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10489223.2013.796952.

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3

Field, Kenneth L., and Xiao-Nan Susan Shen. "The Prosody of Mandarin Chinese." Language 67, no. 3 (September 1991): 662. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/415064.

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4

Chan, Marjorie K. M. "The Prosody of Mandarin Chinese." Journal of Phonetics 21, no. 3 (July 1993): 343–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)31344-0.

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5

Yang, Yang, Stella Gryllia, Leticia Pablos, and Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng. "Clause type anticipation based on prosody in Mandarin." International Journal of Chinese Linguistics 6, no. 1 (July 2, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ijchl.18004.yan.

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Abstract Mandarin wh-words such as shénme are wh-indeterminates, which can have interrogative interpretations (‘what’) or non-interrogative interpretations (i.e., ‘something’), depending on the context and licensors. For example, when diǎnr (‘a little’) appears right in front of a wh-word, the string can have either a wh-question or a declarative interpretation (henceforth, wh-declarative). Yang (2018) carried out a production study and the results showed that wh-questions and wh-declaratives have different prosodic properties. To investigate whether and when listeners make use of prosody to anticipate the clause type (i.e., question vs. declarative), we conducted a sentence perception study and an audio-gating experiment. Results of the perception study and the gating experiment show that (1) Participants can make use of prosody to differentiate the two clause types; (2) Starting from the onset of the first word of the target sentence (wh-question/wh-declarative), participants already demonstrate a preference for the clause type that was intended by the speaker. The current study also sheds light on the clausal typing mechanism in Mandarin (e.g., how to mark a clause as a wh-question) by providing evidence of the role of prosody in marking clause types in Mandarin.

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6

Braun, Bettina, Tobias Galts, and Barış Kabak. "Lexical encoding of L2 tones: The role of L1 stress, pitch accent and intonation." Second Language Research 30, no. 3 (June 3, 2014): 323–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658313510926.

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Native language prosodic structure is known to modulate the processing of non-native suprasegmental information. It has been shown that native speakers of French, a language without lexical stress, have difficulties storing non-native stress contrasts. We investigated whether the ability to store lexical tone (as in Mandarin Chinese) also depends on the first language (L1) prosodic structure and, if so, how. We tested participants from a stress language (German), a language without word stress (French), a language with restricted lexical tonal contrasts (Japanese), and Mandarin Chinese controls. Furthermore, German has a rich intonational structure, while French and Japanese dispose of fewer utterance-level pitch contrasts. The participants learnt associations between disyllabic non-words (4 tonal contrasts) and objects and indicated whether picture–word pairs matched with what they had learnt (complete match, segmental or tonal mismatch conditions). In the tonal mismatch condition, the Mandarin Chinese controls had the highest sensitivity, followed by the German participants. The French and Japanese participants showed no sensitivity towards these tonal contrasts. Utterance-level prosody is hence better able to predict success in second language (L2) tone learning than word prosody.

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7

Shen, Xiaonan. "Phonology of the prosody of mandarin chinese." Cahiers de linguistique - Asie orientale 15, no. 1 (1986): 171–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/clao.1986.1196.

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8

Lin, Cheng-Hsien, Chung-Long You, Chen-Yu Chiang, Yih-Ru Wang, and Sin-Horng Chen. "Hierarchical prosody modeling for Mandarin spontaneous speech." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 145, no. 4 (April 2019): 2576–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.5099263.

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9

Xiaonan, Shen. "Phonology of The Prosody of Mandarin Chinese." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 15, no. 1 (1986): 171–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-90000018.

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10

Chen, Mao-Hsu. "Perception of dialectal prosody in Taiwan Mandarin." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 135, no. 4 (April 2014): 2225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4877275.

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11

Chen, Sin-Horng, Jyh-Her Yang, Chen-Yu Chiang, Ming-Chieh Liu, and Yih-Ru Wang. "A New Prosody-Assisted Mandarin ASR System." IEEE Transactions on Audio, Speech, and Language Processing 20, no. 6 (August 2012): 1669–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/tasl.2012.2187192.

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12

Yang, Chunsheng. "Acquiring the pitch patterns of L2 Mandarin Chinese." Chinese as a Second Language Research 2, no. 2 (October 25, 2013): 221–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/caslar-2013-0031.

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AbstractThis study examines the acquisition of utterance-level pitch patterns in Mandarin Chinese by American second language (L2) learners. It is an exploratory study with the goal of identifying the utterance-level prosody in L2 Mandarin Chinese. The focus of this study is not on the pitch patterns of individual learners but those of subject groups. The analysis shows that the pitch patterns between two syntactic structures for the same tone sequence vary with the tone sequence and the subject group. The biggest difference between first language (L1) and L2 Mandarin Chinese lies in the frequency of target undershoot in L2 speech. The infrequent tone target undershoot in L2 speech, especially among the intermediate learners, was attributed to the incomplete acquisition of L2 prosody. It was argued that the infrequent tone target undershoot may render L2 speech more staccato or robot-like, which contributes to the perception of a foreign accent in L2 Mandarin Chinese.

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13

Elliott, Lucy Pickering, and Hongyin Tao. "Units in Mandarin Conversation: Prosody, Discourse and Grammar." Language 74, no. 2 (June 1998): 402. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417887.

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14

Huang, Yi-Chin, Chung-Hsien Wu, and Si-Ting Weng. "Improving Mandarin Prosody Generation Using Alternative Smoothing Techniques." IEEE/ACM Transactions on Audio, Speech, and Language Processing 24, no. 11 (November 2016): 1897–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/taslp.2016.2588727.

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15

Shen, Xiaonan Susan. "The Use of Prosody in Disambiguation in Mandarin." Phonetica 50, no. 4 (1993): 261–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1159/000261946.

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16

Lee, Aleuna, Michelle Perdomo, and Edith Kaan. "Native and second-language processing of contrastive pitch accent: An ERP study." Second Language Research 36, no. 4 (April 15, 2019): 503–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658319838300.

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Prosody signals important aspects of meaning, and hence, is crucial for language comprehension and learning, yet remains under-investigated in second-language (L2) processing. The present electrophysiology study investigates the use of prosody to cue information structure, in particular, the use of contrastive pitch accent (L+H*) to define the set of elements that are contrasted. For instance, in We ate Angela’s cake, but saved BENjamin’s cake, the pitch accent on Benjamin’s is a cue that two cakes are contrasted; BENjamin’s ice cream is not plausible in this context. Native English speakers showed a large negativity on the target noun ( cake) when the preceding possessive was inappropriately accented. Event-related brain potential (ERP) results from Mandarin-Chinese L2 learners of English suggest they did not use contrastive pitch accent to cue the contrast set in the way native English speakers did, even though Mandarin is similar to English in the use of prosodic cues to express contrast. Our results are in line with previous studies suggesting that L2 speakers have difficulty integrating information across domains and building information structure, especially in demanding task situations like in the present study.

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17

Patience, Matthew, Laura Colantoni, Gabrielle Klassen, Malina Radu, and Olga Tararova. "perception and comprehension of L2 English sentence types." Gradus - Revista Brasileira de Fonologia de Laboratório 5, no. 1 (August 11, 2020): 71–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.47627/gradus.v5i1.149.

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L2 prosody is particularly difficult to acquire, because it requires an understanding of intonation, syntax, and pragmatics. For example, to acquire English sentence types, speakers must learn that statements (Ss) and absolute yes/no questions (AQs) are syntactically and prosodically marked, whereas the difference between Ss and declarative questions (DQs) is purely prosodic. Moreover, DQs can only occur in restricted contexts, such as to express surprise. In this paper, we examine the L2 perception and comprehension of English sentence types, by speakers of three typologically distinct L1s (Spanish, Mandarin, Inuktitut), with the goal of investigating the role of crosslinguistic influence (CLI). Spanish uses only intonation (a higher initial pitch accent and final rising boundary tone) to distinguish Ss from AQs and DQs, whereas in Mandarin, questions (AQs and DQs) can be syntactically identical to statements or marked by the lexical particle –ma. Mandarin also has a prosodic distinction between broad focus and echo questions (which are similar to English AQs and DQs). In contrast, Inuktitut has a very restricted use of pitch, and primarily marks questions morphologically. Learners of each L1 and English controls performed three tasks that varied in the amount of contextual and linguistic information available. Our results revealed evidence of both positive and negative CLI. Inuktitut and Mandarin speakers demonstrated some tendencies to focus more on syntax than intonation. Moreover, the Mandarin speakers were the most successful at acquiring the pragmatic distinction between AQs and DQs, which we argue is due to a similar contrast in Mandarin.

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18

Takahashi, Chikako, Sophia Kao, Hyunah Baek, Alex HL Yeung, Jiwon Hwang, and Ellen Broselow. "Native and non-native speaker processing and production of contrastive focus prosody." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (March 3, 2018): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4323.

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Several studies have found that the presence of L+H* accent on a contrastive adjective assists native-speaking listeners in narrowing the referent of the noun following the adjective (e.g., Ito & Speer 2008, Weber et al. 2006). Our study addresses two questions: whether non-native speakers use prosodic cues in processing, as previous studies have shown for native speakers, and whether there is a relationship between the use of prosodic cues in processing and in production. Twenty-one Mandarin speakers living in the US and twenty-one native English speakers participated in two tasks investigating their processing and production of prosodic cues to contrastive focus. In the processing task, participants responded to the same recorded instruction containing an accented adjective in different contexts, in which the adjective was either contrastive (and therefore appropriately accented) or was repeated and followed by a contrasting noun, making focus accent on the adjective inappropriate. In the production task, participants guided an experimenter to place colored objects on a whiteboard, with some contexts designed to elicit contrastive focus. Overall results indicate that the Mandarin speakers made use of prosodic cues in both processing and production, although their focus prosody production differed from that of native speakers in several respects. Comparison of the results in the two experiments did not find strong correlations between processing and production. These results suggest that there is considerable heterogeneity even among native speakers in the use of prosodic cues in processing and production, and even those who do not use prosodic cues in processing may use them in production.

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19

Chiang, Chen-Yu, Sin-Horng Chen, Hsiu-Min Yu, and Yih-Ru Wang. "Unsupervised joint prosody labeling and modeling for Mandarin speech." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 125, no. 2 (February 2009): 1164–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.3056559.

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20

Takahashi, Chikako, Hyunah Baek, Sophia Kao, Alex H. L. Yeung, Marie K. Huffman, Ellen Broselow, and Jiwon Hwang. "English focus prosody processing and production by Mandarin speakers." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 142, no. 4 (October 2017): 2519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.5014201.

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21

Hao, Yen-Chen. "The acquisition of L2 Mandarin prosody, by Chunsheng Yang." Chinese as a Second Language (漢語教學研究—美國中文教師學會學報). The journal of the Chinese Language Teachers Association, USA 53, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 187–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/csl.00002.hao.

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22

Chang, Charles, and Yao Yao. "Toward an Understanding of Heritage Prosody." Heritage Language Journal 13, no. 2 (August 31, 2016): 134–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.13.2.4.

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In previous work examining heritage language phonology, heritage speakers have often patterned differently from native speakers and late-onset second language (L2) learners with respect to overall accent and segmentals. The current study extended this line of inquiry to suprasegmentals, comparing the properties of lexical tones produced by heritage, native, and L2 speakers of Mandarin living in the U.S. We hypothesized that heritage speakers would approximate native norms for Mandarin tones more closely than L2 speakers, yet diverge from these norms in one or more ways. We further hypothesized that, due to their unique linguistic experience, heritage speakers would sound the most ambiguous in terms of demographic background. Acoustic data showed that heritage speakers approximated native-like production more closely than L2 speakers with respect to the pitch contour of Tone 3, durational shortening in connected speech, and rates of Tone 3 reduction in non-phrase-final contexts, while showing the highest levels of tonal variability among all groups. Perceptual data indicated that heritage speakers’ tones differed from native and L2 speakers’ in terms of both intelligibility and perceived goodness. Consistent with the variability results, heritage speakers were the most difficult group to classify demographically. Taken together, these findings suggest that, with respect to tone, early heritage language experience can, but does not necessarily, result in a phonological advantage over L2 learners. Further, they add support to the view that heritage speakers are language users distinct from both native and L2 speakers.

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23

Wang, Wei. "Discourse uses and prosodic properties of ranhou in spontaneous Mandarin conversation." Chinese Language and Discourse 9, no. 1 (August 27, 2018): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/cld.00006.wan.

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Abstract This paper examines two emerging discourse uses, topic-shifting and trail-off, of a temporal conjunction ranhou in spontaneous Mandarin conversation. Unlike traditional approaches that focus exclusively on such textual functions as temporality and consequentiality of ranhou, the present study considers the role of prosody in making ranhou recognizable as a topic-shifting and trail-off marker in interaction. Using the framework of conversation analysis, this paper reveals that, as a topic-shifting marker, ranhou signals both stepwise and disjunctive topic shifts; as a trail-off marker, it marks the closure of the current turn and invites the recipient’s response. The prosodic analysis demonstrates that the topic-shifting ranhou shows a significantly longer duration and larger pitch range than its other uses; the trail-off ranhou features intonational independence, loudness diminuendo, and/or durational lengthening. These prosodic designs, in collaboration with particular sequential environment, make the new discourse uses and their associated interactional purposes recognizable by conversation co-participants.

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Lin, Yi, Hongwei Ding, and Yang Zhang. "Prosody Dominates Over Semantics in Emotion Word Processing: Evidence From Cross-Channel and Cross-Modal Stroop Effects." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 63, no. 3 (March 23, 2020): 896–912. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2020_jslhr-19-00258.

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Purpose Emotional speech communication involves multisensory integration of linguistic (e.g., semantic content) and paralinguistic (e.g., prosody and facial expressions) messages. Previous studies on linguistic versus paralinguistic salience effects in emotional speech processing have produced inconsistent findings. In this study, we investigated the relative perceptual saliency of emotion cues in cross-channel auditory alone task (i.e., semantics–prosody Stroop task) and cross-modal audiovisual task (i.e., semantics–prosody–face Stroop task). Method Thirty normal Chinese adults participated in two Stroop experiments with spoken emotion adjectives in Mandarin Chinese. Experiment 1 manipulated auditory pairing of emotional prosody (happy or sad) and lexical semantic content in congruent and incongruent conditions. Experiment 2 extended the protocol to cross-modal integration by introducing visual facial expression during auditory stimulus presentation. Participants were asked to judge emotional information for each test trial according to the instruction of selective attention. Results Accuracy and reaction time data indicated that, despite an increase in cognitive demand and task complexity in Experiment 2, prosody was consistently more salient than semantic content for emotion word processing and did not take precedence over facial expression. While congruent stimuli enhanced performance in both experiments, the facilitatory effect was smaller in Experiment 2. Conclusion Together, the results demonstrate the salient role of paralinguistic prosodic cues in emotion word processing and congruence facilitation effect in multisensory integration. Our study contributes tonal language data on how linguistic and paralinguistic messages converge in multisensory speech processing and lays a foundation for further exploring the brain mechanisms of cross-channel/modal emotion integration with potential clinical applications.

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25

Yu, Jue, Yiyuan Liao, Shengyi Wu, Yun Li, and Meiping Huang. "Discourse Prosody in Children's Rhyme Speech Produced by Prelingually Deaf Mandarin-Speaking Children With Cochlear Implants." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 63, no. 6 (June 22, 2020): 1736–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2020_jslhr-19-00333.

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Purpose This study aimed to obtain a comprehensive understanding about how Mandarin-speaking children with cochlear implants (CIs) performed speech prosody in a connected discourse and to what extent their prosodic scenario differed from those normal-hearing (NH) peers. Method Fifteen prelingually deaf Mandarin-speaking children with unilateral multichannel CIs were chosen and 15 age-matched NH controls were recruited. Speech samples were spontaneously elicited by children's rhyme speech genre and subject to phonetic annotation. Acoustic analysis was conducted on all speech samples, mainly focusing on the measurements of duration and fundamental frequency (F0). Tempo measures included temporal fluency, syllable-lengthening, and rhythm metrics, whereas melodic measures included both local and global F0 variations under different prosodic domains. Results The CI children generally achieved compatible temporal performance with the NH children in spontaneous discourse, except that they were somewhat arbitrary when operationalizing lengthening strategy and pausing strategy at different prosodic boundaries. With regard to melodic performance, CI children may not sufficiently modulate local phonetic nuances of F0 variation, and meanwhile, they performed atypically in the global F0 declination pattern and overall F0 resetting pattern, failing to signal the specific structure of children's rhyme discourse. Early age at implantation and longer CI experience did not play a significant role in the temporal performance of the CI children but did facilitate their articulation of dynamic pitch variation in the spontaneous discourse to some extent. Conclusion CI children did exhibit atypical prosodic patterns in discourse context, especially the overall mapping between the prosodic manifestation and the discourse structure.

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26

Lai, Qing, and Xia Guo. "Semantic relations and prosodic features of ranhou in spontaneous Mandarin conversation." Forum for Linguistic Studies 3, no. 1 (September 6, 2021): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18063/fls.v3i1.1250.

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Ranhou ‘then’ is traditionally defined as a conjunction, indicating succession of two events. Adopting the methodology of Interactional Linguistics, this study explores semantic relations of ranhou in Mandarin face-to-face and telephone conversations. An examination of the data shows that besides succession, ranhou can express other nine semantic relations, including causality, progression relation, coordinating relation, adversative relation, additive relation, enumeration, hypothesis, alternative relation, concession and be no practical meaning as well. Meanwhile, prosodic features of ranhou are explored with the help of software Praat and Audacity. It is suggested that eleven semantic relations vary in mean pitch range and mean length. Although each token of ranhou differs from each other in prosody, with respect to loudness, ranhou can be stressed on ran, or hou and also be articulated without loudness. But in a whole, loudness of ranhou is mostly put on hou.

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27

Hsu, Yu-Yin, and Anqi Xu. "Interaction of prosody and syntax-semantics in Mandarin wh-indeterminates." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 148, no. 2 (August 2020): EL119—EL124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/10.0001676.

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28

Field, Kenneth L. "The prosody of Mandarin Chinese By Xiao-Nan Susan Shen." Language 67, no. 3 (1991): 662–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.1991.0030.

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29

Hara, Yurie, Shigeto Kawahara, and Yuli Feng. "The prosody of enhanced bias in Mandarin and Japanese negative questions." Lingua 150 (October 2014): 92–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2014.07.006.

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30

Elliott, Lucy Pickering. "Units in Mandarin conversation: Prosody, discourse and grammar By Hongyin Tao." Language 74, no. 2 (1998): 402–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.1998.0198.

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31

Pak, Cecilia L., and William F. Katz. "Recognition of emotional prosody by Mandarin-speaking adults with cochlear implants." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 146, no. 2 (August 2019): EL165—EL171. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.5122192.

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32

Gandour, Jack, Yunxia Tong, Thomas Talavage, Donald Wong, Mario Dzemidzic, Yisheng Xu, and Mark Lowe. "A cross-language fMRI study of sentence-level prosody in Mandarin." Brain and Language 95, no. 1 (October 2005): 54–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bandl.2005.07.021.

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33

Gryllia, Stella, Jenny S. Doetjes, Yang Yang, and Lisa L. Cheng. "Prosody, clause typing, and wh-in-situ: Evidence from Mandarin." Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology 11, no. 1 (November 2, 2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/labphon.169.

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34

GONG, SHU-PING, and PEI-YAN WU. "Collocation, Semantic Prosody, and Near-synonymy: The HELP Verbs in Mandarin Chinese." International Journal of Computer Processing of Languages 24, no. 01 (March 2012): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793840612400016.

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35

Pak, Cecilia L., and William F. Katz. "Recognition of emotional prosody in Mandarin: Evidence from a synthetic speech paradigm." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 141, no. 5 (May 2017): 3701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4988076.

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36

Isaacs, Talia, and Ron I. Thomson. "Reactions to second language speech." 25 years of Intelligibility, Comprehensibility and Accentedness 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 402–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jslp.20018.isa.

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Abstract This study investigates how Mandarin and Slavic language speakers’ comprehensibility, accentedness, and fluency ratings, as assigned by experienced teacher-raters and novice raters, align with discrete linguistic measures, and raters’ accounts of influences on their scoring. In addition to examining mean ratings in relation to rater experience and speaker first language background, we correlated ratings with segmental, prosodic, and temporal measures. Introspective reports were segmented, coded, enumerated, and submitted to loglinear analysis to elucidate influences on ratings. Results showed that ratings were strongly correlated with prosodic goodness and moderately correlated with segmental errors, implying the importance of both segmentals and prosody in L2 speech ratings. Experienced teacher-raters provided lengthier reports than novice raters, producing more comments for all coded categories where an error was identified except for pausing (a dysfluency marker). This may be because novice raters observed little else about the speech or struggled to pinpoint or articulate other features.

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37

GUO WeiTong, YANG HongWu, PEI Dong, and LIANG QingQing. "Prosody Conversion of Chinese Northwest Mandarin Dialect based on Five Degree Tone Model." International Journal of Digital Content Technology and its Applications 6, no. 17 (September 30, 2012): 323–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4156/jdcta.vol6.issue17.35.

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38

Yeh, C. Y., and S. H. Hwang. "Efficient text analyser with prosody generator-driven approach for Mandarin text-to-speech." IEE Proceedings - Vision, Image, and Signal Processing 152, no. 6 (2005): 793. http://dx.doi.org/10.1049/ip-vis:20045095.

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39

Yu, Jian, and Jianhua Tao. "A novel prosody adaptation method for Mandarin concatenation-based text-to-speech system." Acoustical Science and Technology 30, no. 1 (2009): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1250/ast.30.33.

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Chen, Kuan-Lin, Cheng-Yu Yeh, Shaw-Hwa Hwang, and Long-Jhe Yan. "Consistency analysis of the spectrum and prosody within a syllable for Mandarin speech." Mathematical Methods in the Applied Sciences 36, no. 14 (January 21, 2013): 1851–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/mma.2730.

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41

Ouyang, Iris Chuoying, and Elsi Kaiser. "Prosody and information structure in a tone language: an investigation of Mandarin Chinese." Language, Cognition and Neuroscience 30, no. 1-2 (June 14, 2013): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01690965.2013.805795.

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Chen, Ying, Xueqin Zhao, and Li Liu. "Native listeners’ evaluation of natural and synthesized prosody in Mandarin of American learners." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 140, no. 4 (October 2016): 3340. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4970663.

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Yang, Chunsheng. "Tone errors in scripted conversations of L2 Mandarin Chinese." Chinese as a Second Language Research 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/caslar-2016-0003.

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AbstractThis study examines the acquisition of Mandarin tones by American English speaking second language (L2) learners. Three types of tone sequences, namely, compatible tone sequences, conflicting tone sequences, and other tone sequences, were used. The analysis of tone errors in different tone sequences showed that, while learners seemed to have acquired the Tone 3 and its sandhi, they tended to over-apply the sandhi rule in inappropriate contexts and produced tone errors. More importantly, the low and rising tones, which are generally difficult for L2 learners to produce, were the most frequent tones produced to replace other tones. More specifically, the low tone errors tended to occur at the phrase-medial position, while the rising tone errors tended to occur at the phrase-initial position. The low and rising tone errors were attributed to the difficulty in quickly changing tone targets and F0 direction in tone production, which is the product of the superimposition of English prosody.

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Kim, Miran, and Yu‐an Lu. "Prosody transfer in second language acquisition: Mandarin Chinese tonal alignment in English pitch accent." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 129, no. 4 (April 2011): 2659. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.3588886.

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Yeh, Cheng‐Yu, Kuan‐Lin Chen, Shaw‐Hwa Hwang, and Long‐Jhe Yan. "Study on the consistency analysis between the prosody and the spectrum for Mandarin speech." IET Signal Processing 7, no. 2 (April 2013): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1049/iet-spr.2012.0099.

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Chung, Wei-Lun, Linda Jarmulowicz, and Gavin M. Bidelman. "Auditory processing, linguistic prosody awareness, and word reading in Mandarin-speaking children learning English." Reading and Writing 30, no. 7 (February 24, 2017): 1407–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11145-017-9730-8.

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Goss, Seth J., and Katsuo Tamaoka. "Lexical accent perception in highly-proficient L2 Japanese learners: The roles of language-specific experience and domain-general resources." Second Language Research 35, no. 3 (May 19, 2018): 351–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267658318775143.

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This article reports empirical findings on the roles of domain-general resources and language-specific experience in the second language (L2) acquisition of Japanese lexical pitch accent. Sixty-one advanced-proficiency L2 Japanese learners from two first languages (L1s), Mandarin Chinese and Korean, identified and categorized Japanese nouns embedded in short sentences in two aurally-presented tasks. Mixed effects models showed that although the tonal-language Chinese group outperformed non-tonal Korean speakers, L2 lexical knowledge, but not overall proficiency or learning experience, predicted performance on both perception tasks regardless of L1, suggesting that long-term knowledge of L2 phonological structure facilitates perception of lexical-level prosody. Domain-general resources, however, played no predictive role in advanced learners’ accent perception. A decision-tree analysis then revealed further divergence in perception accuracy by accent pattern, L1, and task type. Taken together, the results establish a close connection between language learning experience and L2 speech perception at the advanced level, and highlight the complexity inherent in the learning of non-native prosodic categories.

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Zhi, Mingxia, and Becky Huang. "Chunsheng Yang. (2016) The acquisition of L2 Mandarin prosody. From experimental studies to pedagogical practice." Journal of Second Language Pronunciation 3, no. 1 (April 7, 2017): 152–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jslp.3.1.10zhi.

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Gao, Hua, and Hongyin Tao. "Fanzheng ‘anyway’ as a discourse pragmatic particle in Mandarin conversation: Prosody, locus, and interactional function." Journal of Pragmatics 173 (February 2021): 148–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2020.12.003.

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Gao, Hua, and Hongyin Tao. "Fanzheng ‘anyway’ as a discourse pragmatic particle in Mandarin conversation: Prosody, locus, and interactional function." Journal of Pragmatics 173 (February 2021): 148–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2020.12.003.

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