Journal articles on the topic 'Man (Prehistoric), Denmark'

Canon and oblivion. The memorials of archaeologyThe article takes its point of departure in the sun chariot; the find itself and its find site at Trundholm bog where it was discovered in 1902. The famous sun chariot, now at the National Museum in Copenhagen, is a national treasure included in the Danish “Cultural Canon” and “History Canon”.The find site itself has alternated bet­ween experiencing intense attention and oblivion. A monument was erected in 1925; a new monument was then created in 1962 and later moved in 2002. The event of 1962 was followed by ceremonies, speeches and songs, and anniversary celebrations were held in 2002, during which a copy of the sun chariot was sacrificed.The memorial at Trundholm bog is only one of several memorials at archaeological find sites in Denmark. Which finds have been commemorated and marked by memorials? When did this happen? Who took the initiative? How were they executed? Why are these finds remembered? What picture of the past do we meet in this canon in stone?Find sites and archaeological memorials have been neglected in archaeology and by recent trends in the study of the history of archaeology. Considering the impressive research on monuments and monumentality in archaeology, this is astonishing. However, memorials in general receive attention in an active research field on the use of history and heritage studies, where historians and ethnologists dominate. The main focus here is, however, on war memorials. An important source of inspiration has been provided by a project led by the French historian Pierre Nora who claims that memorial sites are established when the living memory is threatened (a thesis refuted by the many Danish “Reunion” monuments erected even before the day of reunification in 1920).Translated into Danish conditions, studies of the culture of remembrance and memorials have focused on the wars of 1848-50 and 1864, the Reunion in 1920, the Occupation in 1940-45 and, more generally, on conflicts in the borderland bet­ween Denmark and Germany.In relation to the total number of memorials and public meeting places in Denmark, archaeological memorials of archaeology are few in number, around 1 % of the total. However, they prompt crucial questions concerning the use of the past, on canon and oblivion.“Canon” means rule, and canonical texts are the supposed genuine texts in the Bible. The concept of canon became a topic in the 1990s when Harold Bloom, in “The Western Canon”, identified a number of books as being canonical. In Denmark, canon has been a great issue in recent years with the appearance of the “Danish Literary Canon” in 2004, and the “Cultural Canon” and the “History Canon”, both in 2006. The latter includes the Ertebølle culture, the sun chariot and the Jelling stone. The political context for the creation of canon lists is the so-called “cultural conflict” and the debate concerning immigration and “foreigners”.Canon and canonization means a struggle against relativism and oblivion. Canon means that something ought to be remembered while something else is allowed to be forgotten. Canon lists are constructed when works and values are perceived as being threatened by oblivion. Without ephemerality and oblivion there is no need for canon lists. Canon and oblivion are linked.Memorials mean canonization of certain individuals, collectives, events and places, while others are allowed to be forgotten. Consequently, archaeological memorials constitute part of the canonization of a few finds and find sites. According to Pierre Nora’s thesis, memorials are established when the places are in danger of being forgotten.Whether one likes canon lists or not, they are a fact. There has always been a process of prioritisation, leading to some finds being preserved and others discarded, some being exhibited and others ending up in the stores.Canonization is expressed in the classical “Seven Wonders of the World”, the “Seven New Wonders of the World” and the World Heritage list. A find may be declared as treasure trove, as being of “unique national significance” or be honoured by the publication of a monograph or by being given its own museum.In practice, the same few finds occur in different contexts. There seems to be a consensus within the subject of canonization of valuing what is well preserved, unique, made of precious metals, bears images and is monumental. A top-ten canon list of prehistoric finds from Denmark according to this consensus would probably include the following finds: The sun chariot from Trundholm, the girl from Egtved, the Dejbjerg carts, the Gundestrup cauldron, Tollund man, the golden horns from Gallehus, the Mammen or Bjerringhøj grave, the Ladby ship and the Skuldelev ships.Just as the past may be used in many different ways, there are many forms of memorial related to monuments from the past or to archaeological excavations. Memorials were constructed in the 18th and 19th centuries at locations where members of the royal family had conducted archaeology. As with most other memorials from that time, the prince is at the centre, while antiquity and archaeology create a brilliant background, for example at Jægerpris (fig. 2). Memorials celebrating King Frederik VII were created at the Dæmpegård dolmen and at the ruin of Asserbo castle. A memorial celebrating Count Frederik Sehested was erected at Møllegårdsmarken (fig. 3). Later there were also memorials celebrating the architect C.M. Smith at the ruin of Kalø Castle and Svend Dyhre Rasmussen and Axel Steensberg, respectively the finder and the excavator of the medieval village at Borup Ris.Several memorials were erected in the decades around 1900 to commemorate important events or persons in Danish history, for example by Thor Lange. The memorials were often located at sites and monuments that had recently been excavated, for example at Fjenneslev (fig. 4).A large number of memorials commemorate abandoned churches, monasteries, castles or barrows that have now disappeared, for example at the monument (fig. 5) near Bjerringhøj.Memorials were erected in the first half of the 20th century near large prehistoric monuments which also functioned as public meeting places, for example at Glavendrup, Gudbjerglund and Hohøj. Prehistoric monuments, especially dolmens, were also used as models when new memorials were created during the 19th and 20th centuries.Finally, sculptures were produced at the end of the 19th century sculptures where the motif was a famous archaeological find – the golden horns, the girl from Egtved, the sun chariot and the woman from Skrydstrup.In the following, this article will focus on a category of memorials raised to commemorate an archaeological find. In Denmark, 24 archaeological find sites have been marked by a total of 26 monuments (fig. 6). This survey is based on excursions, scanning the literature, googling on the web and contact with colleagues. The monuments are presented chronological, i.e. by date of erection. 1-2) The golden horns from Gallehus: Found in 1639 and 1734; two monu­ments in 1907. 3) The Snoldelev runic stone: Found in c. 1780; monument in 1915. 4) The sun chariot from Trundholm bog: Found in 1902; monument in 1925; renewed in 1962 and moved in 2002. 5) The grave mound from Egtved: Found in 1921; monument in 1930. 6) The Dejbjerg carts. Found in 1881-83; monument in 1933. 7) The Gundestrup cauldron: Found in 1891; wooden stake in 1934; replaced with a monument in 1935. 8) The Bregnebjerg burial ground: Found in 1932; miniature dolmen in 1934. 9) The Brangstrup gold hoard. Found in 1865; monument in 1935.10-11) Maglemose settlements in Mulle­rup bog: Found in 1900-02; two monuments in 1935 and 1936. 12) The Skarpsalling vessel from Oudrup Heath: Found in 1891; monument in 1936. 13) The Juellinge burial ground: Found in 1909; monument in 1937. 14) The Ladby ship: Found in 1935; monument probably in 1937. 15) The Hoby grave: Found in 1920; monument in 1939. 16) The Maltbæk lurs: Found in 1861 and 1863; monument in 1942. 17) Ginnerup settlement: First excavation in 1922; monument in 1945. 18) The golden boats from Nors: Found in 1885; monument in 1945. 19) The Sædinge runic stone: Found in 1854; monument in 1945. 20) The Nydam boat: Found in 1863; monument in 1947. 21) The aurochs from Vig: Found in 1904; monument in 1957. 22) Tollund Man: Found in 1950; wooden stake in 1968; renewed inscription in 2000. 23) The Veksø helmets: Found in 1942; monument in 1992. 24) The Bjæverskov coin hoard. Found in 1999; monument in 1999. 25) The Frydenhøj sword from Hvidovre: Found in 1929; monument in 2001; renewed in 2005. 26) The Bellinge key: Found in 1880; monument in 2003.Two monuments (fig. 7) raised in 1997 at Gallehus, where the golden horns were found, marked a new trend. From then onwards the find itself and its popular finders came into focus. At the same time the classical or old Norse style of the memorials was replaced by simple menhirs or boulders with an inscription and sometimes also an image of the find. One memorial was constructed as a miniature dolmen and a few took the form of a wooden stake.The finds marked by memorials represent a broader spectrum than the top-ten list. They represent all periods from the Stone Age to the Middle Ages over most of Denmark. Memorials were created throughout the 20th century; in greatest numbers in the 1930s and 1940s, but with none between 1968 and 1992.The inscriptions mention what was found and, in most cases, also when it happened. Sometimes the finder is named and, in a few instances, also the person on whose initiative the memorial was erected. The latter was usually a representative part of the political agency of the time. In the 18th and 19th centuries it was the royal family and the aristocracy. In the 20th century it was workers, teachers, doctors, priests, farmers and, in many cases, local historical societies who were responsible, as seen on the islands of Lolland and Falster, where ten memorials were erected between 1936 and 1951 to commemorate historical events, individuals, monuments or finds.The memorial from 2001 at the find site of the Frydenhøj sword in Hvidovre represents an innovation in the tradition of marking history in the landscape. The memorial is a monumental hybrid between signposting and public art (fig. 8). It formed part of a communication project called “History in the Street”, which involved telling the history of a Copenhagen suburb right there where it actually happened.The memorials marking archaeological finds relate to the nation and to nationalism in several ways. The monuments at Gallehus should, therefore, be seen in the context of a struggle concerning both the historical allegiance and future destiny of Schleswig or Southern Jutland. More generally, the national perspective occurs in inscriptions using concepts such as “the people”, “Denmark” and “the Danes”, even if these were irrelevant in prehistory, e.g. when the monument from 1930 at Egtved mentions “A young Danish girl” (fig. 9). This use of the past to legitimise the nation, belongs to the epoch of World War I, World War II and the 1930s. The influence of nationalism was often reflected in the ceremonies when the memorials were unveiled, with speeches, flags and songs.According to Marie Louise Stig Sørensen and Inge Adriansen, prehistoric objects that are applicable as national symbols, should satisfy three criteria. The should: 1) be unusual and remarkable by their technical and artistic quality; 2) have been produced locally, i.e. be Danish; 3) have been used in religious ceremonies or processions. The 26 archaeological finds marked with memorials only partly fit these criteria. The finds also include more ordinary finds: a burial ground, settlements, runic stones, a coin hoard, a sword and a key. Several of the finds were produced abroad: the Gundestrup cauldron, the Brangstrup jewellery and coins and the Hoby silver cups.It is tempting to interpret the Danish cultural canon as a new expression of a national use of the past in the present. Nostalgia, the use of the past and the creation of memorials are often explained as an expression of crisis in society. This seems reasonable for the many memorials from 1915-45 with inscriptions mentioning hope, consolation and darkness. However, why are there no memorials from the economic crisis years of the 1970s and 1980s? It seems as if the past is recalled, when the nation is under threat – in the 1930s and 40s from expansive Germany – and since the 1990s by increased immigration and globalisation.The memorials have in common local loss and local initiative. A treasure was found and a treasure was lost, often to the National Museum in Copenhagen. A treasure was won that contributed to the great narrative of the history of Denmark, but that treasure has also left its original context. The memorials commemorate the finds that have contributed to the narrative of the greatness, age and area of Denmark. The memorials connect the nation and the native place, the capital and the village in a community, where the past is a central concept. The find may also become a symbol of a region or community, for example the sun chariot for Trundholm community and the Gundestrup cauldron for Himmerland.It is almost always people who live near the find site who want to remember what has been found and where. The finds were commemorated by a memorial on average 60 years after their discovery. A longer period elapsed for the golden horns from Gallehus; shortest was at Bjæverskov where the coin hoard was found in March 1999 and a monument was erected in November of the same year.Memorials might seem an old-fashioned way of marking localities in a national topography, but new memorials are created in the same period as many new museums are established.A unique find has no prominent role in archaeological education, research or other work. However, in public opinion treasures and exotic finds are central. Folklore tells of people searching for treasures but always failing. Treasure hunting is restricted by taboos. In the world of archaeological finds there are no taboos. The treasure is found by accident and in spite of various hindrances the find is taken to a museum. The finder is often a worthy person – a child, a labourer or peasant. He or she is an innocent and ordinary person. A national symbol requires a worthy finder. And the find occurs as a miracle. At the find site a romantic relationship is established between the ancestors and their heirs who, by way of a miracle, find fragments of the glorious past of the nation. A paradigmatic example is the finding of the golden horns from Gallehus. Other examples extend from the discovery of the sun chariot in Trundholm bog to the Stone Age settlement at Mullerup bog.The article ends with a catalogue presenting the 24 archaeological find sites that have been marked with monuments in present-day Denmark.Jes WienbergHistorisk arkeologiInstitutionen för Arkeologi och ­Antikens historiaLunds Universitet

We’ll have trouble now!The Archaeological Society of Jutland was founded on Sunday, 11 March 1951. As with most projects with which P.V Glob was involved, this did not pass off without drama. Museum people and amateur archaeologists in large numbers appeared at the Museum of Natural History in Aarhus, which had placed rooms at our disposal. The notable dentist Holger Friis, the uncrowned king of Hjørring, was present, as was Dr Balslev from Aidt, Mr and Mrs Overgaard from Holstebro Museum, and the temperamental leader of Aalborg Historical Museum, Peter Riismøller, with a number of his disciples. The staff of the newly-founded Prehistoric Museum functioned as the hosts, except that one of them was missing: the instigator of the whole enterprise, Mr Glob. As the time for the meeting approached, a cold sweat broke out on the foreheads of the people present. Finally, just one minute before the meeting was to start, he arrived and mounted the platform. Everything then went as expected. An executive committee was elected after some discussion, laws were passed, and then suddenly Glob vanished again, only to materialise later in the museum, where he confided to us that his family, which included four children, had been enlarged by a daughter.That’s how the society was founded, and there is not much to add about this. However, a few words concerning the background of the society and its place in a larger context may be appropriate. A small piece of museum history is about to be unfolded.The story begins at the National Museum in the years immediately after World War II, at a time when the German occupation and its incidents were still terribly fresh in everyone’s memory. Therkel Mathiassen was managing what was then called the First Department, which covered the prehistoric periods.Although not sparkling with humour, he was a reliable and benevolent person. Number two in the order of precedence was Hans Christian Broholm, a more colourful personality – awesome as he walked down the corridors, with his massive proportions and a voice that sounded like thunder when nothing seemed to be going his way, as quite often seemed to be the case. Glob, a relatively new museum keeper, was also quite loud at times – his hot-blooded artist’s nature manifested itself in peculiar ways, but his straight forward appearance made him popular with both the older and the younger generations. His somewhat younger colleague C.J. Becker was a scholar to his fingertips, and he sometimes acted as a welcome counterbalance to Glob. At the bottom of the hierarchy was the student group, to which I belonged. The older students handled various tasks, including periodic excavations. This was paid work, and although the salary was by no means princely, it did keep us alive. Student grants were non-existent at the time. Four of us made up a team: Olfert Voss, Mogens Ørsnes, Georg Kunwald and myself. Like young people in general, we were highly discontented with the way our profession was being run by its ”ruling” members, and we were full of ideas for improvement, some of which have later been – or are being – introduced.At the top of our wish list was a central register, of which Voss was the strongest advocate. During the well over one hundred years that archaeology had existed as a professional discipline, the number of artefacts had grown to enormous amounts. The picture was even worse if the collections of the provincial museums were taken into consideration. We imagined how it all could be registered in a card index and categorised according to groups to facilitate access to references in any particular situation. Electronic data processing was still unheard of in those days, but since the introduction of computers, such a comprehensive record has become more feasible.We were also sceptical of the excavation techniques used at the time – they were basically adequate, but they badly needed tightening up. As I mentioned before, we were often working in the field, and not just doing minor jobs but also more important tasks, so we had every opportunity to try out our ideas. Kunwald was the driving force in this respect, working with details, using sections – then a novelty – and proceeding as he did with a thoroughness that even his fellow students found a bit exaggerated at times, although we agreed with his principles. Therkel Mathiassen moaned that we youngsters were too expensive, but he put up with our excesses and so must have found us somewhat valuable. Very valuable indeed to everyon e was Ejnar Dyggve’s excavation of the Jelling mounds in the early 1940s. From a Danish point of view, it was way ahead of its time.Therkel Mathiassen justly complained about the economic situation of the National Museum. Following the German occupation, the country was impoverished and very little money was available for archaeological research: the total sum available for the year 1949 was 20,000 DKK, which corresponded to the annual income of a wealthy man, and was of course absolutely inadequate. Of course our small debating society wanted this sum to be increased, and for once we didn’t leave it at the theoretical level.Voss was lucky enough to know a member of the Folketing (parliament), and a party leader at that. He was brought into the picture, and between us we came up with a plan. An article was written – ”Preserve your heritage” (a quotation from Johannes V. Jensen’s Denmark Song) – which was sent to the newspaper Information. It was published, and with a little help on our part the rest of the media, including radio, picked up the story.We informed our superiors only at the last minute, when everything was arranged. They were taken by surprise but played their parts well, as expected, and everything went according to plan. The result was a considerable increase in excavation funds the following year.It should be added that our reform plans included the conduct of exhibitions. We found the traditional way of presenting the artefacts lined up in rows and series dull and outdated. However, we were not able to experiment within this field.Our visions expressed the natural collision with the established ways that comes with every new generation – almost as a law of nature, but most strongly when the time is ripe. And this was just after the war, when communication with foreign colleagues, having been discontinued for some years, was slowly picking up again. The Archaeological Society of Jutland was also a part of all this, so let us turn to what Hans Christian Andersen somewhat provocatively calls the ”main country”.Until 1949, only the University of Copenhagen provided a degree in prehistoric archaeology. However, in this year, the University of Aarhus founded a chair of archaeology, mainly at the instigation of the Lord Mayor, Svend Unmack Larsen, who was very in terested in archaeology. Glob applied for the position and obtained it, which encompassed responsibility for the old Aarhus Museum or, as it was to be renamed, the Prehistoric Museum (now Moesgaard Museum).These were landmark events to Glob – and to me, as it turned out. We had been working together for a number of years on the excavation of Galgebakken (”Callows Hill”) near Slots Bjergby, Glob as the excavation leader, and I as his assistant. He now offered me the job of museum curator at his new institution. This was somewhat surprising as I had not yet finished my education. The idea was that I was to finish my studies in remote Jutland – a plan that had to be given up rather quickly, though, for reasons which I will describe in the following. At the same time, Gunner Lange-Kornbak – also hand-picked from the National Museum – took up his office as a conservation officer.The three of us made up the permanent museum staff, quickly supplemented by Geoffrey Bibby, who turned out to be an invaluable colleague. He was English and had been stationed in the Faeroe Islands during the war, where he learned to speak Danish. After 1945 he worked for some years for an oil company in the Gulf of Persia, but after marrying Vibeke, he settled in her home town of Aarhus. As his academic background had involved prehistoric cultures he wanted to collaborate with the museum, which Glob readily permitted.This small initial flock governed by Glob was not permitted to indulge inidleness. Glob was a dynamic character, full of good and not so good ideas, but also possessing a good grasp of what was actually practicable. The boring but necessary daily work on the home front was not very interesting to him, so he willingly handed it over to others. He hardly noticed the lack of administrative machinery, a prerequisite for any scholarly museum. It was not easy to follow him on his flights of fancy and still build up the necessary support base. However, the fact that he in no way spared himself had an appeasing effect.Provincial museums at that time were of a mixed nature. A few had trained management, and the rest were run by interested locals. This was often excellently done, as in Esbjerg, where the master joiner Niels Thomsen and a staff of volunteers carried out excavations that were as good as professional investigations, and published them in well-written articles. Regrettably, there were also examples of the opposite. A museum curator in Jutland informed me that his predecessor had been an eager excavator but very rarely left any written documentation of his actions. The excavated items were left without labels in the museum store, often wrapped in newspapers. However, these gave a clue as to the time of unearthing, and with a bit of luck a look in the newspaper archive would then reveal where the excavation had taken place. Although somewhat exceptional, this is not the only such case.The Museum of Aarhus definitely belonged among the better ones in this respect. Founded in 1861, it was at first located at the then town hall, together with the local art collection. The rooms here soon became too cramped, and both collections were moved to a new building in the ”Mølleparken” park. There were skilful people here working as managers and assistants, such as Vilhelm Boye, who had received his archaeological training at the National Museum, and later the partners A. Reeh, a barrister, and G.V. Smith, a captain, who shared the honour of a number of skilfully performed excavations. Glob’s predecessor as curator was the librarian Ejler Haugsted, also a competent man of fine achievements. We did not, thus, take over a museum on its last legs. On the other hand, it did not meet the requirements of a modern scholarly museum. We were given the task of turning it into such a museum, as implied by the name change.The goal was to create a museum similar to the National Museum, but without the faults and shortcomings that that museum had developed over a period of time. In this respect our nightly conversations during our years in Copenhagen turned out to be useful, as our talk had focused on these imperfections and how to eradicate them.We now had the opportunity to put our theories into practice. We may not have succeeded in doing so, but two areas were essentially improved:The numerous independent numbering systems, which were familiar to us from the National Museum, were permeating archaeological excavation s not only in the field but also during later work at the museum. As far as possible this was boiled down to a single system, and a new type of report was born. (In this context, a ”report” is the paper following a field investigation, comprising drawings, photos etc. and describing the progress of the work and the observations made.) The instructions then followed by the National Museum staff regarding the conduct of excavations and report writing went back to a 19th-century protocol by the employee G.V. Blom. Although clear and rational – and a vast improvement at the time – this had become outdated. For instance, the excavation of a burial mound now involved not only the middle of the mound, containing the central grave and its surrounding artefacts, but the complete structure. A large number of details that no one had previously paid attention to thus had to be included in the report. It had become a comprehensive and time-consuming work to sum up the desultory notebook records in a clear and understandable description.The instructions resulting from the new approach determined a special records system that made it possible to transcribe the notebook almost directly into a report following the excavation. The transcription thus contained all the relevant information concerning the in vestigation, and included both relics and soil layers, the excavation method and practical matters, although in a random order. The report proper could then bereduced to a short account containing references to the numbers in the transcribed notebook, which gave more detailed information.As can be imagined, the work of reform was not a continuous process. On the contrary, it had to be done in our spare hours, which were few and far between with an employer like Glob. The assignments crowded in, and the large Jutland map that we had purchased was as studded with pins as a hedge hog’s spines. Each pin represented an inuninent survey, and many of these grew into small or large excavations. Glob himself had his lecture duties to perform, and although he by no means exaggerated his concern for the students, he rarely made it further than to the surveys. Bibby and I had to deal with the hard fieldwork. And the society, once it was established, did not make our lives any easier. Kuml demanded articles written at lightning speed. A perusal of my then diary has given me a vivid recollection of this hectic period, in which I had to make use of the evening and night hours, when the museum was quiet and I had a chance to collect my thoughts. Sometimes our faithful supporter, the Lord Mayor, popped in after an evening meeting. He was extremely interested in our problems, which were then solved according to our abilities over a cup of instant coffee.A large archaeological association already existed in Denmark. How ever, Glob found it necessary to establish another one which would be less oppressed by tradition. Det kongelige nordiske Oldsskriftselskab had been funded in 1825 and was still influenced by different peculiarities from back then. Membership was not open to everyone, as applications were subject to recommendation from two existing members and approval by a vote at one of the monthly lecture meetings. Most candidates were of course accepted, but unpopular persons were sometimes rejected. In addition, only men were admitted – women were banned – but after the war a proposal was brought forward to change this absurdity. It was rejected at first, so there was a considerable excitement at the January meeting in 1951, when the proposal was once again placed on the agenda. The poor lecturer (myself) did his best, although he was aware of the fact that just this once it was the present and not the past which was the focus of attention. The result of the voting was not very courteous as there were still many opponents, but the ladies were allowed in, even if they didn’t get the warmest welcome.In Glob’s society there were no such restrictions – everyone was welcome regardless of sex or age. If there was a model for the society, it was the younger and more progressive Norwegian Archaeological Society rather than the Danish one. The main purpose of both societies was to produce an annual publication, and from the start Glob’s Kuml had a closer resemblance to the Norwegian Viking than to the Danish Aarbøger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie. The name of the publication caused careful consideration. For a long time I kept a slip of paper with different proposals, one of which was Kuml, which won after having been approved by the linguist Peter Skautrup.The name alone, however, was not enough, so now the task became to find so mething to fill Kuml with. To this end the finds came in handy, and as for those, Glob must have allied him self with the higher powers, since fortune smiled at him to a considerable extent. Just after entering upon his duties in Aarhus, an archaeological sensation landed at his feet. This happened in May 1950 when I was still living in the capital. A few of us had planned a trip to Aarhus, partly to look at the relics of th e past, and partly to visit our friend, the professor. He greeted us warmly and told us the exciting news that ten iron swords had been found during drainage work in the valley of lllerup Aadal north of the nearby town of Skanderborg. We took the news calmly as Glob rarely understated his affairs, but our scepticism was misplaced. When we visited the meadow the following day and carefully examined the dug-up soil, another sword appeared, as well as several spear and lance heads, and other iron artefacts. What the drainage trench diggers had found was nothing less than a place of sacrifice for war booty, like the four large finds from the 1800s. When I took up my post in Aarhus in September of that year I was granted responsibility for the lllerup excavation, which I worked on during the autumn and the following six summers. Some of my best memories are associated with this job – an interesting and happy time, with cheerful comradeship with a mixed bunch of helpers, who were mainly archaeology students. When we finished in 1956, it was not because the site had been fully investigated, but because the new owner of the bog plot had an aversion to archaeologists and their activities. Nineteen years later, in 1975, the work was resumed, this time under the leadership of Jørgen Ilkjær, and a large amount of weaponry was uncovered. The report from the find is presently being published.At short intervals, the year 1952 brought two finds of great importance: in Februar y the huge vessel from Braa near Horsens, and in April the Grauballe Man. The large Celtic bronze bowl with the bulls’ heads was found disassembled, buried in a hill and covered by a couple of large stones. Thanks to the finder, the farmer Søren Paaske, work was stopped early enough to leave areas untouched for the subsequent examination.The saga of the Grauballe Man, or the part of it that we know, began as a rumour on the 26th of April: a skeleton had been found in a bog near Silkeborg. On the following day, which happened to be a Sunday, Glob went off to have a look at the find. I had other business, but I arrived at the museum in the evening with an acquaintance. In my diary I wrote: ”When we came in we had a slight shock. On the floor was a peat block with a corpse – a proper, well-preserved bog body. Glob brought it. ”We’ll be in trouble now.” And so we were, and Glob was in high spirits. The find created a sensation, which was also thanks to the quick presentation that we mounted. I had purchased a tape recorder, which cost me a packet – not a small handy one like the ones you get nowadays, but a large monstrosity with a steel tape (it was, after all, early days for this device) – and assisted by several experts, we taped a number of short lectures for the benefit of the visitors. People flocked in; the queue meandered from the exhibition room, through the museum halls, and a long way down the street. It took a long wait to get there, but the visitors seemed to enjoy the experience. The bog man lay in his hastily – procured exhibition case, which people circled around while the talking machine repeatedly expressed its words of wisdom – unfortunately with quite a few interruptions as the tape broke and had to be assembled by hand. Luckily, the tape recorders now often used for exhibitions are more dependable than mine.When the waves had died down and the exhibition ended, the experts examined the bog man. He was x-rayed at several points, cut open, given a tooth inspection, even had his fingerprints taken. During the autopsy there was a small mishap, which we kept to ourselves. However, after almost fifty years I must be able to reveal it: Among the organs removed for investigation was the liver, which was supposedly suitable for a C-14 dating – which at the time was a new dating method, introduced to Denmark after the war. The liver was sent to the laboratory in Copenhagen, and from here we received a telephone call a few days later. What had been sent in for examination was not the liver, but the stomach. The unfortunate (and in all other respects highly competent) Aarhus doctor who had performed the dissection was cal1ed in again. During another visit to the bogman’s inner parts he brought out what he believed to be the real liver. None of us were capable of deciding th is question. It was sent to Copenhagen at great speed, and a while later the dating arrived: Roman Iron Age. This result was later revised as the dating method was improved. The Grauballe Man is now thought to have lived before the birth of Christ.The preservation of the Grauballe Man was to be conservation officer Kornbak’s masterpiece. There were no earlier cases available for reference, so he invented a new method, which was very successful. In the first volumes of Kuml, society members read about the exiting history of the bog body and of the glimpses of prehistoric sacrificial customs that this find gave. They also read about the Bahrain expeditions, which Glob initiated and which became the apple of his eye. Bibby played a central role in this, as it was he who – at an evening gathering at Glob’s and Harriet’s home in Risskov – described his stay on the Persian Gulf island and the numerous burial mounds there. Glob made a quick decision (one of his special abilities was to see possibilities that noone else did, and to carry them out successfully to everyone’s surprise) and in December 1952 he and Bibby left for the Gulf, unaware of the fact that they were thereby beginning a series of expeditions which would continue for decades. Again it was Glob’s special genius that was the decisive factor. He very quickly got on friendly terms with the rulers of the small sheikhdoms and interested them in their past. As everyone knows, oil is flowing plentifully in those parts. The rulers were thus financially powerful and some of this wealth was quickly diverted to the expeditions, which probably would not have survived for so long without this assistance. To those of us who took part in them from time to time, the Gulf expeditions were an unforgettable experience, not just because of the interesting work, but even more because of the contact with the local population, which gave us an insight into local manners and customs that helped to explain parts of our own country’s past which might otherwise be difficult to understand. For Glob and the rest of us did not just get close to the elite: in spite of language problems, our Arab workers became our good friends. Things livened up when we occasionally turned up in their palm huts.Still, co-operating with Glob was not always an easy task – the sparks sometimes flew. His talent of initiating things is of course undisputed, as are the lasting results. He was, however, most attractive when he was in luck. Attention normally focused on this magnificent person whose anecdotes were not taken too seriously, but if something went wrong or failed to work out, he could be grossly unreasonable and a little too willing to abdicate responsibility, even when it was in fact his. This might lead to violent arguments, but peace was always restored. In 1954, another museum curator was attached to the museum: Poul Kjærum, who was immediately given the important task of investigating the dolmen settlement near Tustrup on Northern Djursland. This gave important results, such as the discovery of a cult house, which was a new and hitherto unknown Stone Age feature.A task which had long been on our mind s was finally carried out in 1955: constructing a new display of the museum collections. The old exhibitio n type consisted of numerous artefacts lined up in cases, accompaied ony by a brief note of the place where it was found and the type – which was the standard then. This type of exhibition did not give much idea of life in prehistoric times.We wanted to allow the finds to speak for themselves via the way that they were arranged, and with the aid of models, photos and drawings. We couldn’t do without texts, but these could be short, as people would understand more by just looking at the exhibits. Glob was in the Gulf at the time, so Kjærum and I performed the task with little money but with competent practical help from conservator Kornbak. We shared the work, but in fairness I must add that my part, which included the new lllerup find, was more suitable for an untraditional display. In order to illustrate the confusion of the sacrificial site, the numerous bent swords and other weapons were scattered a.long the back wall of the exhibition hall, above a bog land scape painted by Emil Gregersen. A peat column with inlaid slides illustrated the gradual change from prehistoric lake to bog, while a free-standing exhibition case held a horse’s skeleton with a broken skull, accompanied by sacrificial offerings. A model of the Nydam boat with all its oars sticking out hung from the ceiling, as did the fine copy of the Gundestrup vessel, as the Braa vessel had not yet been preserved. The rich pictorial decoration of the vessel’s inner plates was exhibited in its own case underneath. This was an exhibition form that differed considerably from all other Danish exhibitions of the time, and it quickly set a fashion. We awaited Glob’s homecoming with anticipation – if it wasn’t his exhibition it was still made in his spirit. We hoped that he would be surprised – and he was.The museum was thus taking shape. Its few employees included Jytte Ræbild, who held a key position as a secretary, and a growing number of archaeology students who took part in the work in various ways during these first years. Later, the number of employees grew to include the aforementioned excavation pioneer Georg Kunwald, and Hellmuth Andersen and Hans Jørgen Madsen, whose research into the past of Aarhus, and later into Danevirke is known to many, and also the ethnographer Klaus Ferdinand. And now Moesgaard appeared on the horizon. It was of course Glob’s idea to move everything to a manor near Aarhus – he had been fantasising about this from his first Aarhus days, and no one had raised any objections. Now there was a chance of fulfilling the dream, although the actual realisation was still a difficult task.During all this, the Jutland Archaeological Society thrived and attracted more members than expected. Local branches were founded in several towns, summer trips were arranged and a ”Worsaae Medal” was occasionally donated to persons who had deserved it from an archaeological perspective. Kuml came out regularly with contributions from museum people and the like-minded. The publication had a form that appealed to an inner circle of people interested in archaeology. This was the intention, and this is how it should be. But in my opinion this was not quite enough. We also needed a publication that would cater to a wider public and that followed the same basic ideas as the new exhibition.I imagined a booklet, which – without over-popularsing – would address not only the professional and amateur archaeologist but also anyone else interested in the past. The result was Skalk, which (being a branch of the society) published its fir t issue in the spring of 1957. It was a somewhat daring venture, as the financial base was weak and I had no knowledge of how to run a magazine. However, both finances and experience grew with the number of subscribers – and faster than expected, too. Skalk must have met an unsatisfied need, and this we exploited to the best of our ability with various cheap advertisements. The original idea was to deal only with prehistoric and medieval archaeology, but the historians also wanted to contribute, and not just the digging kind. They were given permission, and so the topic of the magazine ended up being Denmark’s past from the time of its first inhabitant s until the times remembered by the oldest of us – with the odd sideways leap to other subjects. It would be impossible to claim that Skalk was at the top of Glob’s wish list, but he liked it and supported the idea in every way. The keeper of national antiquities, Johannes Brøndsted, did the same, and no doubt his unreserved approval of the magazine contributed to its quick growth. Not all authors found it easy to give up technical language and express themselves in everyday Danish, but the new style was quickly accepted. Ofcourse the obligations of the magazine work were also sometimes annoying. One example from the diary: ”S. had promised to write an article, but it was overdue. We agreed to a final deadline and when that was overdue I phoned again and was told that the author had gone to Switzerland. My hair turned grey overnight.” These things happened, but in this particular case there was a happy ending. Another academic promised me three pages about an excavation, but delivered ten. As it happened, I only shortened his production by a third.The 1960s brought great changes. After careful consideration, Glob left us to become the keeper of national antiquities. One important reason for his hesitation was of course Moesgaard, which he missed out on – the transfer was almost settled. This was a great loss to the Aarhus museum and perhaps to Glob, too, as life granted him much greater opportunities for development.” I am not the type to regret things,” he later stated, and hopefully this was true. And I had to choose between the museum and Skalk – the work with the magazine had become too timeconsuming for the two jobs to be combined. Skalk won, and I can truthfully say that I have never looked back. The magazine grew quickly, and happy years followed. My resignation from the museum also meant that Skalk was disengaged from the Jutland Archaeological Society, but a close connection remained with both the museum and the society.What has been described here all happened when the museum world was at the parting of the ways. It was a time of innovation, and it is my opinion that we at the Prehistoric Museum contributed to that change in various ways.The new Museum Act of 1958 gave impetus to the study of the past. The number of archaeology students in creased tremendously, and new techniques brought new possibilities that the discussion club of the 1940s had not even dreamt of, but which have helped to make some of the visions from back then come true. Public in terest in archaeology and history is still avid, although to my regret, the ahistorical 1960s and 1970s did put a damper on it.Glob is greatly missed; not many of his kind are born nowadays. He had, so to say, great virtues and great fault s, but could we have done without either? It is due to him that we have the Jutland Archaeological Society, which has no w existed for half a century. Congr tulat ion s to the Society, from your offspring Skalk.Harald AndersenSkalk MagazineTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

Amateur archaeologists in DenmarkThe article briefly sums up the history of amateur archaeology in Denmark and mentions the most renowned amateur archaeologists and collectors of artefacts, mainly from the island Fyn. Attention focuses on describing the close collaboration between amateur and profession al archaeologists, which has resulted in the institution of museums all over the country, often through donations of extensive artefact collections from skilful and wealthy amateur archaeologists.The first museum was established in Copenhagen by Ole Worm (1588-1654), who studied the Danish prehistory. The king, Frederik III (1609-1670), made the museum into a kunstkammer, which included not only archaeological artefacts but also curiosities. Later, the artefact collections were gathered in the Old Nordic Museum, which became the present National Museum in 1892.Ole Worm’s contemporary, the nobleman Jesper Friis (1593-1643) of Ørbæklunde on Fyn created an extensive and comprehensive kunstkammer including two Egyptian mummy coffins (fig. 1). Another native of Fyn, Professor Thomas Broder Bircherod (1661-1731) also had a collection of curios. In the 19th century, Lauritz Schebye Vedel Simonsen (1780-1858), the owner of the manor Elvedgård, and Niels Frederik Bernhard Sehested (1813-1882), owner of the manor Broholm, had large collections of artefacts. The latter was a talented amateur archaeologist, who undertook systematic excavations of almost 400 Iron Age graves on the Møllegårdsmarken site. The finds were published in well-illustrated books. Sehested had a small museum built in the manor garden, where he exhibited his finds. The museum still exists (fig. 2). He also experimented with the practical manufacturing and use of prehistoric tools – a novelty at the time (fig. 3). Even King Frederik VII (1808-1863), once the governor of Fyn, was a passionate collector, who undertook or initiated many excavations.The 20th century saw many wealthy amateur archaeologists, who built museums and issued archaeological publications, as for instance the prefect of the island Bornholm, Emil Vedel (1824-1909), who – assisted by the teacher, Johan Andreas Jørgensen (1840-1908) – made comprehensive investigations into several hundred graves at Lousgaard on Bornholm. Vedel initiated the horizontalstratigraphic excavation method, which resulted in the introduction of the Pre-Roman Iron Age in Danish archaeology. As an acknowledgement for this, Emil Vedel was appointed vice president of ”Det kongelige Nordiske Oldskriftselskab,” a credit to an amateur archaeologist!The chemists Christen Mikkelsen (1844-1924) and his son, Poul Helweg Mikkelsen (1876-1940) represented two generation s of very active amateur archaeologists on Fyn. Both left large private collections, which they willed to The National Museum and Fyns Stiftsmuseum (the museum of the diocese of Fyn) (fig. 4). Poul Helweg Mikkelsen is especially remembered for his excavation of the Ladby Viking ship. Out of his own pocket he paid for the building of a cupola covering the Viking ship, which was left in situ, thus making this Viking ship grave unique in Scandinavia.JensWinther (1863-1955), a grocer on the island of Langeland, paid a museum with his own money (fig. 5). He was a skilful amateur archaeologist, who carried out numerous excavations and introduced a new excavation technique, surface digging, involving the gradual exposure of the surface through the removal of thin successive earth layers – a technique that set a fashion. His excavations at the Troldebjerg site functioned as training excavations for future professional archaeologists. For instance, P.V. Glob, the later professor of archaeology and keeper of national antiquities, was one of Winther’s ”pupils”. Also Winther’s lifelong housekeeper, Miss Hornum, was a skilful amateur archaeologist – so skilful that she was invited to take part in the excavation of Inuit settlements in Greenland. Later she was admitted the second female member of ”Det kongelige Nordiske Oldskriftselskab,” following professor Brøndsted’s recommendation.Svend Dyhre Rasmussen (fig. 6), an amateur archaeologist from Sjælland, found the famous medieval high-backed fields and the adjoining village of Borup Ris. His fellow islander, Karl Kristian Nielsen (fig. 7) was a hardworking amateur archaeologist, who undertook both prehistoric and medieval excavations for forty years. He was a modest, self-taught man working as a charcoal burner and thus nicknamed ” the learned charcoal burner”. He was the first amateur archaeologist honoured with the membership of ”Det kongelige Nordiske Oldskriftselskab” (fig. 8).The article also mentions the wide section of the population – comprising all classes – that has contributed to collectin g and preserving our relics of the past in such a comprehensive manner. Another purpose of the article is to show the connection between important events in Danish history and the amateur archaeological initiatives that resulted from them. The article gives a survey of Danish amateur archaeology, which is organised in numerous associations that stimulate the public interest in this field.A new initiative was the founding of a countrywide organisation of amateur movements, the SDA, in 1990 (fig. 9).The SDA has initiated courses, publication of an amateur archaeological periodical and the ambitious project, ”Operation Golden Horn” aiming at a countrywide registration and mapping of finds and relics. The history of the amateur archaeologist associations on Fyn is described, including examples of the work of smaller groups (fig. 11). The cooperation between amateur archaeologists and museum employees on Fyn culminated in 1984 with the exhibition” Past time and spare time”.An important part of amateur archaeologists’ work is the participation in the annual excavation camps, where the amateurs enjoy the pleasure of finding artefacts and learn how to register them scholarly correctly. Cooperation on a Scandinavian level resulted in a Nordic Amateur Archaeologists’ Excavation Camp (the NAU) in connection with Odense’s 1000th anniversary in 1988 (fig. 12). Since then, similar excavation camps have been held in other Nordic countries, and in Estonia. The cooperation with Estonia has given a wider perspective, which includes international cooperation at different levels.The amateur archaeologists’ knowledge of their own neighbourhood has proved important, as they co nt act the profession al archaeologists when farming methods or public construction work is unexpectedly revealing archaeological finds. In such cases, retired and unemployed amateur archaeologists have made an ”ambulance service”, which offers assistance to museums at short notice. Another special initiative was taken by the amateur ar chaeologists on Bornholm, who created a special branch for detector amateurs. This has helped both Norwegian and Swedish museums investigating known sites and thus gain a more differentiated picture of Iron Age settlements. A third special branch of amateur work is the investigation of the submarine settlement of Tybrind Vig, which is an example of a well functioning coopertion with the marine-archaeological group in Fredericia.When in the 1991, Professor Henrik Thrane, Doctor of Philosophy, made the Hollufgård Museum on Fyn and its collection s more user-friendly and accessible to the public by creating ”open stores”, he also gave the amateur archaeologists the possibility of self-tuition. The publication of the archaeological journal ”Archaeology and the natives of Fyn” in 1979 was a result of cooperation between the museum and amateurs (fig. 13). Finally, in 1993, the SDA journal now carrying the name of” Archaeology for everyone” was published. To stimulate the interest in archaeology among the youth, so-called Hugin and Munin clubs have been started, with branches in Copenhagen, on Fyn and in Jutland.The Erik Westerby foundation (initiated by this famous amateur archaeologist) was created to support Danish archaeologists. In 1994, Axel Degn Johansson was the first amateur archaeologist to receive the price, along with 100.000 Dkr, and later another twelve amateur archaeologists have enjoyed grants and presents of money from the foundation.Finally, the importance of the amateur movement for the present and the future is mentioned, and it is stressed that good cooperation between amateurs and museum professionals is very important. Amateur archaeologists will also benefit from the new and refined methods of dating and analysing archaeological finds and – when detecting new finds in the field – of the exact position determination offered by the GPS system. The importance of publicattention on archaeology is stressed, and so the interest of amateur archaeologists is seen as a necessary part in the important and comprehensive task of preserving the past for the future.Jane Kjærgaard AndresenOdenseTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

Forlev NymølleA sacrificial site from the late Pre-Roman Iron AgeForlev Nymølle is situated in a small stretch of boggy land in the northern part of the river valley of Illerup Å north of Skanderborg. During peat digging in 1947, eight small clay vessels from c. 400 AD and a few fashioned wooden items were found. However, it was not until 1960 that museum keeper Harald Andersen, Moesgard Museum, started a major and very careful excavation, which last ed until 1966. Twenry-four areas, making up 325 m2, were excavated along the southern edge of the present peat bog (fig. 1). Forlev Nymølle is still one of the largest and best documented finds off ertiliryrelated sacrificial finds in Northern Europe. The finds, which primaril y consist of potsherds, bones from domestic animals, wooden items, patches of charcoal, and – not the least – stones were concentrated in small heaps relatively close to the old lakeshore. Nine find concentrations (I-IX) were separated, excluding “concentration X”, which comprises the clay vessels found in 1947 (fig. 15).The individual find concentrations measure between 1.5 and 9 m2 , and although their contents vary greatly, they are all characterized by layers or small heaps of hand or head size stones (fig. 9, 16). Among these, a remarkable amount is light quart zite stones or flint, and their occurrence has made many scholars suggest that the throwing of stones were a central element of the sacrificial act. Potsherds and so me long ashwood sticks (fig. 6, 8, 12, 25, 26) form part of almost all stone heaps, whereas the depositing of bones from domestic animals seem to be more selective (fig. 31). Concentration I differs further by containing a simple anthropomorphic figure, which may have stood upright in the stone heap (fig. 2-3), and a bundle of flax (fig. 4). Most find concentrations seem to represent a single sacrifice, except for concentration I, which is interpreted with certainry as having been used more than once.Some heavy tree trunks foun d in the immediate viciniry of some of the find heaps are thought to have functioned as a trackway from which the sacrifices could be made.The form and appearance of the individual concentrations are thought to be the result of depositing (fig. 7) including ritual stone throwing.Most bones are intact, except for a few that are split (this is interpreted as evidence for the deliberate extraction of marrow) and are marked by fire.They were mainly found in concentration II and Ill and come chiefly from small, but harmoniously built domestic oxen. Bones from sheep and goats are also present, but only a few bones from dogs and horses and from a single hare were registered. A human bone, the fragment of a shoulder blade with cutting marks and polished edges – perhaps an amulet? – was also found.The pottery, which could be assembled to make more or less complete vessels, dates the activities to the late Pre-Roman Iron Age (fig. 5). Two sacrificial horizons may be isolated (fig. 17), one of which belongs to the time between c. 200 and 150 BC (fig. 13-1 4,19) and the other to the time between c. 100 and 50 BC (fig. l0a-b, 1la).The area does not seem to have been used during the final phase of the Pre- Roman Iron Age, from 50 to 0 BC.Among the more curious items is a wooden idol and some long ashwood sticks. The wooden idol, which lay in concentration I, was made from a forked oak branch. It has a length of 2.74 meters and a very simple form with out the obvious emphasizing of the sex, which characte rizes the idols from Braak and Wittemoor (fig. 23-24) and others. The branches make up the legs, and the upper part of these have been chopped in order to accentuate the swayed hips. The sex may be indicated by a small notch at the point of bifurcatio n (fig. 18). As both ethnographic and some prehistoric figures are decorated (fig. 20-22), the idol was carefully examined, but no traces of colour, lashing etc. were found. Pottery found with the idol dates from 200-150 BC.Ashwood sticks are a normal occurrence in Forlev, represented as it is by 17 or 18 sticks from at least seven of the nine concentrations, and they seem to play a central part in the sacrificial ceremonies. They are characterized by a systematic choice of wood type, form, fashion and method of sacrifice. All were made from ashwood, they have a length of up to two meters, and one end is always finished with a cut, cross-going, triangular part. They were made from the outermost part of the trunk , the curved, de-barked side of which makes up the outside, whereas the inside is carefully carved (fig . 25). They were often laid down in pairs as a “set” consisting of a slender and a more heavy stick. They were made for the purpose, as the axe cut s are completely fresh (fig. 26). No parallels are known, but they resemble some long plank idols found in bogs in Lower Saxony (fig. 27). The function is pure guesswork – were they percussion instruments or prinlitive figures? The sticks are accessories of both sacrificial horizons.The rest of the wooden items from Forlev are also difficult to interpret, but seem to belong to the household sphere (fig. 28). However, some – like the 2.62-cm long smoothed ashwood stick (fig. 29) and the hazelwood club (fig. 30) may have functioned as ceremonial accessories.It appears from a comparison with other comprehensive finds of fertility sacrifices, such as Hedelisker, Varbrogård, Bukkerup, and Valmose- Rislev in Denmark, Käringsjön from Western Sweden and Oberdorla in Thuringia, that this find group has several features in common. The sacrificial areas are often large and characterized by relatively long periods of use. Often each locality has many small depositing sites with pottery, bones,and carved wooden objects, which are usually thought to have been sacrificed in water. Layers or heaps of stones and different branch-work are other characteristics.It is impossible to decide whether these features express common ideas, and a closer stud of the in dividual localities seems to stress the variety, even between neighbouring and contemporary sites such as Forlev Nymølle and Hedelisker. Local traditions seem to play an important part.Fertility sacrifices could be expected to follow a certain, cyclical pattern , but it has been impossible to determine such a pattern at Forlev, where the sacrificial ceremonies are not assumed to have been very numerous either. Even if we assume that the whole lake shore was full of sacrificial offerings with the same density as concentration I-III, it would be difficult to reach a number corresponding to an annual sacrifice. As several of the separated deposits seem to represent the very same action, the activity level is reduced further. Hence, the sacrifices, which are assumed collective and made by a whole village or the inhabitants of a smaller area, should rather be linked with certain events. This assumption seems to be supported by the separation of two sacrificial horizons.Today, it is generally accepted that the religious aspect was strongly integrated into the daily life of prehistoric man, and seen in the light of our present knowledge of settlements, burial customs, etc. our knowledge of the religious manifestation s is still very limjted.That is why even today, Forlev Nymølle appears to be a unique find without any clear parallels.Jørgen LundAfdeling for ForhistoriskArkæologi Aarhus UniversitetMoesgårdGenstandstegninger: Jørgen Mührman-LundGenstandsfotos: Photolab, MoesgårdUdgravningsfotos: Harald AndersenTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

Emma Bentz: I stadens skugga. Den medeltida landsbygden som arkeologiskt forskningsfält(Mette Svart KristiansenLine Bjerg: Romerske Denarfund fra Jyske Jernalderbopladser – En Arkæologisk Kulegravning(Thomas Grane)Helen Clarke & Kristina Lamm (red.): Excavations at Helgö XVII(Margrethe Watt)Walter Dörfler & Johannes Müller (red.): Umwelt – Wirtschaft – Siedlungen im dritten vorchristlichen Jahrtausend Mitteleuropas und Südskandinaviens. Internationale Tagung Kiel 4.-6. November 2005(John Simonsen)Peter Gammeltoft, Søren Sindbæk & Jens Vellev (red.): Regionalitet i Danmark i vikingetid og middelalder. Tværfagligt symposium på Aarhus Universitet 26. januar 2007(Karl-Erik Frandsen)Annika Larsson: Klädd Krigare. Skifte i skandinaviskt dräktskick kring år 1000(Ulla Mannering)Henriette Lyngstrøm: Dansk Jern: en kulturhistorisk analyse af fremstilling, fordeling og forbrug(Jørgen A. Jacobsen)Søren Olsen: Udflugt til fortiden. Guide til 80 gådefulde fortidsminder i Danmark(Palle Eriksen)Ditlev L. Mahler: Sæteren ved Argisbrekka. Økonomiske forandringer på Færøerne i vikingetid og tidlig middelalder(Hans Skov) Peter Rowley-Conwy: From Genesis to Prehistory. The Archaeological Three Age System and its contested reception in Denmark, Britain, and Ireland(Anne Katrine Gjerløff)Henrik Skousen: Arkæologi i lange baner. Undersøgelser forud for anlæggelsen af motorvejennord om Århus 1998-2007(Lotte Hedeager)Dagfinn Skre (red.): Means of Exchange. Dealing with Silver in the Viking Age(Jens Christian Moesgaard)David M. Wilson: The Vikings in the Isle of Man(Ray Moore)

The bronze deposits from Resenlund and Brøndumgård In the Late Bronze Age, bronze deposits in fields and bogs constitute a large part of the archaeological material. Huge values were deposited in the ground during this period, and the archaeological material witnesses a wide-ranging custom of sacrifice. The deposits are therefore central to the understanding of the societies, which once left their items in the ground, and new finds contribute to a more varied impression of the picture already existing of the Late Bronze Age. This article presents two hitherto unpublished deposits from the Early Bronze Age, both from Northern Jutland. These deposits contain bronze objects, which may throw new light on the ritual practice of the North Jutland society and its social identity during period IV (1100 BC - 900 BC).The composition of the Brøndumgård depot is special in that it contains part of hitherto unknown artefacts. The depot consists of a belt plate, fragments of at least two cuff-shaped bracelets, fragments of three mounts, a bronze ring, a sickle, two four-spoke wheel pendants, an eight-spoke wheel pendant, part of a neck ring with the head of a horse, and five bronze nuggets. The belt plate and fragments of a cuffshaped bracelet date the find to period IV. The decorations on the eight-spoke wheel pendant and the mounts also point towards period IV. The dating of the find is thus hardly questionable. The Brøndumgård depot was probably buried in a double- conic earthenware pot. The deposit was found at the bottom of a ridge originally marking the border of a wetland area. Several prehistoric mounds are preserved on top of the ridge. The location of the find – in a border area between firm ground and wetlands – indicates that the deposit should probably be interpreted as a wetland sacrifice; a gift to the gods at the edge of a bog, which was considered a magical gateway between the world of the humans and the supernatural during large parts of prehistory.The original use of the mounts is difficult to determine. Their form does not indicate a use as bucket mounts. Harness plates are another possibility, but so far, such horse mounts are not known from other finds. The bronze may have been fixed to the leather armour of a warrior, but no other finds support this theory. As a last suggestion, the mounts may have been fixed to the body of a carriage. The bronze ring supports this assumption. Apart from rings, the carriage mounts known from the Urnemark and Hallstatt Cultures include oblong, ornamented metal plates similar to the mounts from the Brøndumgård depot. It should be stressed that these are not imported mounts, as the decoration is very similar to the decoration occurring on the cuffshaped bracelets, which are considered a local Jutland product.Thus, cult wagons probably existed during the Late Bronze Age in Scandinavia. The question is: to what extent, and when? Already during the Early Bronze Age, the Trundholm Sun Chariot from Northern Zealand and the two-wheeled chariot from the rock carvings at Kivikgrav in South-eastern Scania indicate that the wagon had a central function in the iconography of the Early Bronze Age. We just lack finds of wagon parts in the archaeological material from the period to tell whether the pictorial representations of the Early Bronze Age reflect actual events.The use of wagons for ceremonies and cult processions can therefore probably not be compared to the Central European Urnemark Culture’s influence on Northern Europe until the Late Bronze Age. It is thus not until the emergence of the Urnemark Culture that the wagon plays a visible part in Central European cult. Here, the wagons are known from several well-preserved graves, which provide fine possibilities for reconstructing the look and function of the wagons. As a rule, the wagons have four wheels and a rather small body, which would have made them unsuitable for the transportation of large, heavy wagonloads. Furthermore, the body is decorated with metal plates. The rich ornamentation combined with the small, unpractical size and the fact that they were used as grave goods in rich graves all indicate that the wagons were used for processions connected to the Central European cult.In Denmark, we have but a few complete finds of wagon plates from the Bronze Age. In the absence of such complete metal plate finds, it is much more difficult to recognize metal plates as part of possible wagon ornaments. It is therefore necessary to intensify the attention concerning plates and other metal items, which may have been riveted onto wood. If such plates are found in connection with horse equipment, which naturally often occur in the same context as wagon parts, this may considerably strengthen their interpretation as wagon plates.Perhaps the eight-spoke wheel pendant should be interpreted as part of a horse’s equipment? Maybe as some sort of horse harness jingles attached to the bridle – although the eye for hanging seems too small compared with other finds of definite horse bridle jingles. In stead, the wheel pendant could have been attached to another part of the harness.The four-spoke type of wheel pendant has not previously been found in Scandinavia, but in a much larger version it is known from the Period II- grave from Tobøl in Western Jutland. The wheel with four spokes is also known from the Early Bronze Age iconography. As a pendant, the wheel with four spokes is a phenomena first occurring in Northern Europe at the same time as the Urnemark Culture begins to influence the form of objects in the Late Bronze Age. Probably, the four-spoke wheel – like the eight-spoke wheel – is from a horse’s harness.In Northern Europe, several deposits combining women’s jewellery and horse equipment are known from period V. The fact that these two artefact types are often found together in the deposits may reflect a fixed practice of some ceremony or cult act. Perhaps the deposits are really elements from a ceremonial procession – in which the wagon played a prominent part – sacrificed to the supreme beings. In the Brøndumgård depot, the women’s jewellery and horse equipment is even supplemented by possible wagon plates, and the find thus supports the hypothesis presented above that the ceremonial procession included women, horses, and a wagon. Women’s jewellery and the horse and wagon equipment were probably made by the same bronze caster, and perhaps the objects were meant to be a complete ceremonial outfit for a woman and a wagon. In the Bronze Age, it was not an unknown phenomenon that special jewellery sets were made as a complete whole, and it is therefore not altogether impossible that a complete set of equipment for a woman and a wagon were made by the same craftsman.Perhaps the depot is even containing the remains of a priestess’ equipment, ceremonial wagon included? In this respect, the Roman writer Tacitus’ retelling of the myth concerning the fertility cult of the goddess Nerthus is especially interesting – in spite of the fact that the myth was written down almost 1000 years later than the dating of the Brøndumgård depot. The horse-drawn chariot is central in Tacitus’ account, as each year, somewhere in the northern part of the free Germania, a procession with Nerthus in a horse-drawn ceremonial chariot passed from village to village to announce the coming of spring and fertility. The myth shows that the tradition of a ceremonial chariot was probably predominant in Northwest Europe during the Early Iron Age. It is therefore not unlikely that the ceremonial chariot, perhaps driven by a priestess, was part of the ritual practice in Jutland during the Late Bronze Age, and that it remained a strong tradition until the Early Iron Age.The Resenlund depot consists of three spiral arm rings, two sickles, a double button, three fragments of cuff-shaped bracelets, three parts of neck rings, a socketed spear head, a dress pin, a bronze celt, and part of a sword blade. All artefacts were probably of Scandinavian origin, possibly from the area around the Limfjord. It is not always possible to determine whether the depot was placed in a container, for instance a clay vessel. Several of the items were ruined prior to being deposited, whereas others were old and worn. The depot was probably deposited in the course of the Bronze Age period IV, between 1100 and 900 BC, as quite a few of the items date from this time.The depot thus comprises many different artefact types, and both weapons, women’s jewellery, and tools are represented. From the composition, the depot may be interpreted as a sacrifice representing a cult act managed by one or more wealthy peasants connected with arable land. The wear marks on the jewellery probably indicate that they were inherited items that may have been in the family’s possession for generations, before they were handed over to the ground. The depot itself may be interpreted as a sacrifice to the superior beings, perhaps to thank for success and fertility. At the same time, the sacrificial act itself may have helped support the position of the leading families in the local community.The two deposits from Resenlund and Brøndumgård were both deposited within the same area near the Limfjord between 1100 and 900 BC, and they both contain items with a form and an ornamentation specifically characteristic for this particular area. Both deposits were found in connection with water or wetlands, as is characteristic of the sacrificial practice of the Late Bronze Age culture in Scandinavia. However, the composition and context in the two deposits differ, and so the two finds tell individual stories.The composition of the Resenlund depot makes it interpretable as a sacred depot, with numerous different artefacts representing one or more peasant families. In favour of this interpretation is the fact that the depot contains items belonging to more women and at least one man, as well as a sickle, which may indicate that the sacrifice was connected to agriculture and fertility.The Brøndumgård depot may be part of a ritual procession sacrificed to the supreme beings. The women’s jewellery and horse and wagon equipment were probably made by the same bronze caster, and perhaps the items were meant as a complete ceremonial outfit for a priestess and her chariot. The Resenlund depot may reflect the cult act of one peasant family, which perhaps included people from a small neighbourhood – as opposed to the Brøndumgård depot, which may have been the remains of a ceremonial procession including a larger number of people. The deposits may thus be the result of two different ceremonies and cult acts made by different groups of society, but probably within the framework of the same fertility cult and practice of ritual sacrifice.Period IV of the Bronze Age was a very innovative era as regards the creation of new artefact types. Many new variants of women’s jewellery and other ornaments turn up in this period only to disappear again from the find material in period V. The variations within the ornaments are especially expressed within North and Central Jutland, to which a large number of artefacts are specific within period IV. They are artefact types, which were almost solely used in Jutland, and in this respect, this area differs from the rest of Scandinavia. Fig. 18 shows the artefacts that Evert Baudou considers special Jutland types, such as the specially ornamented bone buttons and pendants found in large numbers in graves in the Mid-Jutland area. To these special Jutland types, I would like to add the three wheel pendants from the Brøndumgård depot, which – with the five wheel pendants from the Sæsing depot – also constitute a special Jutland type during Period IV.The characteristics of the Jutland artefact types made Baudou suggest that judging from the unique artefact types in Jutland, we could be dealing with two tribal groups in Denmark during Period IV. A Jutland tribe mainly concentrated in North and Middle Jutland, and a tribe on the islands.The question is whether it is not too much of a simplification to divide Denmark into two tribes, as the artefacts reflect a more complicated situation. However, the idea of several regions having existed in the Danish area – individual cultural units with mutual contact – is not unlikely. The two wealth centres of Boeslunde in Western Zealand and Voldtofte on Southwest Funen may represent two independent regions in Denmark, to which the North- and Central Jutland period may be added as a third region due to its special artefacts. We thus get at least three regions in Denmark during the Late Bronze Age. In period V, we no longer have the same difference between South Scandinavian artefacts, and the distinctive character of the Jutland material seems to disappear. This does not mean that North and Central Jutland loose influence – on the contrary. However, we see a certain uniformity within the Nordic artefact material from Period V.In Period IV, North and Central Jutland was a region where people expressed their affiliation through the way they chose to decorate themselves. The area was probably inhabited by an independent people or tribe – assumed on the grounds that this is the place in Late Bronze Age Scandinavia where the find material mostly seems to reflect a region with unique artefact types expressing individual cultural traditions and a social identity.Jeanette VarbergInstitut for Antropologi, Arkæologi ogLingvistik, Aarhus UniversitetTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

The archaeologist Erik WesterbyUp-front researcher on a spare-time basisThe centenary of the archaeologist and lawyer Erik Westerby, born in 1901, is the occation of this ac count of his career. It is a tale of a talented person’s magnificent achievements in his vainly fight for a seat on the scientific Parnassos.Erik Westerby had out standing intellectual talents within more of the areas important for car ying out a rchaeological research at a high level. Initially, however, a youthful and ill-concealed belief in his own talents gave him problems getting on with the conservative research environment of his contemporaries. In addition he had to struggle with a complicated mind of his own.From his youth, Westerby’s dedication to archaeology was directed to the exploration of the oldest times. He was the first to present a settlement from the late Ice Age: the Bromme site, and until today he has remained one of the famous names within the early Stone Age research in Denmark.His mind was set on archaeology, and yet he chose a more sec ure way of earning a living and became a lawyer. Parallel to the law studies, he worked so vigorously with archaeology that it is difficult to understand how he managed to graduate with good marks in an extraordinarily short time. In 1929, he settled as an independent lawyer in Copenhagen, in an office close to the High Court and the National Museum.The Stone Age settlement of Bloksbjerg in northern Copenhagen was the object of Westerby’s first large-scale field work (fig. 1). Nineteen years old, he published the preliminary results of the excavation.The following year he extended his knowledge of the Palaeolithic Period of France during a one-month study visit in Dordogne, an area rich of archaeologi cal finds.These studies were carried out with great thoroughness and included carefully documented test excavations at some of the classical sites.When he was 26, Westerby published a thesis on the early Stone Age in Denmark, taking his own settlement investigations as his point of departure. In this book, the term “the Mesolithic Age” was introduced in Danish terminology. Here, he also argued for the individual culture eras being named after important find localities. The early part of the Mesolithic Age in Denmark (which prior to this was often called “the Bone Age”) was hence to be called the Maglemose Era and the late part the Ertebø1le Era.The local academic dignit aries met this termino logy with severe criticism. Nevertheless, it was gradually accepted far beyond the Danish borders.From a modern point of view, the book was a very com etent archaeological presentation. It was submitted to the University of Copenhagen as a dissertation. However, the established scholars showed their disapproval by simply rejecting it.To add insult to injury, the promising youth was even humiliated in public by members of the National Museum’s staff. Among other things they pounced on the claim that a widely occurring, yet hitherto unnoticed type of flint tool, the burin, was to be found in the settlement inventories of the early Stone Age in Denmark. Today, we all know that Westerby was right, but in the 1920s, this claim was received differently by the few professional archaeologists in Denmark. Westerby was considered unsuited as a professional archaeologist, and so his profession was to stay the law.His next large project was the testing of the theory that coastal settlement had existed before the Ertebø1le Era Through reconnaissance expeditions to reclaimed fiords, he established co mpr ehensive traces of coastal settlement from a time berween the Ertebølle Culture and the Maglemose Culture. This era is now called the Kongemose Era, but it could just as well have been called the “Gislinge Era” due to his rich settlement find of this era in the Lamme fiord in North-West Zealand. However,Westerby decided to play down the sigruficance of his new find and refrain from such a pretentious terminology.In 1933, the results of Erik Westerby’s investigations of the reclai med fior ds were published. The energetic, Stone Age knowledgeable Therkel Mathiassen, who was employed by the National Museum that year, was interested in the Gislinge site, but he did not get an opportunity of excavating it until seven years later. And this was not to be the last place where Westerby’s and Mathiassen’s paths crossed.Erik Westerby’s next large project was to find signs of late Ice Age settlements in Den­mark – until then, this era was on ly represented by stray items. To do this, he carried out comprehensive field reconnaissance, which among other things led to his arrest by both the Danish police and the German occupying power due to his unu sual activities in the landscape.In 1938, he realised that the Amose bog in Western Zealand was a true treasure chest when it came to Mesolithic settlements. This realisation led to a short article in the reputable scholarly magazine , Acta Archaeologica. The article presents the results of a small trial excavation on the Øgårde locality. Having expressed reservations due to the limited and provisional character of the investigation, he concluded that there were pottery sherds in a closed context from the Maglemose Era, and that this was therefore the hitherto oldest pottery find in the world (fig. 2).Westerby called on the National Museum to undertake the responsibility of further investigation into the Åmose settlements, and Therkel Mathiassen immediately took it up on himself to take care of it. When a few years later he published the results of his very comprehensive investigations of for instance Øgårde, the sensational (and wrong) conclusion, that the Maglemose culture knew how to make pottery, was maintained.From Westerby’s diary we know that at the age of thirty, he regretted having been induced to deal with law. Archaeology fascinated him much more, and here he had exceptional talents. In private, he was a lonely person, and his legal work suffered from his great commitment to archaeology.The striking gesture of handing over further work concerning the Åmose settlements to the National Museum may therefore be understood as an attempt to get out of aneconomically, socially, and professional dead end. He probably hoped that the museum would encourage him to carry on the investigations and that he would be given the necessary means to do so – perhaps in the form of permanent employment.If indeed such hopes were behind Westerby’s gesture, then they were completely ignored. Therkel Mathiassen left him no further possibilities of carrying on the work in Åmosen. He even walked on Westerby’s pride by publicly mentioning him in line with local artefact collectors, who helped the museum with its work in the bog.However, Westerby continued his systematic field reconnaissance elsewhere on Zealand. In the spring of 1944, on the edge of a bog near Bromme, northwest of Sorø, he found flint tools of a kind that made him conclude he had come across settlement traces from a late Ice Age settlement (fig. 4, 6, and 7). The National Museum quickly offered to help with the investigation. However, the sensatio al find had disturbed Westerby’s state of mind, and he declined the proposal for fear of Mathiassen (fig. 5) taking over the management of the investigations.Physical and mental over-exertion caused Westerby to seek medical treatment in the autumn of 1944 . As he had no recovered by the spring of 1945, he informed the National Museum of the situation and turned over further investigation to the museum. His approach to the museum was an unspoken request that he was given the possibility of leading the investigation against proper payment. However, the signal was ignored, and Mathiassen immediately began the planning of a large-scale investigation. Westerby inspected the investigatio , and a written controversy followed, in which he expressed his reservations about Mathiassen’s methods, interpretations, and professional ethics, before having a mental relapse.Westerby’s miserable mental and economical situation now caused his sister, Hjørdis Westerby, to contact the National Museum , and without her brother’s knowledge, she expressed his wish of a museum employment, which for years he had been too proud to express. A marked change in the museum’s course followed. Therkel Mathiassen wrote and offered Erik Westerby a favourable arrangement. Westerby answered,“The letter will be opened, read, and if necessary answered when my health and my doctor permits it”. Whether Westerby ever opened the letter is unknown.The following spring Mathiassen wrote another couple of letters in his new, generous manner. The latter of these was found unopened among the papers left behind by Westerby. The good initiative had come too late.In the spring of 1946, Erik Westerby, helped by his sister Hjørdis, wrote a scholarly presentation of his investigations of the Bromme settlement.The manuscript included remarks that could be easily interpreted as a critical comment on the National Museum. As Westerby did not want to delete them, the result was that he never saw the presentation published in its entirety. Mathiassen published his results from the site in a large article in 1948. A later reinvestigation of the complete find material from the site has shown that Westerby’s critical remarks on Mathiassen’s methods and interpretations were justified.I t is worthy of note that not only did Westerby find the Bromrne settlement; he also recognized the finds on this site as being from the late Ice Age. Later it has become evident that Bromme was not the first late Palaeolithic settlement to be found or published withom the archaeologists realizing the correct age of the artefacts.In the last months of 1946, Erik Westerby left Copenhagen in order to become a member of the legal staff on the police station in Ringkøbing, West-Jutland. In his spare time, he continued to cultivate his interest in archaeology. He gave himself the extreme task of finding traces of human habitation in Denmark prior to the last Ice Age. A gravel pit near Seest in the western part of Kolding especially attracted his attention. Here, remains from for instance rhinoceros and forest elephant were found in the melt water gravel from the Ice Age. The gravel pit finds included some man- made flint items, which may be from the Ice Age layers.At that time,Westerby’s professional competence finally gained unreserved acclaim. The then recently appointed leader of the Prehistoric Museum in Århus, professor P.V. Glob, was behind this. Among other things, he arranged Westerby’s participation as a Danish represent ative in an international congress to mark the centenary of the find of the famous Neanderthal skull (fig. 8).In Ringkøbing, Westerby gradually became a known figure (fig. 9), and his extraordinary housing conditions added considerably to his reputation as an eccentric – a status he seemed to cultivate with pleasure (fig. 11-12).When he first arrived in the town, he was assigned one of the more modest rooms in the local hotel. Here he stayed for 33 years! Erik Westerby’s eccentric personality may lead to the convenient conclusion that he was unsuited for anemployment at the National Museum. It should therefore be stressed that he functioned as a highly respected police official in Ringkøbing (fig. l0) until according to the state rules he was forced to retire at the age of 70.The story of Erik Westerby’s professional career inevitably casts a shadow over those archaeologists at the National Museum who were actively opposing him. And it must be emphasized that the negative appraisal should not just apply to the rank-and- file scholars, but also the leading profession als, who failed to create the possibilities for Westerby’s obvious talents to be exploited to the full.Each scholarly environment should be conscious of the fact that success does not just depend on the available economic resources. The profession’s ability to provide a breeding ground for new ideas and gifted persons – even when this seems to be conflicting the individual convenience a nd prestige of established scholars – is no less important. If the management is weak and lacking in visions, then the environment tends to pursuit in dividu l goals. The result is often a bad atmosphere. It is a common idea that lack of funds causes lack of constructive athmosphere. However, it may just as well be the lack of constructive athmosphere, which causes lack of funds.Danish archaeology is indebted to Erik Westerby for handing over the key localities for investigating the Early Stone Age, and for his instructive examples in methods and systematism. We are also indebted to his sister, Hjørdis Westerby,for showing our profession a great gesture after the death of her brother: due to her economy and business sense, she was able to found the Erik Westerby Foundation in support of Danish archaeologists. The capital of the foundation comes from the estate left by her brother and from a large gift of money from her.Anders FischerKulturarvsstyrelsenTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

In August 2018, a group of experts working with terrestrial/marine geophysics and remote sensing methods to explore archaeological sites in Denmark, Finland, Norway, Scotland and Sweden gathered together for the first time at the Workshop ‘Sensing Archaeology in The North’. The goal was to exchange experiences, discuss challenges, and consider future directions for further developing these methods and strategies for their use in archaeology. After the event, this special journal issue was arranged to publish papers that are based on the workshop presentations, but also to incorporate work that is produced by other researchers in the field. This paper closes the special issue and further aims to provide current state-of-the-art for the methods represented by the workshop. Here, we introduce the aspects that inspired the organisation of the meeting, a summary of the 12 presentations and eight paper contributions, as well as a discussion about the main outcomes of the workshop roundtables, including the production of two searchable databases (online resources and equipment). We conclude with the position that the ‘North’, together with its unique cultural heritage and thriving research community, is at the forefront of good practice in the application and development of sensing methods in archaeological research and management. However, further method development is required, so we claim the support of funding bodies to back research efforts based on testing/experimental studies to: explore unknown survey environments and identify optimal survey conditions, as well as to monitor the preservation of archaeological remains, especially those that are at risk. It is demonstrated that remote sensing and geophysics not only have an important role in the safeguarding of archaeological sites from development and within prehistorical-historical research, but the methods can be especially useful in recording and monitoring the increased impact of climate change on sites in the North.

Artiklen baserer sig p&aring; unders&oslash;gelser af Turistforeningen for Danmarks virke med hovedv&aelig;gt p&aring; perioden 1923-1945. Neds&aelig;ttelsen af &bdquo;Udenrigsministeriets Udvalg for Turistpropaganda i Udlandet" i 1934 bet&oslash;d en gennemgribende forandring, hvor staten for f&oslash;rste gang involverede sig aktivt i Turistforeningens organisation<br />og arbejde. Turisme blev herved i h&oslash;jere grad opfattet som et eksporterhverv og indrettet efter sit &oslash;konomiske indtjeningspotentiale. Hermed lagdes grunden til den organisation og den turismeopfattelse, som kom til at dominere efterkrigstidens danske turisme, mens tidligere, konkurrerende syn p&aring; turismen p&aring; sigt marginaliseredes. En gennemgang af Turistforeningens brochurer og udgivelser<br />vil i &oslash;vrigt demonstrere, at &bdquo;Danmark som turistland" repr&aelig;senteredes i meget forskellige og konkurrerende diskurser, lige fra en hjemstavnsorientering med v&aelig;gt p&aring; oldtid, landskaber og landbokultur til det &bdquo;moderne Danmark" med levende byliv, uh&oslash;jtidelig harmoni, ungdommelighed og social ansvarlighed. Overordnet bet&oslash;d mellemkrigstiden b&aring;de i organisation og repr&aelig;sentation en forskydning af turistarbejdet fra provinsens lokale, folkelige forankring til byernes, prim&aelig;rt k&oslash;benhavnske, erhvervsinteresser.<br /><br />Abstract: A Happy Marriage of Convenience?<br />The Danish National Tourist Organization c.1888-1967<br />Turistforeningen for Danmark was the Danish National Tourist Organization from 1923-1967. It replaced Den danske Turistforening which dissolved in the turmoil following World War I, and was itself replaced in 1967 by Danmarks Turistr&aring;d. This article offers an outline of the development of Turistforeningen for Danmark with a main focus on the interwar-period 1923-1939. Through an analysis of the organization's activities to attract foreign visitors as well as to<br />&bdquo;enhance"the travel of Danes within their own country it is shown, how two distinct understandings of &bdquo;tourism" co-existed, and was balanced against each other, within the organization. Commercial interests, primarily based in Copenhagen and the larger tourist destinations, saw tourism as an economic activity and an &bdquo;exporting trade" to be exploited in an ever-increasing international tourism<br />market. On the other hand were the more than 100 local tourist associations, to a large degree non-commercial, which saw tourism as an educational or &bdquo;ideal" activity, meaning cultural and educational where visiting scenery, prehistoric sites, historic town centres and seeing local customs should teach locals and visitors alike about the region and the nation at large. The basic partnership<br />between commercial interests and local tourism was maintained throughout the period, but government involvement in 1935 made Turistforeningen for Danmark a state-sponsored organization, dramatically increasing the available funding, but also shifting the balance within the organization in favour of commercial interests.<br />It also meant noticeable changes in the representations of Denmark through brochures and guidebooks and the beginnings of a modern tourism discourse of 'fairy-tale Denmark', stressing tranquillity, laid-back city-life, social welfare and design. This development was halted by World War II, but though co-operation (as well as organizational debate) persisted throughout the 1950's and 1960's, the commercial and professional understanding of tourism became increasingly dominant, thereby pushing different ways of managing and thinking about tourism to the margins.<br />

A new ceramic traditionSocial changes reflected in medieval pottery productionJutland’s locally manufactured grey to black earthenware pots – so-called Jydepotter – constituted widespread consumer goods during the main period of their production from around 1400 to 1900. Within this ceramic tradition, the typical vessel shapes and mode of production remained practically unchanged over a period of 500 years (figs. 1-2). However, it is unclear how the tradition started and, in particular, how this apparently local manufacture could take over from the existing more professional production of hard-fired and often wheel-thrown vessels.The shift in production mode for grey wares has previously been explained in terms of a continuation of the local pit-fired pottery production of the Early Middle Ages. The demonstration, within the last ten years, of the presence of this ware type has underlined the existence of local production on a restricted scale (fig. 5). Together with a large variation in fashioning techniques in hard-fired pottery production (fig. 4), a degree of diversity in the ceramic production of the High Middle Ages seems likely. Consequently, the transition to an early, probably locally-rooted Jydepotte-tradition appears less striking.Rather than being a continuation of a medieval tradition of local pit-fired pottery, the Jydepotte-tradition has repeatedly been described as following on from prehistoric, predominantly Iron Age, pottery production. This comparison indirectly reflects a prevalent conception of the technical aspects of ceramic production as being governed by ecological and functional constraints, leaving little room for cultural or social choices. But the ethnologically well-studied Jydepotte-tradition provides an example where considerable elements of the production process have little significance for either the properties of the vessels or their mode of production. It is thereby an expression of cultural style rather than functional adaptation (fig. 3).In this article, the emergence of the Jydepotte-tradition is viewed in the light of the social and economic changes that took place around 1400. Extensive developments in technical craft traditions and ceramic production modes in Norway and England have been linked with the consequences of the Black Death and subsequent plagues. Changes in the production of both grey wares and of glazed red wares around 1400 in Denmark could have been similarly influenced by these circumstances. It seems likely that the vessels already constituted commercial items in the 16th century and this mode of production could have already existed from the beginning of the tradition. Accordingly, the early Jydepotte-tradition can be seen as a local attempt to meet the demand for cheap household vessels, constituting a competitive alternative to a declining professional production as a consequence of the Black Death and the social and economic changes that occurred around 1400.Lone Claudi-HansenSydvestsjællands Museum

CairnsIn Denmark, the term stenkast (a ‘stone throw’) is used for cairns – stone heaps that have accumulated in places where it was the tradition to throw a stone. A kast (a ‘throw’) would actually be a more correct term, as sometimes the heaps consist of sticks, branches, heather, or peat, rather than stones – in short, whichever was at hand at that particular place. A kast could also consist of both sticks and stones.The majority of the known Danish cairns were presented by August F. Schmidt in 1929. Since then, numerous new ones have been discovered, and we now know of around 80 cairns, cf. the list on page 264 and map Fig. 3. It appears from the descriptions that the majority – a total of 65 – are actual cairns, 14 are heaps of branches, whereas two are described as either peat or heather heaps.Geographically, the majority – a total of 53 – are found in Jutland, with most in North and Central Jutland (Fig. 3). Fifteen are known from Zealand, four from Lolland, four from Funen, and five from Bornholm.Topographically, they are found – naturally – where people would normally be passing: next to roads and in connection with sacred springs, chapels, and places of execution. However, they also occur in less busy places, in woods, along the coast, on moors, and on small islands.A few cairns have been preserved because they are still “active” as reminiscences of customs and habits of past times. This is the case of the cairn called Røsen (“røse” being another Danish term for a cairn) on Trøstrup Moor (no. 45, Fig. 1-2), of Heksens Grav (“The Witch’s Grave”) (no. 27, Fig. 4), and of the branch heap in the wood of Slotved Skov (no. 14, Fig. 5), which was recently revived after having been almost forgotten. Other cairns are maintained as prehistoric relics, as is the case of the branch heap by the name of Stikhoben (“The Stick Heap;” no. 10, Fig. 6) and Kjelds Grav (“Kjeld’s Grave,” no. 59, Fig. 7). Although heaps of stones and branches are included in the Danish Protection of Nature Act as relics of the past worthy of protection, so far merely the two latter have been listed.Whereas the remaining ’throws’ of organic material have probably disintegrated, it is still possible under favourable conditions to retrieve those made from more enduring materials – unless they have been demolished – even if they have practically sunk into oblivion (Figs. 8-10).The oldest known cairn is almost 500 years old. It was situated by the ford Præstbjerg Vad in Vinding parish near the Holstebro-Ribe highroad. Tradition says that the stone heap came into existence as a memorial of a priest in Hanbjerg, who died in the first half of the 16th century following a fall with his horse.Such legends of origin are connected with most of the Danish cairns. They usually tell of some unhappy or alarming happening supposed to have occurred at the place in question. However, they are often so vague and stereotype that they can only rarely be dated or put into a historical context. Indeed, on closer examination several of them turn out to be travelling legends. Apart from the legend of the murdered tradesman, they comprise the legend of the exorcised farmhand and that of the three sisters, who were murdered by three robbers, who turned out to be their own brothers. The latter legend, which is also known from a folksong, is connected to the so-called Varper on the high moor in Pedersker parish on Bornholm (no. 7). Until the early 20th century, it was the custom to maintain these cairns by putting back stones that had fallen down and adorn them with green sprigs. Early folklorists interpreted this as a tradition going back to an old sacrificial ritual, although the custom also seems to have had a pure practical purpose, as these stone heaps were originally cairns marking the road across inland Bornholm.A special group of the Danish cairns are connected with the tradition that someone is buried underneath them, such as a body washed ashore, a murdered child from a clandestine childbirth, a murdered person, several persons killed in a fight, an exorcised farmhand, a suicide, a murderer buried on his scene of crime, or witches and murderers buried at the place of execution. In all these cases, the throwing of a stone was supposed to protect the passers-by against the dead, who was buried in unconsecrated grounds and thus, according to public belief, haunted the spot. Another far less frequent explanation was that the stone was thrown in order to achieve a good journey or luck at the market. In some places, the traveller would throw the stone while shouting a naughty word or in other ways showing his disgust with the dead witch, criminal, or infanticide buried in that particular place. In rather a lot of the cases, as explained by the context, the cairn was merely a memorial to some unhappy occurrence, and the stone was thrown in memory of the deceased.In an article on Norwegian cairns written by the folklorist Svale Solheim, the author attached importance to achieving a clear picture of the position of the cairns (kastrøysarne) in the landscape. A closer examination showed that almost all were situated by the side of old roads – between farms and settlements, through forests, or across mountains – in short, where people would often walk. “The cairns follow the road as the shadow follows the man,” Solheim writes and gives an example of an old road, which had been relocated, and where the cairns had been moved to the new road. Furthermore, the position of the cairns along the roads turned out to not be accidental; they were always found at places that were in one way or other interesting to the travellers. This is why Solheim thought that the stone heaps mostly had the character of cairns or road stones thrown together at certain places for a pure practical purpose. “For instance,” he writes, “we find stone heaps at places along the roads where there is access to fine drinking water. These would also be natural places for a rest, and numerous stone heaps are situated by old resting places. And so it came natural to mark these places by piling up a stone heap, and of course it would be in every traveller’s interest to maintain the heaps.”The older folklore saw the tradition as a relic of pagan rituals and conceptions. As a reaction to this, Solheim and others took a tradition-functionalistic view, according to which most folklore, as seen in the light of the cultural conditions, was considered rational and the rest could be explained as pseudo beliefs, for instance educational fiction and tomfoolery.However, if we turn to our other neighbouring country, Sweden, it becomes more difficult to explain away that we are dealing with sacrificial rites, as here, the most used dialectal term for the stone and branch piles were offerhög, offervål, or offerbål (“offer” is the Swedish word for sacrifice), and when someone threw stones, sticks, or money on the pile, it was called “sacrificing.” An article from 1929 by the anthropologist Sigurd Erixon is especially interesting. Here, he documents how – apart from the cairns with a death motive (largely corresponding to the Danish cases mentioned above), Sweden had both good luck and misfortune averting sacrificial stone throwing (Fig. 13).Whereas the sacrificial cairns connected to deaths were evenly distributed across the whole country, Erixon found that the “good luck cairns” occurred mainly in environments associated with mountain pasture farming or fishing. Based on this observation and desultory comparative studies, Erixon formed the hypothesis that the “good luck cairns” represented an older and more primitive culture than the cairns associated with sacrifices to the dead. “The first,” he writes, “belong rather more to the work area of hunting, fishing, and animal husbandry, roads, and environments, whereas the death sacrificial cairns seem to be closer related to the culture of agriculture.”The problem with the folkloristic material is that most of it is based on reminiscences. In order to study the living tradition, one must turn elsewhere. However, as demonstrated by James Frazer in “The Golden Bough,” this is no problem, as the custom of throwing stones in a pile is known from all over the world, from Africa, Europe, and Asia to Australia and America (Fig. 14).Customs last, their meanings perish – the explanation why, for instance, one must throw a stone onto a stone pile, may be forgotten, or reinterpreted, or get a completely new explanation. The custom probably goes back further than any known religion. However, these have all tried to tally the stone throwing with their “theology.” In Ancient Greece, the stone piles by the roadsides were furnished with statues of Hermes (in the shape of a post with a head and sometimes a phallus). As an escort for the dead, Hermes became the god of the travellers, and just as the gods had thrown stones after Hermes when he was accused of murdering Argus, people could now do the same.With the introduction of Christianity, the throwing of stones was denounced as superstition, and a standard question for the penitents in the so-called books of penance was: “Have you carried stones to a heap?” All across Europe, crosses were planted in the stone heaps – which must have caused problems as it was considered a deadly sin to throw stones after a cross. In the culture connected with pilgrimage, the cairns got a new meaning as markers of important places. For instance, enormous stone piles outside Santiago de Compostela mark the location where pilgrims first spotted the towers of the city’s cathedral (Fig. 15). At many places, the cairns were consecrated to saints, so that now people would carry stones to them as a sacrifice or a penance. The jews also adopted the custom. The Old Testament mentions stone heaps gathered over murdered persons or placed around a larger stone, as the “witness dolmen” built by Jacob and his people to commemmorate his pact with Laban, his father-in-law. However, there is no mention of throwing new stones onto these heaps. However, the latter occurs in the still practiced Jewish custom of placing stones on the gravestones when Jews visit the graves of their dead (Fig. 16).Stone throwing in a Muslim context is illustrated by Edward Westermarck’s large investigation of rituals and popular belief with the Berbers and the Arabs in Marocco in the early 20th century. Unfortunately, it only comprises cairns connected to Muslim saints, but even with this limitation, the investigation gives an idea of the variety of applications. If the stone heap is situated near the grave of a saint, it may mark the demarcation of the sacred area, or it may have come into existence because the wayfaring have a habit of throwing a stone when they pass the grave of a saint, which they do not have time to visit. If the heap is situated on a ridge, it is usually an indication of the spot on a certain pilgrim route where the sacred places become visible for the first time. Other stone heaps mark the places where a holy man or woman is supposed to have been buried, or rested, or camped some time. By a large crossroads outside Andira, Westermark was shown a stone heap, which indicated that this place was the gathering place for saints, who met there at nighttime. The sacred cairns in Marocco are often easily recognized by the fact that they are chalked white at intervals. At some places, the cairns may also be marked with a pole with a white flag symbolising the sacred character of the place.Even Buddhism struggled against the stone heaps, especially in the form of the oboo cult, which was repeatedly reformered and reinterpreted by Buddhist missionaries. And in early 17th-century South America, the converted aristocratic Inca, Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, made sarcastic remarks about Indians, who “even now” had preserved the bad habit of [sacrificing to] stone heaps (apachitas).”Historically, the Danish cairns can be documented from the 16th century, but the tradition may well be older. Seen in a larger, comparative context, heaps of stones and branches represent an ancient tradition rooted in the deepest cultural layers of mankind. Thus, as cultural relics, they are certainly worthy of preservation, and we ought to put a lot of effort into preserving the few still existing.Whereas it will probably be difficult to establish possible prehistoric stone heaps using archaeology, the possibilities of documenting hitherto unknown stone piles from historical times is considerably higher, if special topographic conditions are taken into consideration. In connection with small mounds on tidal meadows or stone heaps along stretches of old roads and by fords, old places of execution, springs, and grave mounds used secondarily for gallows, one should pay attention to such structures, which may well prove to be covering a grave.In a folklore context, the Danish stone heaps must be characterized as mainly “death sacrifice throws,” whereas only few were “good luck throws.” Due to the limited size of the country, and early farming, cairns and other road marks have not played the same role as a help for travellers and traffic as it did in our neighbouring countries with their huge waste areas.If the stone piles are considered part of a thousands of years old chain of traditions, they belong to the oldest human “monuments.” The global distribution of the phenomenon endows it with a mystery, which, during a travel in Mongolia, Haslund-Christensen caught with a stroke of genius: “We stood before an oboo, one of the largest I have ever seen...one of those mysterious places of sacrifice which are still secretly preserved, built of stone cast upon stone through many generations; a home of mystery which has its roots in the origin of the people itself, and whose religious significance goes much further back in time than any of the religions in the modern world.”Gustav HenningsenDansk Folkemindesamling Jesper LaursenMoesgård Museum Translated by Annette Lerche Trolle

Archaeological “checks” of classical writers Written sources and material culture in Southern ScandinaviaThe writings of classical authors have rarely been used in the study of Southern Scandinavian prehistory during the last 50 years. This is primarily because of their misuse in the early part of the 20th century and the professionalisation of archaeology after the Second World War. As the interests of archaeology have moved from a local to a regional scale this situation has changed. However, there has been no theoretical or methodological discussion of the relationship between written sources and material culture in Southern Scandinavia in the past 10-15 years, despite the employment of a wide selection of sources in studies of material culture. This is problematic since much research suggests that great theoretical and methodological care is needed in approaching this problem. Through the study of three examples, the basics of a methodology for studying prehistoric societies such as that existing in Southern Scandinavia during the Iron Age will be laid down. The three examples are: Pytheas the Massaliot and his journey to the amber island of Abalus, a comparison between exchange at the Gudme-Lundeborg ‘emporium’ with Roman-Indian trade and the historical-archaeological emergence of “the Danes”. Written sources and material cultureThe relationship between written sources and prehistoric archaeology is ambivalent. There is nothing like a reference to a written source to enliven a dry treatise! However, a direct relationship between written and archaeological sources is rare. But an archaeological interpretation is pieced together using information from many sources, and given the close relationship with historical science it is not prima facie feasible to leave out historical sources in archaeological treatises. The anthropology of antiquity is also important here since it considered the northern Barbarians to be wilder and more hot-headed and, conversely, more just and free, the further they lived from the Graeco-Roman centre of the world. Similarly, the southern and eastern Barbarians were said to be lazy and live under tyranny – a reference to the climate in which they existed. In light of this, the use of written sources relative to the archaeological record presupposes a careful consideration of textual and historical context (fig.1). The interrelation of the written sourcesThe interrelation of the sources may best be described as an equation containing an abundance of unknowns. Overall we can distinguish two main groups of sources: mythological, such as those concerning the myths of the Hyperboreans and of Apollo, and factual historical-ethnographic. The oldest factual source is undoubtedly the fragments of “On the Ocean” by Pytheas the Massaliot, mainly surviving in Strabo and Pliny. Pytheas was followed by a number of lost Hellenistic authors. In the 1st century AD, Pomponius Mela, Pliny and Tacitus all concerned themselves to some degree with lands now recognised as being in Southern Scandinavia, as did Claudius Ptolemaeus in the mid-2nd cen- tury AD. This latter work was, however, based on a compilation produced no later than c. 110 AD by Marinus of Tyros. After Claudius Ptolemaeus there is no direct mention of Southern Scandinavian prior to the 6th century AD writers of Jordanes and Prokopios.Historiographical surveyIn the early days of archaeology, J. J. A. Worsaae, Oscar Montelius and Sophus Müller considered archaeology, to a greater or lesser degree, to be part of historical science, albeit with certain specific core objectives related to material culture. It was only with the arrival of Johannes Brøndsted that archaeology thought itself able to ‘check’ the written sources against the archaeological record. This trend became more pronounced in the latter part of the 20th century as the developments of the 1930s and 1940s were denounced, and processual archaeology reigned supreme from the early 1960s onwards. Ulla Lund-Hansen’s study of Roman imports in Scandinavia changed the situation somewhat and since then teleological projects, like Fra Stamme til Stat in Denmark, the Borre project in Norway and the Svealand project in Sweden, have dominated archaeological research into the Iron Age of Southern Scandinavia. Simultaneous with these developments, other researchers have pointed out the complexity inherent in using a combination of written sources and material culture. More especially, they have shown that Germania libera, a common denomination of non-Roman Germania, is a historiographic misnomer as well as Germania magna and Germania transrhenana, none of which is mentioned in the sources. All this leads to the need for an evaluation of the relationship between written sources and the archaeological record in order to provide a sound basis for a future methodology. Pytheas the Massaliot and the NorthIn international research there is no doubt that Pytheas’ visit to Abalus, the amber island, and Ultima Thule far to the north was a real historical event. This has been questioned somewhat by Scandinavian archaeologists on the basis of, as I see it, incorrect readings of the written sources and the lack of any direct evidence of such a journey. Such evidence should, however, not be expected to exist from a single journey and the surviving fragments are sufficient to enable a few archaeological-historical suggestions to be made. For example, identification of the amber island as the former island of Thy in Northwest Jutland, and the idea of amber as fuel as being reminiscent of its use in conjunction with burial rites.The Romans in India and in Scandinavia – an analogy?Southern Scandinavia takes up no more than a few lines in Claudius Ptolemaeus’ geographical treatise of the 2nd century AD. Despite this, the meagre information offered has, in recent years, been used in conjunction with the rich sites of Gudme- Lundeborg and Himlingøje to argue for close contacts with the Roman Empire. This trade has been perceived as being analogous to that between Roman Egypt and India. This conclusion is shown to be wrong by a comparison of the archaeological records of Southern Scandinavia and India, and by considering the continuity of sources on India against the fragmentary state and diminishing number of the sources relating to Southern Scandinavia. For example, there are abundant finds of amphorae from India and none from South Scandinavia, and there is at least one major work on Romano-Indian exchange and only fragments relating to the Romano- German equivalent. The ethnogenesis of the DanesIn the first half of the 6th century AD the Danes are mentioned three times in written sources. Although we will most probably have to disengage completely Jordanes’ creation myth of the Goths from the usual link to the assumed but unproven Gothic migration from Sweden around the turn of the era, this is still an important source. Accordingly, the contemporary archaeological record indicates the appearance of a polity in Southern Scandinavia fairly likely to be connected with the Danes, and maybe even a pax Danorum of the 6th –8th centuries AD. Cultural historical fragmentsIt has been shown that it is possible both to falsify and to qualify archaeological interpretations using written sources. It has been demonstrated that Pytheas the Massaliot’s journey was a real historical event, backed up by archaeological evidence. It has also been shown that the Roman imports at Gudme-Lundeborg and Himlingøje do not seem to reflect trade equivalent to that between Rome and India. A direct comparison of the material and historical evidence seems to exclude that possibility. Furthermore, sources from the 6th century AD, together with the material culture, strongly suggest the appearance of a polity centred on the Danes and demonstrate that there is no inherent connection between Jordanes’ Gothic creation myth and the assumed Gothic migration. Methodologically it seems clear that material culture and written sources must be evaluated separately in order to judge the potential for synthesis. Only after careful consideration of the pros and cons can an argument be proposed. A major conclusion is that some modern archaeological interpretations of material culture are based partly on anachronistic readings of the relevant written sources. Accordingly, while there is positive confirmation that the written sources, even those referring to the Early Iron Age of Southern Scandinavia, may be of use in the study of prehistory, there is also a warning that this is not always the case. Very serious contextual considerations must precede any attempts at a synthesis between these two diverse groups of evidence relating to the past. Søren Skriver TillischAtheneskolen, København

Mapping Iron Age field systemsAn assessment of the applicability of aerial photographyThere is little doubt that agriculture constituted the fundamental activity in prehistoric Denmark following its introduction 6000 years ago. Traces of cultivation are, however, almost solely preserved in the form of ard marks on surfaces sealed beneath barrows or layers of aeolian sand. Only one period in prehistory shows coherent traces revealing how field systems were formed and how they fitted into the landscape. During the course of the Late Bronze Age (1000-500 BC), a system of cultivation was introduced over large parts of NW Europe in which the individual fields or plots were separated from one another by low earthen banks and terrace edges or lynchets. These field systems could extend over several hundred hectares.These cultivation systems appear primarily to have been in use between 500 BC and AD 200. Research into prehistoric field systems has a long tradition extending all the way back to the 1920s in England, The Netherlands and Denmark, whereas in NW Germany and on Gotland work took place during the 1970s, with the Baltic Countries being involved in the 1990s. Early research was directed in particular towards mapping the field systems which, at that time, lay untouched in agriculturally marginal areas such as heath and woodland.In Denmark, Gudmund Hatt was a pioneer in this field. During the course of several campaigns, especially during the 1930s, he recorded 120 occurrences of field systems, primarily on the heaths of Northern and Western Jutland. These were published in 1949 in his major work Oldtidsagre (i.e. Prehistoric Fields). His work was continued by Viggo Nielsen who recorded 200 field systems in the forests of Zealand and Bornholm, largely between 1953 and 1963. In the former Aarhus county, the record has subsequently been augmented by a systematic reconnaissance of the forests which took place between 1988 and 1992. Subsequently, this led to the extensive investigations of field systems at Alstrup Krat near Mariager. As early as the 1920s, English researchers were aware of the fact that both ploughed-down and preserved field systems were visible on aerial photographs. However, the method was first applied in Denmark, The Netherlands and NW Germany in the 1970s, leading to a several-fold increase in the number known localities. In Denmark, P.H. Sørensen recorded 447 field systems in the former Viborg and North Jutland counties alone. P. H. Sørensen has published a series of articles dealing with various aspects of aerial photography in relation to ancient field systems. For example, the colour and origin of the various soil marks, the shape and size of the plots, different types of field systems and the relationship with soil type. He has also published several surveys of individual field systems. A significant problem with P.H. Sørensen’s work relates to the very few published plans showing the field systems and to the fact that these are based exclusively on a single series of aerial photographs.The main aim of this article is to demonstrate the potential for mapping field systems on the basis of not one but several series of aerial photographs. This is done through the detailed survey and mapping of three individual field systems and access to a series of data sources with respect to the interpretation of information contained in the aerial photographs. These comprise an interpretation of the origin of soil marks of banks and lynchets and an evaluation of the degree to which this interpretation is influenced by subjectivity. It is beyond the scope of this investigation to locate the field systems within a settlement and landscape context.Sources and study areaIn order to explore the problems and questions outlined above, three field systems were chosen in the central part of Himmerland: Skørbæk Hede, Gundersted and Store Binderup (fig. 1). This selection took place on the basis of an examination and assessment of almost all recorded field systems in Himmerland evident on several series of aerial photographs. These three field systems chosen are among those best preserved and also the most cohesive. Furthermore, all three have been mapped previously: Skørbæk Hede by Hatt on the basis of field survey, and the two others by P.H. Sørensen on the basis of aerial photographs. This provides the opportunity to evaluate any possible subjectivity in the procedure employed. Hatt makes a distinction between field boundary banks and lynchets. This opens up the possibility of evaluating how the two forms of boundary appear on aerial photographs. At Gundersted Hatt cut two sections through boundary banks. These, together with sections from other of Hatt’s excavations and more recent examples from the investigations at Alsing Krat, form the basis for an investigation of how soil marks arise and develop over time. In this investigation, use has also been made of historical maps in order to reveal the influence of historical cultivation on the presence/absence of soil marks. The earliest maps are from c. 1780. The primary source remains, however, series of vertical aerial photographs. Access to the latter has become considerably easier in recent years. A large proportion is now accessible via various web portals, and recently an overview became available of the contents of private and public archives. For the purposes of this investigation, use has been made of scanned contact copies of aerial photograph series from 1954, 1961 and 1967. From digital archives, use has been made of aerial photographs from 1979 and 1981 and the orthophoto maps from 2007 and 2008, respectively.Digitalisation and rectification of aerial photographsPreviously, mapping on the basis of aerial photographs was a laborious process involving tracing paper and the transfer of features to topographic maps. The introduction of GIS has, however, eased the process considerably and has also made it easy to compare various map themes such as soil-type, land-use, and digital finds databases. Before mapping can commence, the aerial photograph must be scanned, rectified and geo-referenced. rectification was carried out using the programme Airphoto, while geo-referencing and drawing in of the features were done in MapInfo. An example is shown in figure 2.Soil marks – how do they originate?In order to understand how the boundary banks and lynchets between plots appear as soil marks on the aerial photographs, it is necessary to examine how these boundaries were built up and also the influences to which they have been exposed from their creation and up until the time when they are visible on aerial photographs. Figures 3 and 4 show sections through two boundary banks at Gundersted These were carried out by Hatt at the beginning of the 1930s, just prior to the area coming under cultivation again and 20-25 years before the first aerial photographs revealed pale traces of boundary banks. As the area had not been cultivated since the Iron Age, the stratigraphy is the result of natural soil-formation processes: a podsol has been formed, comprising a heath mor layer uppermost, beneath this a bleached sand layer and an iron pan, and at the base the old cultivation layer and the topsoil core of the boundary bank, consisting of brown and grey sand. Ploughing of the boundary banks will, initially, not result in significant soil marks as the three uppermost layers are of equal thickness along the whole length of the section. A pale soil mark will, however, appear when the boundary bank has been levelled out and the plough begins to turn up material from the light topsoil core. This soil transport can in some instances continue for more than 70 years, but the soil marks will as a consequence also become wide and fragmented. This account of the processes leading to the appearance of the pale soil marks is completely different from the only other theory proposed in this respect, i.e. that of P.H. Sørensen. He describes a development involving three phases, beginning with the ploughing up of the bleached sand horizon which generates a pale soil-colour trace. Later in the development there is a shift to a dark trace, when the material in the topsoil core becomes ploughed up. In the final phase, the trace shifts again to a pale colour, when the plough begins to bring up the subsoil. However, these two sections show neither a bleached sand horizon nor a darker topsoil core. Furthermore, no colour changes have been observed at any of the localities. The fact that the boundary banks are apparent as pale soil marks is not due to ploughing up of the bleached sand layer but of the topsoil bank core. Ploughing down of the other boundary form, the terrace edge or lynchet, as shown in figure 5, will similarly result in the formation of a pale soil-colour trace through material being brought up from the pale topsoil core. P.H. Sørensen was also fully aware of this situation, and it can be confirmed by comparing Hatt’s map of the Skørbæk Hede site, where a distinction is made between boundary banks and lynchets, with the soil marks apparent on the aerial photograph series Basic Cover 1954 (fig. 6).Dark vegetation marks and pale erosion marksAlmost all the soil marks that form a basis for the mapping of the three field systems appear pale in relation to the surroundings. There are, however, occasional exceptions to this rule in the form of dark marks in areas of heather heathland and newly-ploughed heath. On the aerial photograph of Skørbæk Hede from 1954, a few dark marks can be seen directly south of Trenddalen (fig. 6) which correspond with the results of Hatt’s survey. These lie in an area which was cultivated between 1937 and 1954. In 1961, the area was taken out of cultivation and became covered with small trees. A corresponding phenomenon can be observed to the west of the settlement where the heather heathland was cultivated between 1954 and 1961 (fig. 7). These marks probably arise from the vegetation as a consequence of better growing conditions over the topsoil cores of the boundary banks. The fact that lynchets and boundary banks offer different growing conditions has been documented at Alstrup Krat where it could be seen that in several places anemones grew on the lynchets. Differences in the vegetation on the field surfaces and the boundary banks have also been observed on aerial photographs showing the scheduled examples of field systems at Lundby Hede and Øster Lem Hede.The final type of soil-colour trace to be dealt with here comprises the very pale patches that occur on both sides of Trenddalen at Skørbæk Hede and on the western margins of the field system at Gundersted. These could possibly be interpreted as ploughed-up deposits of aeolian sand, but this is not the case. By comparison with the topography and through stereoscopic viewing of the aerial photographs it becomes clear that these features are located on steeply sloping terrain and that they are due to ploughing up of the sandy subsoil. They become both larger and more pronounced with time as more and more subsoil sand is progressively eroded out due to ploughing (figs. 6, 7, 8 and 9).The influence of historic cultivation on soil marksThe fact that Hatt could still see boundary banks and lynchets in the landscape during his investigations in the 1930s was of course due to these areas not having been ploughed since they were abandoned at some time during the Iron Age. The Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters’ conceptual map from the end of the 18th century shows that 30% of Himmerland was covered by heath, 42% was cultivated, 21% lay as meadow and bog and only 4% was covered by woodland (fig. 1). By comparing the identified field systems with the heath areas on the maps, an idea can be gained of the duration of cultivation and how it has influenced the soil marks. Correspondingly, by comparing plans showing soil marks with the cultivated area shown on the conceptual map, it is possible to investigate whether cultivation, presumably continuous here since the 12th century, has erased traces of field systems dating from the Early Iron Age. Plates I-III show combined plans of soil marks from boundary banks, lynchets and recorded barrows at the three localities. The ordnance maps from the 1880s have been chosen as a background, showing contour lines, land use and wetland areas, and the cultivated areas have been added from the conceptual map. At both Gundersted and Skørbæk Hede, there are clearly no soil marks in the areas marked as cultivated on the conceptual map. Conversely, the immediately adjacent heath areas show many coherent traces. On this basis, it must be assumed that the field systems from the Early Iron Age also once extended into areas shown as cultivated on the conceptual map but that the long-term cultivation has apparently erased any trace of them. It should, however, be mentioned that Lis Helles Olesen’s investigations in NW Jutland only reveal a slight preponderance of field systems located on the old heath areas, so there may well be regional differences.The original total extent of the field systems is of course difficult to assess, but the field system at Store Binderup provides an idea of the order of magnitude. This field system is apparent as a well-defined topographic unit surrounded by wetland areas; the latter are shown on the conceptual map to be completely covered by heath. The field system extends over c. 75% of the cultivable area. In order to examine the influence of modern cultivation on the clarity of the soil marks, plans showing traces of the boundary banks have been compared with a series of historical maps. In general, the soil marks at all three localities appear most clear in areas which were cultivated latest. Former heath areas completely lacking in soil marks have probably never been cultivated. The last 50 years of cultivation with large agricultural machinery has had a dramatic effect on the soil marks. On figures 7, 8 and 9, clear evidence of ploughing out can be seen, whereby the soil marks in several places increase from 5 to 9 m in width. The negative effect of long-term cultivation on soil marks documented here only applies to pale soil marks on sandy soils. A number of field systems are apparent as dark soil marks, the visibility of which does not appear to be affected to the same extent by long-term cultivation. These make up only 3% of those recorded by P.H. Sørensen, and no sections through boundary banks are available from any of these field systems.Comparison of maps produced by field survey and from aerial photographsEvery map expresses an interpretation of what has been observed. This also applies of course to both Hatt’s mapping of the field systems on the ground in the 1930s and the subsequent mapping conducted on the basis of aerial photographs. Quality and credibility are, however, increased considerably, if the features observed can be confirmed by several sources or several researchers, reducing the subjective aspect to a minimum.On figures 10 and 11, the author’s plan of Skørbæk Hede based on aerial photographs is compared with the results of Hatt’s field survey. There is no doubt whatsoever that the aerial photographs are better able to show the overall extent of the field system. Conversely, the resulting plan is less detailed than Hatt’s map. In a few cases, however, sub-divisions of the fields are seen on the aerial photographs which Hatt did not record in his survey (figs. 8-9). In order to investigate subjectivity in the interpretation of the aerial photographs, a comparison has been made between the author’s and P.H. Sørensen’s plans of the field systems at Gundersted and Store Binderup (figs. 12, 13 and 14). Good agreement can be seen in the interpretation of the soil marks apparent on the aerial photographs of both localities. This suggests that the subjective aspect of the interpretational process is not a major problem.Evaluation of the method’s range with respect to studies of the agrarian landscapeAerial photographs encompass a great research potential relative to studies of the arable landscape during the Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. They are the only source available with respect to mapping the morphology and extent of the field systems, with the exception of the few remains tangible which still exist in woodland and on heaths. Field systems are particularly important in a cultural-historical context because they constitute the sole example from prehistory of the appearance of a total integrated cultivation system and how it was adapted to the landscape.The information contained on the aerial photographs, particularly in the form of pale soil marks resulting from the exposure or ploughing-up of the topsoil core of the boundary banks and lynchets, is a credible source relative to the mapping of the morphology and extent of field systems. Comparison between the maps and plans produced by several researchers mapping does not give cause to perceive the interpretation of the information as the aerial photographs as being particularly subjective. On the contrary, very good agreement can be seen between these interpretations.In a mapping exercise, use should be made of a number of different series of vertical aerial photographs as this provides the most detailed picture of the morphology of the field systems.A very significant source of error has been identified which must be taken into account when mapping the extent of the field systems, i.e. cultivation during historical times. In areas that were cultivated prior to the enclosure movement, i.e. in the very great majority of cases presumably since the 12th century, it cannot be expected to find pale soil marks. Long-term cultivation and the consequent mixing of the upper soil layers have erased most traces of boundary banks and lynchets. Renewed cultivation within the last 100-150 years appears, conversely, only seems to have had a marginal effect on the occurrence of soil marks. As mentioned above there can, however, be marked regional differences on the influence of historical cultivation on the clarity and degree of preservation of the soil marks. This is an aspect it will be interesting to study in more detail in the future.Michael VinterMoesgård Museum

Rediscovered burial mounds in northern Jutland – a cartographical surveyIn 2005-07, archaeologists from the Historical Museum of Northern Jutland carried out an inspection of those burial mounds still visible and protected (scheduled) under Danish cultural heritage legislation. Scheduled burial mounds were the main focus, but new – or rather forgotten – mounds were also observed in the forests (fig. 1). These observations prompted a preliminary study of a small area, which revealed that a large number of burial mounds, hitherto unrecorded in the national archaeological database, Sites and Monuments – Fund og Fortidsminder, are marked on historical maps. This was especially true of the first cadastral maps, known as Original 1 maps, on which a large number of these monuments are marked. But the first edition topographical maps, known as Høje Målebordsblade, also show mounds that are not included in the national database. A major study was initiated in 2008 and the mounds marked on the earliest cadastral maps were recorded, leading to an increase of 33 % in the numbers mapped. This article is a source-critical examination of the use of these maps.The survey area corresponded to the archaeological area of responsibility of the Historical Museum of Northern Jutland and comprises 8% of the total land area of modern Denmark. Information on land-use in historical times can be obtained from the Danish Royal Academy of Sciences and Letters’ manuscript maps, i.e. Videnskabernes Selskabs konceptkort, which date back to the late 18th century. The survey area covered both coastal and inland regions and a great variety of vegetation types could be observed – including marshland, heathland and sand dunes (fig. 2).In the late 18th century, several agricultural reforms were initiated, leading to substantial changes in the cultural landscape. New fields were established and the implementation of the statutory instrument on road regulation of 1793 led to stones being robbed from nearby dolmens and burial mounds. This devastation of ancient burial monuments prompted the establishment of the Royal Commission for the Preservation of Antiquities, Oldsagskommissionen, in 1807, and shortly afterwards a total of 187 mounds and dolmens across the country became protected by law. To stem the continuing destruction, the chief curator of the Danish National Museum, J.J.A. Worsaae, launched systematic surveys of prehistoric monuments throughout the country in 1873. For many years, funding for these so-called “district surveys”, herredsberejsninger, was allocated in the Danish state budget. The surveys only came to an end in 1930, when all the ancient monuments in the country were considered to have been recorded. Most of the monuments in the northern parts of Jutland were recorded during the final decades of the 19th century (fig. 3). The surveys had two main aims: Firstly, to record all ancient monuments and sites still visible, as well as the locations of lost monuments still known to local communities; secondly, to locate the best preserved and most interesting monuments and persuade the landowners to protect these. The district surveys were carried out by the National Museum, and each parish was visited by an antiquarian and an illustrator. Due to the pressure of time, only one or two days were allocated to each of the smaller parishes and, given the contemporary infrastructure and modes of transport, it must be assumed that not all mounds were recorded. The burial mounds were marked on a map but, in a time before GPS, the location of many of them is far from precise. In 1937, a new act for the protection of ancient monuments was passed. The key issue in this legislation was that all visible monuments were now automatically protected by the law. Whether a monument was visible or not was to be decided by the Danish National Museum. In order to do this, all the monuments recorded in the district surveys had to be revisited. This took 20 years and resulted in a grand total of 23,774 monuments and sites across Denmark that were to be protected against future destruction.After some adjustments over the last 80 years, the ancient monuments database now lists a total of 6822 burial mounds in the survey area, of which 2970 are listed as protected monuments. The Sites and Monuments database thereby contains the accumulated records from archaeological surveys carried out over the last 200 years. The burial mounds could be listed under three categories: recorded mounds, unknown mounds and rediscovered mounds, obtained from the maps used in this survey (fig. 4).The first edition topographical maps published in 1842-99, the Høje Målebordsblade, are at a scale of 1:20.000 and the details available from these are both numerous and precise. The maps give a clear picture of the elevation of the terrain and the types of vegetation within a given area (heathland, marshland etc.). They also include most of those burial mounds still visible and thereby provide a detailed source of information on the number of monuments extant in the late 19th century. The accuracy of the mapping of mounds has been evaluated in recent times by way of GPS and shows remarkable precision. Traditional surveying techniques gave positions differing by only a few metres from those determined by modern methods. Approximately 75% of the known preserved mounds were marked on the maps (fig. 5). The mapping was contemporary with the Danish National Museum’s district surveys, but only limited degree of coherence can be observed between the two data sets. This inconsistency can largely be explained by two factors: The archaeologists’ survey was restricted to a few days in each parish and the National Museum wanted to obtain information about monuments no longer discernible in the landscape. In the present study, detailed investigation of the topographical maps yielded a total of 4166 burial mounds. Of these, 326 are not recorded in the Sites and Monuments database and should therefore be regarded as rediscovered mounds. In many cases, the maps contain additional information on the locations of other burial mounds, but these could be anomalies in the terrain contours (fig. 6).Large parts of Denmark were surveyed and mapped following the agricultural reforms of the late 18th century. This resulted in the first cadastral maps, the Original 1 maps, which were drawn at a scale of 1:4000 and therefore contain a great number of details, including much useful information for archaeologists: place names, soil quality, burial mounds etc. (figs. 7 and 8). Each map covers one cadastral district (ejerlav), and the total survey area comprises 608 of these districts. Unfortunately, the mapping was not standardised and not every surveyor used the symbols for burial mounds. Of the 2975 monuments still visible today, only 53% were included on the cadastral district maps, even though these monuments must have been visible 200 years ago (fig. 9). This discrepancy can largely be explained by the lack of standardisation in the mapping, and in some cases the surveyors simply mapped small squares of non-arable area within the arable land (fig. 10). In the present study, only mounds marked with a specific signature were included. Attention should also be drawn to another possible source of bias when working with these maps: They are not static. They were in use for several decades and changes in land ownership, parish borders, field taxation etc. were added to them. Each map therefore contains several layers, each of which represents a historical event. A comparison of the two series of historical maps, the mounds recorded in the Sites and Monuments database and the true position of the scheduled mounds, reveals some variation (fig. 11). With a few exceptions, the positions of the mounds are marked on the cadastral maps with remarkable precision (fig. 12). The present review yielded the location of 4875 burial mounds, 1785 of which were unknown – or rather had been forgotten – prior to this study, i.e. a 26% increase relative to the data in Sites and Monuments. The mound signatures absent from many of the maps indicate that the number of mounds must be considered an absolute minimum.The Venn diagram (fig. 14) shows that 2320 mounds are marked on both historical maps and included in the Sites and Monuments database, while 1689 mounds are only marked on the cadastral maps. The rediscovered mounds and known mounds are not evenly distributed relative to the land-use indicated on the Royal Academy of Sciences and Letters’ manuscript maps (fig. 15). These maps date from the late 18th century and show that more than half of the dry-land areas were used for agricultural purposes, while approximately one third was covered with heath. According to the historical maps, the majority of the known mounds in the Sites and Monuments database are situated on heathland, while only 30.6% are evident in agricultural areas. The rediscovered mounds are spread evenly across agricultural land and heath. If we turn our attention to the total number of burial mounds, heath areas are still over-represented. The differences between the percentages of land-use and the percentages of known burial mounds have come closer to equalisation with this study. This shows that mounds located near the farms would be at greater threat than those located on the outer margin of the fields. This is illustrated by the distance from the burial mounds to the boundary of the nearest settlement (fig. 16). According to figure 18, the lack of mounds in old agricultural areas results from a combination of land-use and the distance to historical farmsteads. A large proportion of the rediscovered mounds were positioned in the fields around old villages and they had been destroyed prior to the district surveys of the late 19th century. All the sources reveal a low occurrence of mounds in historical forests. This can be explained to some degree by the ancient forest Rold Skov, which can be traced back to the Mesolithic.Based on the numbers given in figures 15 and 18, an estimate can be arrived at for the original number of burial mounds. If we assume that the cadastral district maps without a burial mound signature contained the same number and distribution of mounds as maps with that signature and that, as shown by figure 18, many mounds had been destroyed on agrarian land prior to the mapping survey being undertaken, an increase of 6500 mounds would be expected on old agrarian land within the survey area.A study comparable to the present survey of northern Jutland was carried out in the western part of Jutland (Johansen & Laursen 2007). In this study, the burial mounds listed in the Sites and Monuments database were compared with the aerial photos from 1954 (known as Basic Cover). This resulted in a 32% increase in the number of mounds, relative to existing records, most of which were located on old open land.The digitalisation of historical maps, combined with the Sites and Monuments database, offers a unique opportunity to re-evaluate archaeological sources, resulting, in the case of the present project, in an increase of 30% in the number of recorded mounds within the survey area: A total which should, furthermore, be regarded as a minimum. In the first half of the 19th century, burial mounds located close to historical settlements were destroyed in order to clear land and increase agricultural output. The locations of most of these mounds were not recorded in the district surveys undertaken at the end of that century. In the second half of the 19th century, it was mainly monuments located on heathland that were destroyed, as these areas were improved in order to increase farmland. These more recently erased mounds were, for the most, recorded during the district surveys.Niels HaueNordjyllands Historiske Museum

Shepherds, cattle farmers or pig breeders? A re-evaluation of Iron Age animal husbandryArchaeological finds from prehistoric settlements bear witness to the fact that crop and animal husbandry have constituted an omnipresent part of society since the intro­duction of agriculture. Agriculture must, therefore, have had a decisive influence on the overall organisation of society. This conclusion also applies to the Early Iron Age (c. 500 BC-AD 200), the period in focus here. Our picture of Iron Age animal husbandry is, however, generally uniform and is based, to a great extent, on sources other than the animals themselves.Stall partitions, bridles and tethers play, therefore, a great role in our understanding of domesticated livestock. The presence of agriculture in all aspects of daily life must, however, have been of significance for the composition of the livestock and animal husbandry must be presumed to have been much more dynamic than shown by our general picture. This appears confirmed by a review of a published and unpublished reports concerning animal bones found at settlements from the period. The evidence indicates that differences existed in the composition of the livestock at a local, regional and inter-regional level. Unfortunately, the collection of animal bones from these sites was often not comprehensive and the representativity of the finds can be questioned.The number of available analyses of animal bones from Early Iron Age settlements is modest and our knowledge of the composition of the livestock is therefore based on a limited number of finds. The main reason for the lack of exploitation of the animal bone evidence is first and foremost a lack of understanding of the potential and limitations of zoo-archaeology. The study of bones found in an archaeological context has to a great extent been left to non-archaeologists, and in doing so a gap has been created between zoo-­archaeology and traditional archaeology. ­Archaeologists’ understanding of the potential of bone remains is therefore limited and often results in material being collected without any clear aims and objectives.A review of the bone material from 14 settlements dated to the Early Iron Age indicates that there are overall geographical differences in the composition of the livestock (fig. 1 + appendix). Firstly, there is a dominance of sheep/goat at the Northern Jutish sites around the Limfjord. Secondly, there is marked difference in the proportion of pig in the material from settlements on the Jutish peninsula, and the islands to the west of it, respectively. Accordingly, pig bones make up less than 5% of the ­material at six of the seven Jutish sites, whereas they comprise at least 10% at the Eastern Danish sites from Als, Funen, Zealand, Falster and Bornholm. If the site of Dalshøj on Bornholm is excluded, then pig comprises between 15% and 28% of the investigated material from the Eastern Danish islands. Furthermore, there is a marked difference in the proportion of cattle between Northern Jutland and the rest of Denmark. With the exception of the material from the three Northern ­Jutish tell sites (Nørre Smedegård, Nørre Hedegård and Nørre Tranders), cattle make up just less than half of the identified animal bones from settlements of the period (figs. 2-3).At the same time, the material from the three Northern Jutish sites suggests that, despite the great similarities in the overall composition of the material, there could have been differences in the primary purpose of keeping the animals. At Nørre Tranders, which lies in the Eastern Lim­fjord area, more than 4000 bones have been identified to species (table 1). An analysis shows that sheep (and goat) were the primary domesticated animals, followed by cattle. Horse was relatively common, whereas pig only constituted an insignificant proportion. Hunting of wild mammals and birds was limited, whereas the collection of molluscs, together with fishing, could have constituted a significant supplement. The significance of fishing is, however, uncertain as the material was collected without the use of sieves. Throughout the tell’s period of use of about 500 years, the composition of the livestock varied, although the overall purpose of keeping, respectively, sheep, cattle and pigs does not appear to have changed significantly (figs. 4-6 + table 2). The dominant role of sheep can also be recognised in the material from the two other tell sites in Northern Jutland (fig. 7). Des­pite large inconsistencies between the material from the three localities, the age estimates for the postcranial bones and lower jaws of cattle and sheep suggest that the primary purpose of keeping animals could have varied. Accordingly, a very large number of slaughtered young cattle are seen at Smedegård, whereas this is not the case at Nørre Hedegård and Nørre Tranders.The material used was chosen by way of a review of published articles, unpublished undergraduate theses and PhD theses, as well as unpublished reports by the Zoological Museum, Copenhagen University and Moesgård Museum’s Department of Conservation and Environmental Archaeology. The requirements of the material were that it could be dated to the Early Iron Age without any mixing with other periods. It had to be quantified by recording the number of fragments (NISP) and must be from sites interpreted as ordinary rural settlements. A detailed examination of the Quaternary Zoological Central Register would undoubtedly increase the amount of usable material. It was, however, not the intention to provide a complete overview of all bones from settlement sites of the Early Iron Age, but to identify and elucidate possible differences in the composition of the livestock. The same applies to material from the Late Roman Iron Age, 3rd-4th centuries AD, as there are indications here of an increased differentiation of the settlements whereby some individual sites acquire a more central character. Therefore, the degree to which these were self-sufficient is unknown.The material used is very varied – both quantitatively and qualitatively. It is therefore only of limited suitability for comparative analyses. With the exception of the material from Smedegård and, in part, that from Nørre Hedegård, the representativity of the material used can be questioned. This is due to the fact that most of it was collected without prior sieving and that several of the assemblages used are of limited size. During the last 35 years, a long series of experiments indicates more-or-less unanimously that a lack of sieving gives a distorted picture of the composition of the zoo-archaeological material – the largest species and the largest bone elements are favoured (fig. 8). Accordingly, the degree to which the composition of the material used reflects the original material or the method of recovering is uncertain.Cattle occupy a central role in our picture of Iron Age animal husbandry and also appear to be dominant in most of the analysed assemblages. However, in the light of the way in which the material was collected, it is likely that the proportion of cattle in the total livestock was less marked than the bone material and the agrarian historical literature suggest. Houses with a byre and stall partitions have traditionally been used as a basis for calculating the size of the cattle herd and have, in this way, unconsciously emphasised the importance of cattle. However, the composition of the livestock seen in a series of cases where long-houses have burnt down, killing their occupants, shows that sheep, pigs, dogs, cattle and horses all have had a place in the byres (fig. 10). The size of the byres and the number of stall partitions can therefore not be used uncritically to estimate the farmstead’s or the village’s total number of cattle.It has previously been suggested that the primary role of cattle was of a social or religious character in connection with the demonstration of status, the giving of gifts, as a dowry etc. The role of cattle in the subsistence economy could therefore have been secondary relative to sheep and pigs. The establishment of a cattle herd was therefore associated with great expense, and the farmer’s prestige and status could, accordingly, be read in his ability to maintain as large a cattle herd as possible. At Smedegård, from where we have the best investigated material from the Early Iron Age, the relative proportion of cattle is down at 25%, which is markedly lower than most of the settlements used in this study. Perhaps this indicates an overestimate of the role of cattle in general?Despite the uncertainty concerning the representativity of the material, the subordinate role of pigs in the bone material from the Jutish sites appears real and can probably be traced back to the Early Bronze Age in Northern Jutland. The demonstrated differences between sites at a local, regional and inter-regional level can therefore not be explained away as being due solely to the lack of sieving. They are probably an expression of an unspecified diversity in the composition of the livestock – dependant on culturally and ­ecologically determined factors. If we are to have any expectations of obtaining a more detailed picture of animal husbandry in the Early Iron Age and other periods of prehistory it is, however, necessary to improve the recovery methods employed and to integrate the bone material into the ­archaeological analysis to the same extent as the other archaeological source materials. Only in this way will the potential of the material be exploited optimally as a source of information on Iron Age society.Jacob KveiborgMoesgård Museum

Detector finds and settlement – The Eastern Limfjord in Late Iron Age and Viking timesDuring the past 30 years Danish fields have formed the backdrop for a silent revolution. Since the appearance of the metal detector in the 1970s, detector enthusiasts have succeeded in increasing dramatically the number of finds and known archaeological sites, especially from the Late Iron Age and Early Medieval period. This growth in the archaeological record has, among other things, led to a new understanding of settlement patterns and the general development of society.Despite scepticism in the beginning, and a few misleading incidents involving illegal use of metal detectors, the liberal Danish legislation concerning the private use of metal detectors must therefore be termed “a success”.This has indeed also been the case in Northern Jutland, around the Limfjord. Since the very beginning of the detector adventure the Aalborg area has yielded more new finds year on year than most other areas of Denmark, being only surpassed by Bornholm and Southeast Funen. However, despite the results they have amassed, the efforts of Northern Jutland’s detectorists do not seem to have been appreciated, and co-operation with the detectorists has not increased and improved in the manner seen in Southeastern Denmark.The many detector finds from along the Limfjord have, of course, received some attention from Danish archaeologists. ­Esp­ecially so after excavations were carried out at a couple of the major sites, Sebbersund and Bejsebakken. However, a num­ber of other sites have not yet received the same attention, even though they have yielded, and continue to yield, a substantial number of detector finds. These sites have been overlooked both in the field and in the archaeological literature. This article is an attempt to improve on the latter situation. It offers a presentation of the finds recovered so far and a preliminary analysis of the material.The material recovered by detector from the region contains a great number of single stray finds. However, several sites clearly orientated towards the coasts of the Limfjord are characterised by much richer find assemblages (fig. 1). These sites are the main subject of this article, with particular focus on Late Iron Age material.In general, the detector sites seem all to represent settlements, but when trying to analyse the detector finds and sites we are still faced with some fundamental questions. For example, it is obvious today that there is remarkably poor correlation bet­ween the overall distribution of metal obj­ects and the settlement structures on the sites.Thanks to the detectorists it is now possible to draw a fairly credible picture of the Late Iron Age settlement pattern around the Eastern Limfjord. This picture shows a remarkably dense concentration of rich settlements in a generally densely populated coastal zone. However, when compared to the areas rich in detector finds in the southeastern part of Denmark and Scania, this picture reveals one remarkable difference: the lack of a main centre.The landscape and the sitesApart from drainage of low-lying meadows and a few shallow areas along the coast, the landscape alongside the Eastern Limfjord in the Late Iron Age resembled that of the present day. The eastern part of the Limfjord formed a narrow, winding channel, and both the northern and the southern coast consisted of wide foreshores, replaced a little further inland by moraine hills. The hills stood isolated from each other and the mainland by small rivers and low-lying, wet meadows which were flooded by the sea in the Stone Age. Øland and Gjøl actually remained islands until the 19th century when farmers succeeded in draining the shallow waters between the hills and the mainland.North of the fjord, the lowlands behind the hills continued for several kilometres. South of the fjord, these wet meadows were, after a few hundred metres, typically replaced by a hilly landscape dissected by river valleys.Further to the west, the fjord at that time apparently offered two different sailing routes in and out: one to the west and a one to the northwest, through the Sløjenkanal.The latter has completely disappeared today and investigations suggest that the mouth of this channel silted up during the 1st century AD. However, place names, historical records and archaeological finds indicate that the channel still played an import role during the Viking Age. Most likely the ships where simply carried over the sand bank at its mouth.The rich detector sites dealt with in this article are Øland, Gjøl, Lindholm Høje, Humlebakken, Postgården, Thulebakken, Bejsebakken, Sofiendal/Gammel Hasseris, Nørholm, Mellemholm and Sebbersund. All but one are located on the top of the distinctive moraine hills along the Limfjord, lying typically between 1 and 3 km from the actual coast. In contrast to the other sites, Sebbersund is located on a small pen­insula directly on the coast of the Limfjord, by the entrance to a small lagoon.The extent to which the sites have been subjected to archaeological investigation varies considerably. Extensive excavations have been carried out at Lindholm Høje, Sebbersund, Postgården and Bejsebakken. The latter has been almost totally excavated.Minor excavations have been carried out at Humlebakken, Thulebakken and Sofiendal/Gammel Hasseris – whereas the history of Øland, Gjøl, Mellemholm and Nørholm is characterised by an almost total lack of archaeological activity, apart from the topsoil surveys performed by the detectorists.The metal finds – chronological tendenciesSince the only properly registered detector finds from the sites on the Eastern Limfjord are those designated as treasure trove, only these finds are included in this analysis. However, changing criteria for the designation of treasure trove have clearly affected the composition of the find material in question. The increasing number of detector finds has forced the National Museum to tighten up the designation criteria. This has led to the situation where many finds which previously were declared as treasure trove are now returned to local museums and the finders (fig. 4). Consequently, fewer finds from the more recently discovered detector sites have been declared treasure trove, making comparison with the finds from “older” sites very difficult.Bronze brooches constitute by far the greatest part of the material chosen for this study. Out of 709 finds, 478 are brooches – corresponding to 67.5 %. The earlier detector finds available show little typological variation, whereas variation clearly increases in finds from the later part of Late Iron Age and, especially, the Viking Age, from which there is a wide range of metal artefacts (fig. 5).In order to compare the chronological composition of the material from the different sites, I have produced a series of diagrams based on the number and dating of the brooches from each site (fig. 6.). With a few exceptions, the diagrams give an impression of marked continuity in the flow of metal objects at the sites and, in most cases, an increasing circulation of metal objects during the Late Iron Age, reaching a peak in the Late Germanic Iron Age. However, this peak is somewhat artificial since it is mainly due to the fact that only brooches have been included in the analysis. Had the entire range of finds been included, this would have shown that circulation of metals continued to grow through­­­out the Viking Age.Øland, Gjøl and Sebbersund do not fit this picture of continuity. The detector finds from these sites consist, almost exclusively, of objects from the Late Germanic Iron Age and Viking Age. However, Øland and Gjøl belong to the most recently discovered detector sites and the finds from them can hardly be expected to give a fully representative picture of the metal objects present in the soil here.In contrast, Sebbersund is a well-known “old” site and a similar, but more thorough, analysis of the brooches from the site, including the ones recovered during excavations, has produced the very same result. Activities at Sebbersund seem, therefore, to have been very limited in the Germanic Iron Age, before blossoming in the Viking Age and then ceasing almost completely around AD 1100.Furthermore, on the topic of continuity, the finds from all the rich detector sites on the Eastern Limfjord also include various amounts of medieval artefacts and, in most cases, early medieval churches or monasteries are located nearby. Activities on these sites carried on well into the medieval period.The distribution of the finds – size and structure of the sitesHalf of the rich detector sites on the Eastern Limfjord have been subjected to excavation and in all cases settlement remains were revealed. Similar excavations in other parts of Denmark have shown the same pattern and it seems safe to assume that the metal items present in the topsoil at the rich detector sites analysed in this article are the result of settlement remains under degradation.Furthermore, since cremation graves were the dominant burial type during a major part of Late Iron Age in Northern Jutland, one would expect to find a large number of fire-damaged metal objects among the detector finds if these originated from burial sites. This is not the case.The quality of the information on find site varies greatly from find to find and the recorded geographical information presents little opportunity for inferences to be made concerning the structure of each site. However, the overall distribution of the finds clearly poses an interesting problem. On all of the rich sites, with the exception of Sebbersund, the metal objects lie scattered over huge areas. These are far greater than those which can be expected to conceal traces of prehistoric settlement. The detector site on Nørholm hill is the largest so far, covering approximately 400 acres.The Bejsebakken case underlines the phenomenon; this settlement has been almost totally excavated. If the extent of the settlement is compared with the distribution of detector finds from the hill it is obvious that there is a concentration of metal objects recovered from the topsoil above the remains of the settlement, but it is equally clear that a considerable number of finds have been detected outside this area (fig. 7).The large number of metal objects found outside the area with archaeological remains of the settlement probably reflects some sort of adjacent activity area connected to the farmsteads on the top of the hill. However, the area in question covers several acres. In my opinion it seems most likely that the surprisingly wide distribution of the metal objects is due to the use of settlement waste as manure on the fields in the vicinity of the farmsteads.A wide distribution of the detector finds is, incidentally, a very common phenomenon. Along with a similar topographic setting, this feature is shared by almost all the large detector sites on the Eastern Lim­fjord. It therefore seems likely that agriculture played an important role in the economy of these settlements.Only the settlement at Sebbersund does not conform to this picture. In contrast to the other sites, the detector finds here seem to be concentrated within an extremely limited area. This situation, however, corresponds well with the excavation results from the 1980s which led to the interpretation of the settlement structures as remains of a trading place without traces of any ordinary agrarian settlement.Crafts and TradeObviously, only a very limited number of the activities which took place at the Iron Age settlements can be revealed by the use of metal detectors. However, a few of the metal objects indicate the presence of metal crafts and trade.Generally, the direct indicators of trade are sparse. Means of payment such as coins and pieces of silver are rare and only Sebbersund has yielded a significant number of balance weights. Furthermore, all of the finds belonging to this category are from the Viking Age. However, a substantial number of foreign metal objects clearly point to the fact that the sites on the Lim­fjord were part of a far-reaching communication network (figs. 8 and 9). Excavations at several of the sites have also recovered various imported goods, and trade must have been a common phenomenon.The imported finds seem to reflect a contact network which evolved through time. In the Germanic Iron Age, the network seems mainly to have covered the rest of Scandinavia, whereas the British Isles and the northwestern part of Continental Europe, especially the area around the mouth of the Rhine, were clearly also included in the Viking Age. However, not only the direction of the traffic seems to have evolved. When looking at the number and character of the objects found on the sites, it seems obvious that the traffic increased in the course of the Late Iron Age and that trade in bulk goods began and expanded through the Viking age.Crafts are generally poorly represented in the detector finds. A few items, such as raw materials in the form of small pieces of gold and silver, half-finished brooches, a matrix for the production of bracteates and three identical brooches at one site, indicates the in situ production of jewellery at the sites. This conclusion is also supported by the fact that several types of brooches and some ornamental elements exclusively or mainly occur on the Eastern Limfjord.As could be expected, a much broader spectrum of crafts has been demonstrated through excavations at some of the sites and, apart from showing the traditional variation of crafts, the excavation results generally seem to demonstrate a marked focus on the production of textiles. At Sebbersund and Bejsebakken the number of pit-houses exceeds several hundreds and the majority of these were clearly used for the production of textiles. This production must definitely have exceeded what could possibly have been needed loc­ally.Regional settlement pattern and interpretation of the rich sitesAt present, it is only possible to draw a fairly credible picture of the Late Iron Age settlement pattern on the Eastern Lim­fjord by including the considerable number of single detector finds from the region. On this basis, the area seems to have been quite densely populated with a series of richer settlements along the coasts of the fjord (fig. 11).The lack of inland settlements equally rich in metal finds seems to indicate that the coast-near settlements on the fjord served, in some respects, as central places relative to the settlements further inland.It is obvious that the circulation of metal objects varied considerably from settlement to settlement and from period to per­iod. Despite these variations, none of the detector sites has so far yielded an assemblage which allows us to assign any of the settlements to a position elevated markedly above the others in the settlement system for the region. However, the considerable variation in the number of finds from the different sites clearly points to the fact that some settlements were more successful than others. This seems to have been very much the case on the Nørholm and the Bejsebakken hills, especially in the Late Germanic Iron Age, during which the circulation of metal objects here accelerated markedly relative to the other sites.The lack of a pronounced main centre in a generally wealthy region stands in remarkable contrast to contemporary settlement patterns known from the southeastern part of Denmark and Scania. These latter areas were apparently characterised by a society of a much more hierarchical nature and by settlement patterns including easily recognisable centres mainly characterised by extreme concentrations of rich gold and silver finds along with the presence of unusual imports.The development of a highly stratified society seems, therefore, to have proceeded at a somewhat slower pace in the Lim­fjord region. Together with the growing importance of the Limfjord for communication, this led to the characteristic settlement pattern which included a large number of settlements of centre-like character located along the coasts of the eastern part of the fjord in the Late Iron Age.Torben Trier ChristiansenAalborg Historiske Museum

River findsBronze Age metalwork from the river GudenåBronze Age metalwork (primarily swords and other weapons) found in European rivers has aroused interest for many years, but little is known of corresponding finds from Denmark. The general Scandinavian tradition of offering differs in that it is associated more with bogs and wetlands than with rivers. This article examines the relevant records from Denmark’s longest river, the Gudenå, and adjacent areas, dating from the Late Neolithic, Bronze Age and Early Pre-Roman Iron Age. Remarkably, it turns out that there are significantly more Bronze Age river finds from the Gudenå itself (38 in all) than was previously realised. Consequently, the Gudenå finds stand out relative to the Scandinavian votive tradition. This phenomenon forges links with the far-reaching European tradition of offering metal objects in rivers and new insights add depth and detail to the overall picture of offering traditions in southern Scandinavia and put these finds into a landscape-archaeological perspective.The Gudenå is Denmark’s longest river, with its total length of river including Randers Fjord being c. 160 km. (fig. 1). Given its width and depth, it is the only Danish watercourse to achieve the status of an actual river. The religious name ‘Gudenå’ is one of the oldest names associated with a Danish watercourse. The name ‘Guden’ is its original name, found in documentary sources extending back to the Early Middle Ages, and should probably be understood in the sense of ‘consecrated to the gods’. The precise age of the name is uncertain, but according to place-name researchers a large proportion of the old uncompounded names originate from the 1st millennium AD – and some are even older.A particular stretch of the Gudenå, extending for about 20 km from Tange through Bjerringbro to Ulstrup, has a remarkable concentration of river finds, and is especially striking between Tange and Bjerringbro (fig. 2). The finds from this section of river are surprising in terms of the number of Bronze Age artefacts, especially daggers and swords, represented among them. Chronologically, they cover the entire Bronze Age, but with an emphasis on the earliest part of the period. In general, the majority of South Scandinavian depositions date from the Late Bronze Age, with bogs and wetland areas being the sites most used for these. However, this picture is challenged by the evidence from the Gudenå which – due to relatively numerous finds from the Early Bronze Age and single finds of weapons and tools in water – differs fundamentally from the general picture. Furthermore, the finds from the Gudenå reflect a common European view that swords, daggers and spears were the primary objects associated with deposition in rivers.Chronologically, depositions from the Bronze Age (c. 1700 500 BC) constitute the primary focus of the study, but finds from the Late Neolithic (c. 2350 1700 BC) and Early Pre-Roman Iron Age (c. 500 200 BC) are also included (figs. 3a-d). The main emphasis is on the river finds. However, in geographical terms, not only actual river finds have been included, but also depositions recorded within a distance of c. 1 km from the river on both sides.This study encompasses a total of 112 finds: 38 river finds, 30 from fields/meadows, 27 from bogs and two from marl pits. Further to these are 15 finds for which there is no information on their find context (figs. 4 and 5).Various circumstances are important with respect to the representativity of the finds from around Tange, Bjerringbro and Ulstrup. One important explanation for the many records is linked to the construction of a large hydro-electric power plant at Tange in 1921. Huge volumes of earth were moved in its construction (fig. 6) and a good number of archaeological artefacts were found in the process. Another explanation relates to the activities of amateur archaeologists, especially Ulrik Balslev, who was particularly active in the area around Bjerringbro; no fewer than 15 of the finds in this study are from his collection (for example a Hallstatt sword, fig. 7). In recent years, the use of metal detectors has also had a significant effect with respect to the number of finds from the area.Figure 8 shows all the single finds dating from the Late Neolithic. The most frequent river finds are flint daggers and sickles, of which some of the latter may also date from the Early Bronze Age. An uncultivated area of bog at Ulstrup near the Gudenå yielded two special bronze axes. These have flared edges and they show great similarity to Anglo-Irish ornamented bronze axes of the time (fig. 9). They are not identical in either decoration or form, but they must originally have belonged together, constituting a collective deposition.In the Early Bronze Age, metal daggers are a prominent artefact group and, seen in the light of river finds of flint daggers from the Late Neolithic, they demonstrate a continuity of dagger deposition in certain parts of the Gudenå (figs. 10 and 11). A Fårdrup type axe was also found in the Gudenå (fig. 12).In the Late Bronze Age there is a general increase in depositions in southern Scandinavia, culminating in period V (c. 900 700 BC). This general picture differs slightly from that of the Gudenå’s river finds, which reveals a preponderance of finds dating from the Early Bronze Age. Figure 13 shows the finds distribution for the Late Bronze Age. As can be seen, swords feature among the river-found artefacts and the more unusual of these include an example of each of the two rare, imported Hallstatt sword types, of which only six have been found to date in Denmark.Figures 8, 10 and 13 show, respectively, the distribution of single finds from the Late Neolithic and the Early and Late Bronze Age. If the figures are compared, it becomes clear that there are slightly different finds distributions with respect to bog, field and river finds. For example, the river finds include a number of flint daggers, and the metal daggers of the Early Bronze Age come exclusively from the river. The swords and spears of the Early Bronze Age also include a number of river finds, whereas an artefact group such as the celts occurs more in field and bog finds than as river finds. Even though their total number is not very great, a similar situation is evident with respect to the Early Bronze Age flanged axes. In general, it can be said that these single depositions are dominated by artefacts from the male sphere.The only Pre-Roman Iron Age finds recorded from the Gudenå in the finds-rich area around Bjerringbro are a bronze double-spiral fibula and a ring, and with these the river finds also come more or less to an end. There are though scattered finds of much later date associated with the river – including a Viking Age sword from the Randers area and a 16th century battle sword. These later finds underline the river’s continued significance as a locality for depositions further up in time and the remarkable continuity evident in the ancient votive traditions.In a Danish context, the Gudenå stands out by being the country’s longest watercourse and by having a name that indicates a special significance. There are also scattered records of swords from other Danish watercourses, such as the Early Bronze Age period III example from Nørreå and a sword blade from period I found in Odense Å, but the finds from the Gudenå stand out by virtue of the striking concentration seen around Tange, Bjerringbro and Ulstrup. This section apparently had a special significance in a depositional context, whereby the river, partly by virtue of its size, invited the deposition of weapons in open water. If it is assumed that the distribution of finds largely reflects a prehistoric reality, it was along specific stretches of the Gudenå that people showed a particular predilection for deposition in water. This seems plausible as there were presumably considerable regional and local variations in depositional tradition during the Bronze Age – bound up to a very great extent with various local landscape features. In this respect, the variation shown by the Gudenå along its course is important. Specific sections could therefore very well have been chosen as a particularly suitable depositional landscape on the basis of special natural criteria. In the area around Tange and Bjerringbro, the Gudenå runs through a pronounced valley, flanked by terraces, which fixes the river solidly in the landscape and this could have been significant with respect to the intensity of deposition seen here. The distribution of finds is also totally consistent with a clear tendency, in a European context, for depositions not to occur in all parts of a river or everywhere across a wetland area, but to be associated with particular zones or stretches.A characteristic feature of several of the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age finds from the Gudenå is that they turned up at the confluence of two watercourses (fig. 14). In a European perspective, many river finds are also typically associated with fords, bridges and crossings and several Danish examples have similar find contexts. A number of finds from the Gudenå are associated with presumed crossings although, in several cases, this categorisation is based solely on the place name for the find relating to a bridge or ford, for example Lysbro (fig. 15).The various find situations and characteristics relating to the choice of deposition site can either be assessed very locally, whereby each individual find site is examined in relation to water, crossings etc., or they can be evaluated collectively, as elements in the landscape at a greater geographic scale and, thereby, as components of a ritual landscape which may have existed over a longer period of time. The Tange, Bjerringbro and Ulstrup section of the river has both a concentration of river finds and also records from river-near areas of artefacts discovered in bogs and wetland areas. An appraisal of the natural environment along this stretch reveals a characteristic feature: The river runs through a distinctive valley flanked by terraces. Given the nature and distribution of the finds and the morphology of the landscape, the term ‘Heilig Tal’ can therefore be applied to the Tange, Bjerringbro and Ulstrup section of the Gudenå river valley. It is beyond the scope of this article to address grave and settlement remains associated with the river, but in the light of the concentration of finds and the area’s characteristic natural environment, it is interesting that it is generally rich archaeologically with several finds from the Late Bronze Age – including grave finds from some the area’s numerous barrows (fig. 16).The Gudenå finds stand out from the Scandinavian votive tradition as exemplified by the river finds of daggers. And while these finds display clear points of similarity with the river finds associated with the European tradition, there are also differences, because the relatively numerous Early Bronze Age artefacts from the Gudenå also confer a special individual character on the finds. In any case, the Bronze Age finds from the Gudenå provide an interesting example of how special depositional traditions can arise in particular areas, while otherwise only making a very slight impact in other places within the Nordic Bronze Age culture.Lise FrostMoesgaard Museum

The Harre vig boathousesNew investigationsMedieval and prehistoric boathouses are especially known from Norway, where more than 800 structures from the 1st-16th century have been recorded. They normally appear in the terrain as U-shaped structures, built from stones and/or turf, and with the open end oriented towards a nearby coastline. The medieval constructions tend to be rectangular in plan, while older boathouses have curved sidewalls. Studies of the large boathouses (15-40111 internal length) has demonstrated that throughout time they can be connected to places of administrative importance, in the Middle Ages in terms of the leidang system. Especially in western Norway, there are several examples of historically known leidang-centres – skipreider – that manifests themselves also physically in terms of a Romanesque stone church and a large, medieval boathouse. This reflects the content of medieval Norwegian law, demanding that the leidang ship should be kept in a boathouse, a naust, and that the sail should be kept in a church.Much fewer archaeological boathouses are known from other Scandinavian areas, and in Denmark, only two examples have so far been attested. They both are situated at Harre Vig in northwestern Jutland, on the south side of the Lime Fiord (fig. 1).Harre Vig forms the inner, well-protected part of an inlet cutting into the district Salling on the south coast of the western Lime Fiord. The entrance to Harre Vig is narrow and the two structures were found close to it, on the foreshore beneath a moraine headland facing incoming ships from the Lime Fiord.Thorkild Ramskou from the Danish National Museum undertook the first archaeological investigation of the Harrevig boathouses in 1958. Limiting his excavation to a few trenches in the best preserved, northernmost of the two east-west oriented structures, he failed to produce any kind of dating evidence.The only artefact found was an iron nail of a type usually used in shipbuilding. His conclusions were, that the structures, of which the northern one measured 27.5 m in length and 10.5111 in width (internal dimensions 24x6m) more had the character of sheds with a temporary roofing than actual boat houses (fig. 2). Ramskou proposed that the structures should be seen in relation to gatherings of Danish fleets in the western Lime Fiord in preparations for expeditions to the west. Therefore, he dated the structures to the time before the closing of the western entrance to the fiord, more precisely to the Viking Age or the Early Middle Ages.In spired by the results of Norweg ian boathouse research, and as the result of the Centre’s involvement in a PhD project about Iron Age and Medieval boathouses in Northern Europe by Oliver Grimm, the Centre for Maritime Archaeology at the Danish National Museum in 2000 undertook a renewed investigation of the structures at Harre Vig. The aims were to find material suitable for an archaeological or scientific dating of the structures, as well as to throw more light over their construction.The work was planned and carried out with due respect to the unique character of the two protected monuments, and actual excavations were kept to a minimum (fig. 3). The construction of the walls was studied through a main trench across the structure, continuing in to a slightly elevated area to the north and a cut through the end wall. A cut th rough the seaward end together with one perpendicular to the coast to the north of the structure aimed at confinning that no end wall was hiding in a beach ridge clearly visible in the 3D- model of the site, and thought to be of later date than the structures (fig. 4). Finally, a trench was opened in the interior of the structure, to in vestigate if the presence of any interior wall constructions or roof supports could be demonstrated. Apart from mechanical removal of the turf, all trenches were dug with hand and in planum in order to obtain as much information as possible from the restricted areasexcavated.The trenches through the walls brought about new in formation about their construction, as it was demonstrated that they were partly buildt from material dug up from a trench immediately on theout side of the walls, partly from turf being cut from the close surroundings (fig. 5). The sections established allow for a reconstruction of the walls as between 1.1-1.5 m wide and 1-1.5 m high, probably of trapezoid shape. The cut through the seaward end confirms that there has been no wall construction here, and thus the internal width appears to be 5.6-6.2111 and the opening towards the sea 3.5 m wide. It was not possible to document the presence of any internal constructions, which indicates that a permanent roof may not have been present. Nor were any cultural layer found. The conclusion of Ramskou, that the structures were not boathouses proper, but constituted another type of shelters, probably only in short time use, was thus supported. Shelters without roofs, hróf, are known from Iceland in recent time, where they serve to protect the boats from the wind, rather than from rain and snow.The artefact finds were few. During a metal detector survey, four nail fragments were found, but their contexts were inconclusive. During the excavation six further fragments appeared, mostly from the filling in the northern wall, indicating them to be older than or contemporary to the construction of the wall. One of the fragments was the rove from a rivet, apparently broken up (fig. 6). The size compares to that of a big boat or a small ship, but could also be from a lightly built longship. Its design indicates it to be older than c. 1100. Furthermore five small, magnetic cinders were found, indicating iron working at the site (fig. 7). The possibility exists, however, that they are later intrusions. In the end wall, in a layer, which must have been formed during its construction, remains of a campfire were found. Together with it turned up also 25 small potsherds of what might have been the same globular vessel of local, early 11th century produces. Radiocarbon analyses of three samples of charcoal – one oak, two pine – from the camp fire gave very uniform dating values pointing to the period AD 1020-1040, but with some possibility for a dating in the first half of the 12th century (fig. 8). The dating evidence thus quite uniformly points to a dating around the middle of the l1th century.The dating and the new information on the height of the walls and the possible width of the opening allows us to judge, what kind of ship the shed may have housed. 11th century warships appear to be more slender than their predecessors are and than cargo carriers. The beam of the warships built at the time of the shelter was only 9-14% of their length. This corresponds well to the proportions of the shelter, the opening measuring 15% of the internal length of 24 m. Thus, we may assume that the shed has been able to house a longship of 24 m length, corresponding to 18-20 pairs of oars, or a crew of 40-50 people. The southern structure being similar in proportions to the northern and apparently contemporary, it may have housed a ship of similar size. In what context has it been necessary to keep ships for a highly mobile, amphibious force of up to 100 soldiers at Harre Vig?The nearby village Harre has not only given name to the inlet and other natural landmarks in the vicinity – it has also given name to the local administrative district, herred, although it is situation in the southern end of the district. The herred division can with certainty be related to the leidang from 1140 onwards, but this relationship may be older. Harre herred is known in written sources from 1230 on, Harre village from 1386. The Romanesque church of the village, situated with a wide view over the inlet, indicates the village to be of higher age than its first appearance in historical documents. Slightly unusual is that Harre parish also had another Romanesque church, now only preserved as a ruin (fig. 9). This church was placed close to Harre church, but even closer to the inlet.There are thus some great similarities between the situation known from the Norwegian skipreider with stone churches and large boathouses and that at Harrevig. It is puzzling, however, that the boat sheds at Harrevig are situated at some distance – 1.5 km – from the village (fig. 10).The location is, however, situated as far towards the openin g of the inlet as the landscape allows land transport, and the reason may have been simply to secure rapid deployment of the ships when need arose.That the choice was, after all not a wise one may be indicated by the apparent short time of use for the sheds.Jan Bill & Oliver GrimmNationalmuseets Marinarkæologiske Forskningscenter

AlrumBurnt houses at an Early Iron Age tell site in Western JutlandThe Alrum settlement is renowned in particular for producing one of the largest prehistoric finds of charred grain and seeds ever discovered in Denmark.The site was excavated in 1939 under the direction of Gudmund Hatt, but it was Hans Helbæk who carried out a detailed analysis of the plant remains. The latter were subjected to re-examination in 1994, whereas the extensive finds assemblage, stored at Ringkøbing Museum, has only now been fully investigated and analysed. The reason for this is that the excavation records, thought for many years to have been lost, turned up by chance at the National Museum of Denmark in 2000.The Alrum site is located on a slight elevation, about 1 km from Stadil Fjord and 10 km north of the town of Ringkøbing (fig. 1).The settlementThe excavation trench exposed an area of about 300 m2, within which there were sequences of six to seven house sites lying one on top of the other, resulting in cultural deposits with a vertical stratigraphy of 1.5 m, in other words a tell site (fig. 2). Two of the houses (house I and house II) had been destroyed by fire and had been abandoned in such great haste that everything remained within the burnt-out remains of the buildings. House II was the better preserved of the two, containing building timbers, c. 50 pottery vessels, straw ropes, some stone tools, a ball of wool etc. The house was 14.5 m long and 4.5 m wide (c. 60 m2), with living quarters at the western end and a presumed byre to the east. Relative to contemporary houses in Eastern Jutland, those in Western Jutland were small. The roof was borne by five pairs of posts arranged along the length of the house and was probably comprised of heather turf. The post-built walls had an inner cladding of thick oak planks, whereas the outer surface is presumed to have been covered with a layer of straw or grass. The living quarters were fitted out with a clay bench or platform at the gable, an ornamented hearth in the middle and, between the two, a stone mortar set firmly into the clay floor (fig. 3). No traces were seen in the byre of the usual stall dividers, so perhaps the house had not been fully completed when the fire broke out! Most of the pottery lay close to the clay bench, together with several bodies of untempered clay; these weighed c. 9 kg. Up against the north wall there were two impressive solid andirons, 27-28 cm in height and weighing more than 3 kg (figs. 4, 5, 6, 7 and 8). The pottery dates the house to the late Pre-Roman Iron Age.Beneath house II lay the successive remains of six to seven other houses. The pottery reveals that this small village was founded around 500 BC, whereas the latest examples are from the century around the birth of Christ (figs. 6 and 13). Only parts of house I could be excavated, but here too a great deal of pottery was encountered, together with a few stone artefacts (figs. 9 and 11).Building timberVirtually all the woodwork in the burnt houses was of oak, supplemented by a little willow and alder which are well suited to making the wattle of the walls. In each house there was a large number of roof and wall postholes, with the charred post ends still in situ; along the walls lay large pieces of so-called wattle panels. As a consequence, it was possible to measure the dimensions of the timbers. Charring leads to a reduction in size of the timber, but by how much? Information received from the Danish Institute of Fire and Security Technology states that, as a rule of thumb, there is a reduction of 0.5-0.6 mm for every minute the fire burns. Figure 10 gives the timber dimensions alongside a column showing measurements after 20 minutes of burning, to which 1 cm has been added. In spite of the latter, the timber dimensions were still markedly less than those of unburnt posts seen at for example Feddersen Wierde in the North German salt marshes. As oak is totally dominant as the building timber, this begs the question as to where it was obtained? A pollen diagram from a site located 4-5 km from Alrum shows that the landscape was open and unlikely to have had large areas of oak woodland. One possibility is that the oak wood was obtained from Eastern Jutland, perhaps being exchanged for fish and other marine resources?Agriculture and fishingThe large quantities of charred grain and seeds recovered from the site constitute an excellent basis on which to gain a detailed insight into the subsistence. The most important cereals were barley and oats, accompanied by a little wheat, flax and gold of pleasure. In addition to these, seeds had been gathered from a range of weedy species, with corn spurrey, goosefoot, and persicaria being the commonest (fig. 14). These weeds show that the arable fields were sandy and only lightly manured and this conclusion is supported by the size of the cereal grains which is also very modest. It seems likely that the low-lying fields were flooded with salt water from time to time, but barley, flax and gold of pleasure are all salt tolerant.In historical times seeds of the above weed species were used in bread, porridge and gruel by farmers living on the Jutland heath. Tubers of false oat grass were also found at Alrum; these are rich in starch and therefore represent a good food supplement. The heaps of crop plant remains can be classified as threshed and unthreshed (fig. 15). This can perhaps give an indication of the time of year at which the fire took place; it was most probably in the autumn. On the other hand, the bone material from the site is very limited due to the well-drained acid sandy soil. Mention can, however, be made of a perforated ox astragalus (fig. 11a-b). Even so, it can safely be presumed that the many good grazing areas were extensively exploited.On the basis of the site’s location and finds of stone net sinkers, it seems justified to refer to Alrum’s inhabitants as fisher-farmers.Settlement and landscapeToday, the Jutland west coast has a harsh climate with sand drift and storms as significant factors in the lives of the inhabitants. But this was not always the case and in the Early Iron Age the situation must have been quite different: Sand drift was less extensive, the coastline had a different appearance and the sea level fluctuated, as can be seen for example at Højbjerg just south of Ringkøbing Fjord and in several other locations (fig. 1). A rise in sea level of just 0.5 m would reduce the area of shore meadow considerably (fig. 16). The woodland picture was also different.The most important indicator of this very different landscape and environment is the sustained habitation which characterises many settlements, and is exemplified by Alrum with more than 500 years of activity at the same location, and even a further couple of centuries close by, as suggested by recent aerial photographs. People lived at Nørre Fjand for 300-400 years and Klegod, now located directly on the present-day coastline, was probably occupied for at least a century. Such extended occupation of the same site must also be presumed to have resulted in social and family-related changes.There was of course some sand drift in the Early Iron Age. This is apparent from sand layers between the individual house phases and on the arable fields. However, it was apparently not so extensive that it prompted people to move; the sand layers are modest in their thickness. A good example of the stubbornness of these Iron Age people is seen at the small village of Klegod where the inhabitants ploughed through a layer of sandy soil of no less than 40 cm in thickness.The course of the coastline must also have been quite different back then as remains of Iron Age settlements are revealed now and then by today’s fierce winter storms which can cut deep into the sand dunes. Klegod, which dates from c. 500 BC, is just such a locality and provides secure proof that the coast must have lain a good way out to the west at the time, perhaps as much as several kilometres.In this dynamic and changeable landscape, the fisher-farmers of the Early Iron Age managed to maintain their existence over many generations and they were perhaps not as isolated as one could easily imagine. However, one main question remains: What led these people to settle in these near-coastal areas? The numerous Iron Age sites show that many families must have been involved. Was it marine resources or the good grazing along the shore meadows which attracted them? Another factor should also be pointed out: The coastline also hosted an archipelago, with a protective row of islands located offshore as seen today in the Netherlands and Northern Germany and these provided opportunities for closer contacts with the latter areas.Jørgen Lund & Poul NissenMoesgård Museum

The cultural development and contacts on Bornholm during the late Palaeolithic and MesolithicThis paper presents the current status of research concerning the late Palaeolithic and Mesolithic cultures on the island of Bornholm in the Baltic Sea. Due to the island’s geographical position between Scandinavia and continental Europe, it can reveal important regional knowledge of all cultures throughout prehistoric times. The article also discusses subjects relating to island-archaeology, such as migration and possible isolation. Furthermore, the results show an updated picture of the settlement pattern on Bornholm during the Mesolithic. Finally, the archaeological finds reveal cultural as well as social contacts between hunter/gatherer societies in the Western Baltic and Bornholm. During the last few decades, the Mesolithic research on Bornholm has been focusing on the Maglemosian Culture. Systematic surveys in search of Maglemosian settlements were not conducted until the early 1980s. As an added bonus from these surveys, some late Palaeolithic and late Mesolithic sites were registered on Bornholm for the first time. Today, more than 125 Maglemosian settlements are recorded, but most of them are still a result of surface collections. Unfortunately, the preservation of organic material is not good on these sites, as they are found on Late Glacial shoreline deposits, i.e. on sandy soil. The Mesolithic habitants were forced to adapt and adjust to a very different raw material situation, and this gives the lithic industry during the Maglemosian Culture an extremely small and microlithic appearance. The lithic material from the Maglemosian Culture on Bornholm reveals some important regional aspects, which have similarities with Maglemosian settlements in Scania. These similarities are primarily caused by the same size of the raw nodules. The raw materials from Bornholm are all from the Maastrichtien and located in secondary deposits brought to the island with the different glaciers from the Quaternary Period. The most common flint type is »kugleflint« (nodular flint), often of good quality and not larger than four to six cm. The second most common material is the Kristianstad flint, which is dark grey and quite coarse and often up to 10-15 cm in size. The other two flint types are grey Danien, which is coarse to fine grained and tends to vary between four to six cm to around 10-15 cm in size. The use of local raw materials makes it easier to find the lithics from the Maglemosian Culture (Figs. 1 & 10). Many of the registered Mesolithic sites are a result of several survey projects.The first survey project concentrated on inland sites located abnormally far from any water resources. We retrieved information from old maps about the old bogs and lakes, which had been drained through the last 100 years. By raising the ground water level on modern maps using GIS, it was possible to recreate the size of the former inland lakes and hereby reconstruct the landscape and the lake. The majority of the Maglemosian sites turned out to be located exactly on the edge of these former lakes. The second survey project involved sites lying near the different creeks on Bornholm. These sites were repeatedly visited during all the phases of the Maglemosian Culture. What caused the habitants to return to a certain area over a 1000 years period? One of the reasons could be the access to migrating salmon and trout. Recent biological research of the trout population from the Kobbe and Bagå creeks indicates that a large number of migrating trout still migrates up the major streams, which may coincide with some of the Maglemosian hotspots. The geographical development in the Baltic region can be divided into some main stages, the Baltic Ice Lake stage, 12000-9300 cal BC, the Yoldia Sea stage, 9300-8500 cal BC, and the Ancylus Lake stage, 8500-7000 cal BC, (Figs. 2 A-D). From the Baltic Ice Lake stage until the beginning of the Ancylus Lake stage, approx. 8200 cal BC, the island was either the northern part of a peninsula covering an area from Rügen in Germany to Bornholm, or an island with a substantial land bridge towards Rügen. In the following phases, from 8200-7200 cal BC, the sea level of the Ancylus Lake was low, and due to continued transgressions, the land bridge was flooded and several smaller islands were created between Pomerania, Rügen, and Bornholm. The size and geographical spreading of these smaller islands is still heavily debated. However, it is clear that Bornholm became an island some time during the Boreal period. The late Palaeolithic finds occur randomly on some Maglemosian sites on the island (Fig.3). A particularly interesting find is the elk antler harpoon found in Vallensgård Mose (Fig. 6). This double rowed harpoon is of a type known from both the Ahrensburg and the Sviderian Cultures. So far, the only excavated Palaeolithic site on Bornholm is in Vallensgård Mose (“mose” is a peat bog). The assemblage from Vallensgård Mose consists of lithic material, found in a layer, which was cryoturbated during permafrost in the Dryas III. The lithic material consists of blade and flake cores, flakes, blades, one end scraper and one tanged point. The raw material is high quality Senonian flint (Figs. 4-5). The typological dating and technological observations from the blade core suggests that the Vallensgård Mose material belongs to the Bromme, the Swiderian, or the Ahrensburgian Period. The question as to which technological complex the Vallensgård material belongs remains open and can only be answered through future excavations of the site. The key to an understanding of the settlement pattern during the late Palaeolithic cultures is the fact that reindeer tend to migrate along fixed routes. However, is it possible to relate an actual reindeer migration route to Bornholm? The datings prove that reindeer were present throughout the entire Late Glacial. The reindeer remains found on Bornholm display no certain signs of human working (cut marks and marrow fracturing). If we consider the datings of reindeer remains from Bornholm, an actual reindeer migration route to or through Bornholm can neither be established nor excluded. The absence of the Ahrensburgian Culture on Bornholm could be caused by the smaller size of the raw materials on Bornholm. This could have forced the Ahrensburgian lithic production to adapt a new technology, which had a Mesolithic character. A climatic explanation for the absence of Ahrensburg material could also be made – for instance that the harsh climate around the Baltic Ice Lake frightened off the Ahrensburg humans, as argued by Svante Björck. According to him, we should expect no scenarios with human activity near the shores of the Baltic Ice Lake. However, this is contradictive to the find of a longitudinally split metatarsal from elk from the bay of Køge Bugt. The faunal picture from the Preboreal containing reindeer elks and beavers proves that Bornholm had a complete package of migrating animals during this period. The reindeers and elks became extinct in the early Boreal when Bornholm became an island. The isolation did not have any effect on other larger mammals, such as red deer, roe deer, and wild boar, which migrated to Bornholm during the late Preboreal and the early Boreal. These animals had the ability to reproduce and adapt to a warmer climate and a denser forest during the Boreal and the Atlantic period. These faunal changes had an impact on the hunter-gatherers who migrated to the island during the Preboreal. A limited number of finds have been registered from the Preboreal phase (9.500-8.000 Cal. BC.) on Bornholm. At Lundebro, a few microliths and blanks were found, which show similarities with the early Mesolithic Barmose Phase, (Figs. 7-8). The pieces are up to three times broader on the average than the typical blades from the Middle and Later Maglemosian phases on Bornholm. This proves that the later habitants on Bornholm were forced to adapt and adjust to a very different raw material situation. From the later Boreal phases, a large number of Maglemosian settlements with different topographic characteristics have been registered. Two different types of coastal sites have been observed on Bornholm, with major difference in accumulation, use, and exploitation of the settlement area (Figs. 7, 20-21). Kobbebro was settled repeatedly, which resulted in a 70 cm thick cultural layer. Less than 500 m from Kobbebro, two other sites – Melsted and Nr. Sandegård – have been excavated. At these sites, a different picture of a coastal site type with separate flint concentrations emerges. All the sites are dominated by microliths, which indicates that hunting played an important role. The coastal sites have been located 100 to 200 metres from the Ancylus Lake, which played an important economic part, as indicated by the repeated habitation. Seal hunting could have taken place in the Ancylus Lake during the Maglemosian Culture, as the ringed seal migrated into the Gulf of Bothnia during the late glacial period. The inland settlements on Bornholm are located on higher elevated grounds near a lake, a stream, or a forced passage. So far, they are only known from surface finds. Another type of settlements is the observation site, which revealed differences in size and duration. The larger site Loklippen is located on elevated ground approx. 115 m above the sea, with a broad outlook over the Vallensgård Mose and near a forced passage, where hunters shoot their pray even today (Figs. 12-14). A big surprise was the fact that the inhabitants of the Loklippen site used quartz as raw material. This rather untraditional, yet systematic, flake production indicates that they were forced to use unconventional materials such as quartz. Quartz assemblages dominate the early Mesolithic settlements in Central and Northern Sweden, with the settlement of Hjälmsjön as the southernmost site dominated by a quartz material. This could prove a direct contact between hunter-gatherers in Bornholm and in Scania, as revealed by the systematic production of quartz flakes. A smaller type of observation site was excavated at Smedegade in Klemensker. This site had a more typical appearance compared to other observation sites and covered an area of four to eight square metres. The site had a limited lithic assemblage and so it was interpreted as a short-term hunting station. However, the situation at Loklippen proves that certain observation sites were more frequently used. The last type of site is the transit camp, which lies on a sandy plateau near a spring and a creek, where the conditions for water transportation, fishing, hunting, and gathering are favourable. Ålyst and Hullegård are two such sites that were visited repeatedly during the Maglemosian Culture, and so contain a complex of smaller or larger settlements. The main lithic production is blades for the production of microliths (Figs. 19-20, 24). The microliths at Ålyst can be dated typologically from the beginning of the Boreal phase (8000 cal BC) until the end of the Boreal period (7000 cal BC) (Fig. 22). Finds from Ålyst indicate that there was also a more permanent settlement that lasted for up to one or two months. It became clear when visible structural evidence representing two oval-shaped huts was found (Figs. 16-18). The two huts show remarkable similarities as to orientation, size, entrance area, fireplaces, and pits, as well as to the combination of lithic tool types. However, differences are seen with respect to the microliths. Lanceolates with lateral retouch and triangular microliths dominate in Hut I, while the microlith inventory of Hut II was confined to lanceolates with lateral retouch. The two huts are probably not contemporary, which can be established by future C-14 dating of the different features from the huts. There are also problems concerning the flint concentrations in the two huts: are they altogether contemporary with the huts? To prove this hypothesis, it is necessary to do extensive refitting between the flint concentrations, the postholes, and the pits both inside and outside the huts. The huts are 7 x 4 m, which gives them an inner area of 30 square metres. The Ålyst huts are thus of a middle size hut structure, compared to the rest of the Maglemosian huts from Northern Europe. Could the oval shaped huts be a normal hut type connected to the Maglemosian Culture in the Western Baltic? If we look at some of the huts found in the Western Baltic, there are indeed parallels to the oval shaped hut at Tingby and Årup in Scania and at Wierzhowo 6 in the north eastern part of Poland, (Figs. 9 & 19). The similarities are particularly remarkable between the Ålyst huts and the Årup hut. These hut structures show similarities in orientation, dimensions, position of the postholes, lithic material, typological dating, etc. (Fig. 18). The striking parallel gives rise to interesting questions about cultural influences and regionalism during the Early Mesolithic in the Western Baltic. The connection between Årup in North-Eastern Scania and Ålyst on Bornholm should be considered as more than chance. However, at the present it is still unclear whether the oval-shaped hut type has a special geographical or topographical distribution in southern Scandinavia. The settlement pattern on Bornholm is influenced by a regional mobility strategy connected to the special geographical conditions on the peninsula. These observations also illustrate the regional differences between the Maglemosian societies and their ability to change mobility patterns and to adapt to the local situation. This opens up for the discussions regarding the coastal vs. inland problem in Southern Scandinavia. The discussion should consider the geographical differences, which could lead to a different mobility strategy in each region of the Maglemosian Culture. Especially the sites from Holmegård, Sværdborg, and Lundby are located closer to the Ancylus Lake than to the Kattegat coast during the Maglemosian Culture. This location could lead to a commuting strategy between the inland lakes and the Ancylus Lake, with sporadic contacts to the marine areas as indicated by several objects of marine origin and the imported flint. This hypothesis – which is supported by the Carbon-13 values from Zealand and from the Barum Woman in Scania – indicates a mobility strategy orientated towards the Ancylus Lake rather than towards the marine coast along Kattegat. All the areas surrounding the Ancylus Lake, including Bornholm, probably had similar mobility and settlement patterns orientated towards the freshwater lake. The settlement pattern around the inland lakes changed drastically in the late Maglemosian Period when Bornholm had become an island. The main difference on Bornholm between the settlement pattern of the island and the settlement patterns from the earlier periods is the apparently deliberate rejection of the inland as a habitation zone and the concentration of settlements in the coastal zone. A possible explanation for this major change could be that some important resources were lost as the larger inland lakes became overgrown and filled with sediments. A similar pattern and decline in site number has been observed around some of the flat-bottomed lakes on Zealand, such as Barmose, Lundby, Sværdborg, and Holmegård. Part of the repeated settlement pattern on Bornholm proves that some of the creeks were used through more than a thousand years during the Maglemosian Culture. This may have had both historical and ecological causes. Some locations may be recognized as specifically orientated towards a certain gender, or a specific season. Furthermore, some sites could be devoted to the exploitation of specific resources of primarily symbolic or mythological rather than economical causes. However, it is clear that the island was occupied and used by hunter-gatherers who shared a landscape with territorial and ideological components. The repeated use of certain hotspots in the landscape could indicate bordered territories determined by the creeks. One family group would hunt and fish in one particular creek, whereas others were connected to another creek. Unfortunately, it is impossible at the present to locate these territorial borders due to the incomplete picture of the site distribution. The settlement patterns presented in this paper must be regarded as preliminary and subject to later modifications, mainly because the dating base for the sites is their content of microliths. As for Bornholm, a preliminary regional microlithic typology with four phases has been suggested (Fig. 22). However, we face serious problems in fine-tuning the typo-chronology of the Maglemosian Culture. If this phase could be split into minor segments, the sites would appear much more sporadic compared to the current picture of the habitation. The repeated settlement pattern and the fact that the typological and functional expressions are unchanged during the Maglemosian Culture indicate that the societies on Bornholm had a continuing social and cultural contact with other groups or tribes within the Maglemosian Culture. Towards the end of the Maglemosian Culture, the habitation became sporadic, and the possibilities of creating contact with other cultural groups became limited and difficult because Bornholm was an island. It is however important to keep in mind that Bornholm seems to have never been completely isolated, and that it had a continuous social and cultural contact with the later Kongemose and Ertebølle Cultures. This is currently supported by the fact that the first Kongemose site (Sandemandsgård) has been registered at Bornholm (Figs. 23-24). Furthermore, a submerged site was located on Southern Bornholm at Boderne at a depth of four to five metres (Figs. 23 & 25). This indicates a now submerged landscape around Bornholm, which was settled in the Mesolithic. The use of this submerged landscape and its impact on the settlement pattern is currently uncertain. These arguments demonstrate that Bornholm was never out of sight or out of mind for the hunter-gatherers of the Kongemose and early Ertebølle Cultures. During the following late Ertebølle Period, a large habitation along the Littorina coast is registered on the island. One of these sites is Troldskoven, which is of particular interest as it is the only settled cave site in Denmark (Figs. 23 & 26). It was found by a coincidence when a German tourist excavated the site in 1939 and collected a large lithic material. The material was subsequently lost under the World War II. During the following years, the site was more or less forgotten until we took an interest in the cave.In 2004, we conducted a small survey and dry sieving of the surface of the cave and found lithic material. This could indicate that the cave was inhabited during the Early Ertebølle Culture. However, it is not possible to conclude any final dating of the assemblage until more investigations of the cave have been conducted. Another important late Ertebølle site on Bornholm is Grisby. This site demonstrates fishing and hunting – in particular on marine mammals. The artefacts from Grisby include imported lithic artefacts, Limhamn axes, and groove-decorated ceramics with an elongated cylinder-shaped base (Fig.27). All these artefacts are characteristic of the East Scandinavian Ertebølle sites, which were part of an established network across the Baltic Sea. These factors could be the basis of a swift transition to the Neolithic.To sum up, Bornholm in the late Palaeolithic was the northern part of a peninsula or an island with a substantial land bridge, which covered an area from Rügen and Pomerania to Bornholm. The settlement in the late Palaeolithic is sporadic, although the excavated site in the bog Vallensgård Mose indicates possible contacts with Rügen. This material presumably belongs to either the Bromme or the Ahrensburgian Culture in the Allerød or Dryas III. During the Dryas III and Preboreal, faunal remains of reindeer and elks have been registered on Bornholm, but there is no evidence of settlements in the Ahrensburg Culture and only little evidence from the earliest Maglemosian Culture. In the following Boreal phases, a large migration to the island along with a warmer climate and a changed fauna has been registered. During the late Maglemosian Culture, Bornholm became an isolated island and the settlement pattern changed. The number of inhabited sites was reduced and the settlements concentrated near the coast. In the Maglemosian Culture, it has been possible from the archaeological material to observe continuous social and cultural contacts with other Maglemosian societies in the Western Baltic, as exemplified by the changes in flint technology and the similarities concerning the hut structures in this region. These facts illustrate how geographic developments challenge a hunter/gatherer group exceedingly and prove their ability to adapt to changed conditions, as seen during the Maglemosian Culture in the Baltic region. During the following Kongemose and early Ertebølle cultures, the island had a sporadic habitation, but new finds, especially underwater sites, could change the impression of the settlement distribution. In the late Ertebølle Culture, an increasing number of coastal sites have been registered on the island, and this clearly proves cultural contacts with Scania. Finally, the consistent contacts between Bornholm, Scania, Rügen, and Pomerania could be one of the main reasons why the process of neolithisation seems to have been swift compared to other parts of Southern Scandinavia. The prehistory on Bornholm also has its peculiarities with an exotic quartz production during the Maglemosian Culture and the first cave site attached to the Ertebølle Culture observed in Denmark. In this article, we have described how the geographical changes have challenged the Mesolithic hunter-gatherers to the extreme. One of their most important faculties was the ability to exploit and maintain cultural as well as social contacts with other Late Palaeolithic and Mesolithic societies in the Baltic region.Claudio Casati og Lasse SørensenAfdeling for ArkæologiSaxo-InstituttetKøbenhavns Universitet

In the Garden of EdenThe covers of the first three volumes of Kuml show photographs of fine Danish antiquities. Inside the volumes have articles on the Stone Age, the Bronze Age and the Iron Age in Jutland, which is to be expected as Kuml is published by the Jutland Archaeological Society. However, in 1954 the scene is moved to more southern skies. This year, the cover is dominated by a date palm with two huge burial mounds in the background. In side the book one reads no less than six articles on the results from the First Danish Archaeological Bahrain Expedition. P.V. Glob begins with: Bahrain – Island of the Hundred Thousand Burial Mounds, The Flint Sites of the Bahrain Desert, Temples at Barbar and The Ancient Capital of Bahrain, followed by Bibby’s Five among Bahrain’s Hundred Thousand Burial Mounds and The Well of the Bulls. The following years, reports on excavations on Bahrain and later in the sheikhdoms of Qatar, Kuwait and Abu Dhabi are on Kuml’s repertoire.However, it all ends wit h the festschrift to mark Glob’s 60th anniversary, Kuml 1970, which has three articles on Arab archaeology and a single article in 1972. For the past thirty years almost, the journal has not had a single article on Arabia. Why is that? Primarily because the character of the museum’s work in the Arabian Gulf changed completely. The pioneers’ years of large-scale reconnaissance and excavations were succeeded by labourous studies of the excavated material – the necessary work preceding the final publications. Only in Abu Dhabi and Oman, Karen Frifelt carried on the pioneer spirit through the 1970s and 1980s, but she mainly published her results in in ternational, Englishlanguage journals.Consequently, the immediate field reports ended, but the subsequent research into Arab archaeology – carried out at the writing desk and with the collections of finds– still crept into Kuml. From 1973 , the journal contained a list of the publications made by the Jutland Archaeological Society (abbreviated JASP), and here, the Arab monographs begin to make their entry. The first ones are Holger Kapel’s Atlas of the Stone Age Cultures of Qatar from 1967 and Geoffrey Bibby’s survey in eastern Saudi Arabia from 1973. Then comes the Hellenistic excavations on the Failaka island in Kuwait with Hans Erik Mathiesen’s treatise on the terracotta figurines (1982), Lise Hannestad’s work on the ceramics (1983) and Kristian Jeppesen’s presentation of the temple and the fortifications (1989). A similar series on the Bronze Age excavations on Failaka has started with Poul Kjærum’s first volume on the stamp and cylinder seals (1983) and Flemming Højlund’s presentation of the ceramics (1987). The excavations on the island of Umm an-Nar in Abu Dhabi was published by Karen Frifelt in two volumes on the settlement (1991) and the graves (1995), and the ancient capital of Bahrain was analysed by H. Hellmuth Andersen and Flemming Højlund in two volumes on the northern city wall and the Islamic fort (1994) and the central, monumental buildings (1997) respectively.More is on its way! A volume on Islamic finds made on Bahrain has just been made ready for printing, and the Bronze Age temples at the village of Barbar is being worked up. Danish and foreign scholars are preparing other volumes, but the most important results of the expeditions to the Arabian Gulf have by now been published in voluminous series.With this, an era has ended, and Moesgård Museum’s 50th anniversary in 1999 was a welcome opportunity of looking back at the Arabian Gulf effort through the exhibition Glob and the Garden ef Eden. The Danish Bahrain expeditions and to consider what will happen in the future.How then is the relation ship between Moesgård Museum and Bahrain today, twenty-three years after the last expedition – now that most of the old excavations have been published and the two originators of the expeditions, P.V. Glob and Geoffrey Bibby have both died?In Denmark we usually consider Bahrain an exotic country with an exciting past. However, in Bahrain there is a similar fascination of Denmark and of Moesgård Museum. The Bahrain people are wondering why Danish scholars have been interested in their small island for so many years. It was probably not a coincidence when in the 1980s archaeologist and ethnographers from Moesgård Museum were invited to take part in the furnishing of the exhibitions in the new national museum of Bahrain. Today, museum staff from Arab countries consider a trip to Moesgård a near-pilgrimage: our collection of Near East artefacts from all the Gulf countries is unique, and the ethnographic collections are unusual in that they were collected with thorough information on the use, the users and the origin of each item.The Bahrain fascination of Moesgård Museum. was also evident, when the Bahrain minister of education, Abdulaziz Al-Fadl, visited the museum in connection with the opening of the Bahrain exhibition in 1999.Al-Fadl visited the museum’s oriental department, and in the photo and film archive a book with photos taken by Danish members of the expeditions to the Arabian Gulf was handed over to him. Al-Fadl was absorbed by the photos of the Bahrain of his childhood – the 1950s and 1960s – an un spoilt society very different from the modern Bahrain. His enthusiasm was not lessened when he saw a photo of his father standing next to P.V. Glob and Sheikh Salman Al Khalifa taken at the opening of Glob’s first archaeological exhibition in Manama, the capital. At a banquet given by Elisabeth Gerner Nielsen, the Danish minister of culture, on the evening following the opening of the Glob exhibition at Moesgård, Al-Fadl revealed that as a child, he had been on a school trip to the Danish excavations where – on the edge of the excavation – he had his first lesson in Bahrain’s prehistory from a Danish archaeologist (fig. 1).Another example: When attending the opening of an art exhibition at Bahrain’s Art Centre in February 1999, I met an old Bahrain painter, Abdelkarim Al-Orrayed, who turned out to be a good friend of the Danish painter Karl Bovin, who took part in Glob’s expeditions. He told me, how in 1956, Bovin had exhibited his paintings in a school in Manama. He recalled Bovin sitting in his Arabian tunic in a corner of the room, playing a flute, which he had carved in Sheikh Ibrahim’s garden.In a letter, Al-Orrayed states: ”I remember very well the day in 1956, when I met Karl Bovin for the first time. He was drawin g some narrow roads in the residential area where I lived. I followed him closely with my friend Hussain As-Suni – we were twentythree and twenty-one years old respectively. When he had finished, I invited him to my house where I showed him my drawings. He looked at them closely and gave me good advice to follow if I wanted to become a skilful artist – such as focusing on lines, form, light, distance, and shadow. He encouraged me to practice outdoors and to use different models. It was a turning point in our young artists’ lives when Hussein and I decided to follow Bovin’s instructions. We went everywhere – to the teahouses, the markets, the streets, and the countryside – and practised there, but the sea was the most fascinating phenomenon to us. In my book, An Introduction to Modern Art in Bahrain, I wrote about Bovin’s exhibitions in the 1950s and his great influence on me as an artist. Bovin’s talent inspired us greatly in rediscovering the nature and landscape on Bahrain and gave us the feeling that we had much strength to invest in art. Bovin contributed to a new start to us young painters, who had chosen the nature as our main motif.”Abdelkarim Al-Orrayed was the first Bahrain painter to live of his art, and around 1960 he opened a studio from which he sold his paintings. Two of his landscape watercolours are now at Moesgård.These two stories may have revealed that Bahrain and Moesgard Museum have a common history, which both parts value and wish to continue. The mutual fascination is a good foundation to build on and the close bonds and personal acquaintance between by now more generations is a valuable counterbalance to those tendencies that estrange people, cultures, and countries from one another.Already, more joint projects have been initiated: Danish archaeology students are taking part in excavations on Bahrain and elsewhere in the Arabic Gulf; an ethnography student is planning a long stay in a village on Bahrain for the study of parents’ expectations to their children on Bahrain as compared with the conditions in Denmark; P.V. Glob’s book, Al-Bahrain, has been translated into Arabic; Moesgård’s photos and films from the Gulf are to become universally accessible via the Internet; an exhibition on the Danish expeditions is being prepared at the National Museum of Bahrain, and so forth.Two projects are to be described in more detail here: New excavations on Bahrain that are to investigate how fresh water was exploited in the past, and the publication of a book and three CDs, Music in Bahrain, which will make Bahrain’s traditional music accessible not just to the population of Bahrain, but to the whole world.New excavations on BahrainFor millennia, Bahrain was famous for its abundance of fresh water springs, which made a belt of oases across the northern half of the island possible. Natural fertility combined with the favourable situation in the middle of the Arab Gulf made Bahrain a cultural and commercial centre that traded with the cities of Mesopotamia and the IndusValley already in the third millennium BC.Fresh water also played an important part in Bahrain’s ancient religion, as seen from ar chaeological excavations and Mesopotamian cuneiform tablets: A magnificent temple of light limestone was built over a spring, and according to old texts, water was the gods’ gift to Bahrain (Dilmun).Although fresh water had an overwhelming importance to a parched desert island, no studies have been directed towards the original ”taming” of the water on Bahrain. Therefore, Moesgård Museum is now beginning to look into the earliest irrigation techniques on the island and their significance to Bahrain’s development.Near the Bahrain village of Barbar, P.V. Glob in 1954 discovered a rise in the landscape, which was excavated during the following years. It turned out that the mound covered three different temples, built on top of and around each other. The Barbar temple was built of whitish ashlars and must have been an impressive structure. It has also gained a special importance in Near East research, as this is the first and only time that the holy spring chamber, the abzu, where the god Enki lived, has been un earthed (fig. 2).On the western side of the Barbar temple a monumental flight of steps, flank ed on both sides by cult figures, was leading through a portal to an underground chamber with a fresh water spring. In the beautiful ashlar walls of this chamber were three openings, through which water flowed. Only the eastern out flow was investigated, as the outside of an underground stonebuilt aqueduct was found a few metres from the spring chamber.East of the temple another underground aqueduct was followed along a 16-m distance. It was excavated at two points and turned out almost to have the height of a man. The floor was covered with large stones with a carved canal and the ceiling was built of equally large stones (fig. 3).No doubt the spring chamber was a central part of the temple, charge d with great importance. However, the function of the aqueducts is still unknown. It seems obvious that they were to lead the fresh water away from the source chamber, but was this part of a completely ritual arrangement, or was the purpose to transport the water to the gardens to be used for irrigation?To clarify these questions we will try to trace the continuations of the aqueducts using different tracing techniques such as georadar and magnetometer. As the sur roundings of Barbar temple are covered by several metres of shifting sand, the possibilities of following the aqueducts are fine, if necessary even across a great distance, and if they turn out to lead to old gardens, then these may be exposed under the sand.Underground water canals of a similar construction, drawing water from springs or subsoil water, have been used until modern times on Bahrain, and they are still in use in Iran and on the Arabian Peninsula, especially in Oman, where they supply the gardens with water for irrigation. They are called qanats and are usually considered built by the Persians during periods when the Achaemenid or Sassanid kings controlled Arabia (c. 500 BC-c. 600 AD). However, new excavation results from the Oman peninsula indicate that at least some canal systems date from c. 1000 BC. It is therefore of utmost interest if similar sophisticated transportation systems for water on Bahrain may be proven to date from the time of the erection of the Barbar temple, i.e. c. 2000 BC.The finds suggest that around this time Bahrain underwent dramatic changes. From being a thinly inhabited island during most of the 3rd millennium BC, the northern part of the island suddenly had extensive burial grounds, showing a rapid increase in population. At the same time the major settlement on the northern coast was fortified, temples like the one at Barbar were built, and gigantic ”royal mounds” were built in the middle of the island – all pointing at a hierarchic society coming into existence.This fast social development of Dilmun must have parallelled efficiency in the exploitation of fresh water resources for farm ing to supply a growing population with the basic food, and perhaps this explains the aqueducts by Barbar?The planned excavatio ns will be carried out in close cooperation between the National Museum of Bahrain and Aarhus University, and they are supported financially by the Carlsberg Foundation and Bahrain’s Cabinet and Information Ministry.The music of BahrainThe composer Poul Rovsing Olsen (1922-1982) was inspired by Arab and Indian music, and he spent a large part of his life studying traditional music in the countries along the Arabian Gulf. In 1958 and 1962-63 he took part in P.V. Glob’s expeditions to Arabia as a music ethnologist and in the 1970s he organised stays of long duration here (fig. 4).The background for his musical fieldwork was the rapid development, which the oil finds in the Gulf countries had started. The local folk music would clearly disappear with the trades and traditions with which they were connected.” If no one goes pearl fishing anymore, then no one will need the work songs connected to this work. And if no one marries according to tradition with festivity lasting three or sometimes five days, then no one will need the old wedding songs anymore’’.It was thus in the last moment that Rovsing Olsen recorded the pearl fishers’ concerts, the seamen’s shanties, the bedouin war songs, the wedding music, the festival music etc. on his tape recorder. By doing this he saved a unique collection of song and music, which is now stored in the Dansk Folkemindesamling in Copenhagen. It comprises around 150 tapes and more than 700 pieces of music. The instruments are to be found at the Musikhistorisk Museum and Moesgård Museum (fig. 5).During the 1960s and 1970s Rovsing Olsen published a number of smaller studies on music from the Arabian Gulf, which established his name as the greatest connoisseur of music from this area – a reputation, which the twenty years that have passed since his death have not shaken. Rovsing Olsen also published an LP record with pearl fisher music, and with the music ethnologist Jean Jenkins from the Horniman Museum in London he published six LP records, Music in the World of Islam with seven numbers from the Arabian Gulf, and the book Music and Musical Instruments in the World of Islam (London 1976).Shortly before his death, Rovsing Olsen finished a comprehensive manuscript in English, Music in Bahrain, where he summed up nearly twenty-five years of studies into folk music along the Arabian Gulf, with the main emphasis on Bahrain. The manuscript has eleven chapters, and after a short introduction Rovsing Olsen deals with musical instruments, lute music, war and honour songs of the bedouins, festivity dance, working songs and concerts of the pearl fishers, music influenced front Africa, double clarinet and bag pipe music, religious songs and women’s songs. Of these, eighty-four selected pieces of music are reproduced with notes and commented in the text. A large selection of this music will be published on three CDs to go with the book.This work has been anticipated with great expectation by music ethnologists and connoisseurs of Arabic folk music, and in agreement with Rovsing Olsen’s widow, Louise Lerche-Lerchenborg and Dansk Folkemindesamling, Moesgård Museum is presently working on publishing the work.The publication is managed by the Jutland Archaeological Society and Aarhus University Press will manage the distribution. The Carlsberg Foundation and Bahrain’s Cabinet and Information Ministry will cover the editing and printing expenses.The publication of the book and the CDs on the music of Bahrain will be celebrated at a festivity on Bahrain, at the next annual cultural festival, the theme of which will be ”mutual inspiration across cultural borders” with a focus on Rovsing Olsen. In this context, Den Danske Trio Anette Slaato will perform A Dream in Violet, a music piece influenced by Arabic music. On the same occasion singers and musicians will present the traditional pearl fishers’ music from Bahrain. In connection with the concert on Bahrain, a major tour has been planned in cooperation with The Danish Institute in Damascus, where the Danish musicians will also perform in Damascus and Beirut and give ”masterclasses” in chamber music on the local music academies. The concert tour is being organised by Louise Lerche-Lerchenborg, who initiated one of the most important Danish musical events, the Lerchenborg Musical Days,in 1963 and organised them for thirty years.ConclusionPride of concerted effort is not a special Danish national sport. However,the achievements in the Arabian Gulf made by the Danish expeditions from the Århus museum are recognised everywhere. It is only fair to use this jubilee volume for drawing attention to the fact that the journal Kuml and the publications of the Jutland Archaeological Society were the instruments through which the epoch-making investigations in the Gulf were nude public nationally and internationally.Finally, the cooperationon interesting tasks between Moesgård Museum and the countries along the Arabian Gulf will continue. In the future, Kuml will again be reporting on new excavations in the palm shadows and eventually, larger investigation s will no doubt find their way to the society’s comprehensive volumes.Flemming HøjlundMoesgård MuseumTranslated by Annette Lerche Trolle

»My name is Boye, I dig carins and old mounds«The archaeologist Vilhelm Christian BoyeThe story of Vilhelm Boye is the history of one man’s passionate and insightful involvement in archaeology, which from the first was directed solely towards the Bronze Age. His involvement led to an academic disaster in his youth, but left behind it a developed skill in field archaeology. Despite his problems he persisted with what most obsessed him, namely the preservation of Denmark’s oak coffin graves. His multi-facetted personality and his more popular approach to archaeology may have challenged his contemporaries, and certainly contributed to his more or less deliberate exclusion from a permanent appointment at the Museum of Northern Antiquities in Copenhagen. Even though he was opposed by powerful people within the Copenhagen museum establishment for nearly twenty years, he had the natural facility of easily winning the trust of others. This enabled him to cope with the situation and turn it to his advantage wherever he found himself. His marriage to Mimi Drachmann brought a welcome stability to his life, but his lack of professional recognition and his exclusion from a place at the top of archaeology continued. Time was running out for Boye, but he managed to leave an impressive body of published work behind him.Vilhelm Christian Boye was the son of the Norwegian-born priest and writer of hymns Caspar Johannes Boye. In 1848 his father was moved to the garrison church in Copenhagen, where the family lived at 29 Bredgade until his father’s death from cholera in 1853. This was a fashionable part of town, its residents including both the composer Niels W. Gade and Professor Adam Oehlenschläger, and even more notably J.J.A. Worsaae lived in the same property as the Boye family from 1850 to 1852. It was probably through his neighbour Worsaae that Boye later became a member of the circle around C.J. Thomsen. We may therefore assume that Boye visited and spent many after-school hours at the Museum of Northern Antiquities, and soon became an assistant during the public tours.Early in the 1840s tension arose between Worsaae and Thomsen, because Thomsen did not want to make Worsaae a junior museum inspector. Worsaae had not hitherto received any stipend or official position, and with some justice felt himself hard done by. Thomsen however did not respond to his request, so he left the Museum, later to be made Director for the Preservation of Ancient monuments. At the same time he taught at Copenhagen University, where Boye from time to time came to his lectures. There is no doubt that Boye wanted an academic career, and presumably hoped that his involvement with the Museum of Northern Antiquities would allow him to complete a study of Scandinavian archaeology. In the meantime Boye studied at the Museum under the direction of both Thomsen and Herbst.In early October 1857 Boye undertook one of his first excavations of a Bronze Age mound, the so-called Loholm barrow at Snørumnedre Mark (fig. 1). The dating of the grave however caused problems for him, but through a comparative study of Bronze Age burial rituals he concluded that the grave had close parallels within this period.The following year three funerary urns and some bronze objects were found in Hullehøj barrow, near Kjeldbymagle on the island of Møn. The barrow was going to be blown up, but the local judge had the work stopped and sent Boye to lead the excavation in May 1859. As the excavation progressed, Boye was able to ascertain that there were both cremations and inhumations in one and the same barrow. The inhumations were surrounded by fist-sized stones and placed at the bottom of the barrow, the cremations higher up within the mound. In comparison with his earlier barrow excavations it is worth noting Boye’s stratigraphic observations, which for the first time supported the division of the Bronze Age into an earlier and a later section. This hypothesis had been suggested earlier, but not hitherto adequately demonstrated. In 1859 Boye published the results of his excavations of 1857-8, as well as those of his recently completed excavation of Aasehøj barrow at Raklev, in the periodical Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie for 1858. This article is his first independent scientific publication, and should have attracted greater attention than it in fact did. In modern perspective the article is a perfectly competent archaeological publication, in which Boye solely through field observations reaches the conclusion that the Bronze Age could be divided into two periods, each with its own burial ritual. Even though Boye had been close to understanding why both cremations and inhumations occurred in the same barrow as early as 1857, he did not reach his final understanding this early. In November 1857 Worsaae had in fact given lectures at the university in which he suggested a division of the Bronze Age, but it is noteworthy that he had not earlier published any or all of his conclusions. His work on the subdivision of the Stone Age was probably more important to Worsaae, while the subdivision of the Bronze Age was more of a footnote, a natural outgrowth of the idea that there was continuous development from one stage to the next. Boye’s article in Annaler thus inevitably supported Worsaae’s hypothesis, although this was presumably not the intention. On the contrary, Boye merely intended to publish his own conclusions. Boye cannot therefore be said to be the sole originator of the subdivision of the Bronze Age, but apart his barrow investigations there was nobody else who reached the same conclusion at the time independently of Worsaae.In 1860 Boye took part in the first major bog excavations, at Vimose and then at Thorsbjerg with Engelhardt. Despite adverse circumstances and appalling weather, the Thorsbjerg excavations produced several important finds including Roman coins, a gilt breastplate, and also a very unusual face mask of silver with gilt (fig. 2). Although Engelhardt did not publish the full excavation report until 1863-69, Boye presented his observations in Annaler as early as 1860, where he discussed earlier interpretations of the many weapons found in bogs. Boye observed that the universal destruction of these weapons did not happen by chance, but was deliberate. Furthermore, the weapons lay in groups of one type, and the shields were pierced by spear points to pin them to the bottom of the bog. Boye’s interpretation of the finds was thus remarkably accurate, because he regarded them as votive offerings of the spoils of war.When Prussian and Austrian troops crossed the Ejder River on 1st February 1864, Boye volunteered within the month and was promoted to lance corporal (fig. 3). In May he was landed to take part in the defence of the island of Als along with the other Danish forces. On his return home in August Boye continued his work at the Museum of Northern Antiquities, but Thomsen’s health was failing, and after a long illness he died on 21st May 1865. The question of who was to succeed Thomsen had long been discussed, and it was indeed Worsaae who was appointed. Although Herbst had been groomed for the job by Thomsen, he found himself outmanouevred. Boye probably already knew by then that he would not be given a position at the Museum. Herbst, his confidant, could no longer help him, and Thomsen’s awareness of his archaeological skills was of no use either. Circumstances thus forced Boye to leave the Museum.Boye’s relationship with the family friend and poet H.C. Andersen resulted in the latter recommending Boye in December 1867 as a Danish tutor to the Brandt family in Amsterdam (fig. 4). On Wednesday 22nd January 1868 Boye departed for Amsterdam via Kiel. During his stay Boye wrote regularly to Andersen, who also travelled to Amsterdam to visit him. His stay in Amsterdam was evidently good for Boye, and contributed to the fact that he never lost his love for archaeology. As early as late August of the same year, Boye travelled to southern Halland in Sweden at the request of Ritmester Peter von Möller, to examine and excavate a large group of barrows known as the Ätterhögar on the Drömmestrup estate, the excavation of which was concluded in early July 1869. Boye thus returned home just in time to take part as a member of the Danish Committee in the International Congress of Archaeology and Anthropology that was held in Copenhagen from 25th August to 5th September. But his love of Schleswig and the old borderland called him, and soon Boye moved permanently to Haderslev to work as a freelance writer on the daily paper Dannevirke under the editorship of H.R. Hiort-Lorenzen.His coverage of the International Congress of Archaeology and Anthropology meeting in Copenhagen is the most extensive of Boye’s writings in Dannevirke. He also wrote a series of articles with a marked archaeological-ethnographic content, for example on the antiquities of Brazil, and the discovery of ­Australia.Although Boye supported himself as a writer for Dannevirke, his main occupation seems rather to have been the investigation of the burial mounds of Schleswig, which before 1864 had only been intermittently examined by amateurs. Boye began an extensive programme, and without his efforts and initiative, knowledge of many Schleswig barrows would have been lost. Although the information he recorded was not particularly satisfactory, in that it was mostly based on the memory of local people, his efforts should be seen as a precursor, because the work of protection went slowly at the time. In his search for lost information, in 1875 Boye considered the barrow at Dybvadgård north of Åbenrå, which had been partially excavated by Prince Carl of Prussia in 1864. During the excavations the Prince’s soldiers found an oak coffin, which was despatched to the Museum für Völkerkunde in Berlin. Boye therefore wrote direct to the Prince, who in reply sent a photograph and description of the coffin. During the next eight years Boye managed to accumulate a great deal of information about the barrows of Schleswig, but his work was not without risk, because several of his “missions” involved evading the Prussian authorities and their power to confiscate the antiquities which Boye from time to time illegally sent to the Museum in Copenhagen.In 1874 the Principal of Herlufsholm School, C. Hall, engaged Vilhelm Boye to organise the school’s collection of antiquities, which had been in store for nearly twenty years. In addition to this reorganisation, funds were also made available for the systematic excavation of a nearby barrow at Grimstrup (fig. 5). The barrow however contained very little, mainly urns full of cremated bone, but the excavation was thoroughly recorded and a series of drawings was produced by R. Bertelsen, the school’s teacher of drawing. After this Boye set to work to display the collection in the six cases that were made available. The greater part of the collection came from the Stone Age, filling no fewer than five cases, giving an impression both of coastal finds from shell middens, and grave finds. The Bronze Age display contained only a few bronzes, but rather more pots. Iron Age artifacts were hardly represented at all, and consisted mostly of whetstones, a bowl-shaped buckle, and a pot burnt black.In November of the same year Boye was working at Herlufsholm, he produced his remarkable work Vejledning til Udgravning af Oldsager og deres foreløbige Behandling [Guide to the Excavation of Antiquities and their Initial Study], published under the auspices of the Society for the Historical-Antiquarian Collection in Århus. Boye’s Guide is the first of its type, and one can clearly detect his close association with Herbst, who had contributed to the scientific content of the work.Boye’s link with the antiquarian collection in Århus had not come about by chance. During his time at the Museum of Northern Antiquities he had early on made contact with the person mainly responsible for the establishment of the Århus collection, Edvard Erslev. Boye joined the museum in 1871, re-arranged the collection, and produced a guide for visitors. For the first time the museum acquired a new and professional look. Boye thus functioned as part of the leadership until 1876, when he gave up his museum post in favour of the schoolteacher Emmerik Høegh-Guldberg. The continued problems facing Dannevirke and Hiort-Lorenzen’s mounting confrontation with the judicial authorities in Flensborg probably caused Boye to consider his position with the newspaper. This culminated with the expulsion of Hiort-Lorenzen, who then took up the post of chief editor of Nationaltidende in Copenhagen. Boye also travelled to Copenhagen in early 1878, and on 15th November the year after he married Mimi Drachmann, sister of the poet Holger Drachmann (fig. 6 ). Not suprisingly, Boye got a job at the Nationaltidende, where he edited the newspaper’s Archaeological and Ethnographic Communications until 1885. In the seven years Boye worked at the paper, no fewer than 150 numbers of the Communications appeared, Boye writing more than 400 pages of them himself. The articles include a multiplicity of archaeological and ethnographic topics such as “Egypt’s Ancient Cultures” and “A Copper Age in Scandinavia”.In 1882 Count Emil Frijs of Frijsenborg commissioned Boye to catalogue and organise his estate’s collection of prehistoric and medieval objects, which came from the area round the lake and castle ruin at Søborg in northern Zealand. Attempts had been made to drain the lake since 1793, and several antiquities had been found at various times during the work. The recording project culminated in the publication of a small book, Fund af Gjenstande fra Oldtiden og Middelalderen i og ved Søborg Sø [Finds of Objects from the Prehistoric and Medieval Periods in and around Søborg Lake], which among other things contains some of the first photographic illustrations of Danish antiquities (fig. 7).Worsaae’s death in 1885 inaugurated a new era, and Herbst was finally able to take over the post of head of the Museum (fig. 8). Boye’s long friendship with Herbst had in the previous years resulted in him becoming a regional inspector for the Museum. Herbst was probably even then considering Boye for a future post in the Museum, and was indicating that he himself could not be overlooked when it became time to nominate a successor to Worsaae. After his appointment to the Museum of Northern Antiquities in 1885, Boye continued his activities as inspector in northern Zealand, and was frequently called when new finds were recovered from Bronze Age barrows.In contrast to Herbst, Boye rapidly fell in with the group of younger workers, particularly Henry Petersen (fig. 9). Over the years they became close friends with a common interest in new finds, as during the excavation of Guldhøj in 1891. Boye had no draftsman at the excavation, but he did have a local photographer who recorded some aspects of the opening of the first oak coffin. These are the first photographs ever to be taken during an excavation, even though photography by then was nothing new (fig. 10).With the reorganising of the National Museum, Boye was made senior assistant of the historical section on 1st April 1892, under Henry Petersen. He was responsible for the Museum’s archive and library, but fieldwork and travels are what particularly characterise his work in these years. When the small Bronze Age barrow on which the Glavendrup rune stone had been erected in 1864 was nearly completely destroyed by ploughing, Boye undertook a restoration of the barrow itself and the associated ship-shaped arrangement of stones in 1892 (fig. 11). The restoration’s outcome was the construction of a new barrow on which was placed the rune stone, and the re-erection of the stones in the ship arrangement.At the same time, chamberlain A. Oxholm undertook a small excavation of the Bronze Age barrow at Tårnholm, and recovered an oak coffin containing the remains of a woman, a fine necklace, a belt plate, and a small bronze dagger. Boye was immediately informed, and in connection with his investigations at Tårnborg was able to go to Tårnholm and lead a new excavation of the barrow, in which A.P. Madsen was also involved, and recover two more oak coffins (fig. 12).If we now consider Boye’s last major work, the publication of the major volume Fund af Egekister fra Bronzealderen i Danmark [Finds of Oak Coffins from the Danish Bronze Age], there are several indications that suggest that Boye began the work with the early intention that its coverage should be wide, and contain his long-term investigations into and knowledge of the country’s oak coffin graves. It is particularly noteworthy that his work as an archaeological journalist and with the Archaeological and Ethnographic Communications seems to have been a kind of precursor to this, as the last chapters contain sections that are clearly derived from his contributions to the Communications. The manuscript was completed in April 1896, and A.P. Madsen prepared for it no fewer than 27 full-page folio sized copperplates. The work was dedicated to “the veterans of Danish archaeology”, C.F. Herbst the museum director, and Japetus Steenstrup, with whom Boye had first collaborated more recently.His many years of a wandering existence and work-related disruptions had however told on him, and soon after the book was published Boye became ill. From his private correspondence from 1896 it emerges that Boye often had insufficient time to be with his nearest and dearest. Despite his illness he travelled one last time to visit relatives at Viken, but his illness worsened and he had to travel rapidly to Lund and on to Copenhagen. Boye died on 22nd September apparently as the result of a stroke, and was buried in Søllerød churchyard north of Copenhagen.Boye’s potential as a researcher was noticed early on by Thomsen, but just as quickly suppressed by Worsaae, who may more or less deliberately have sought to out-manoeuvre his colleague. Boye’s character and energy may have seemed a threat, and although he never finished an academic education he nevertheless displayed a remarkable archaeological acuity, but was unable to bolster his own reputation. Some of the blame for this must rest with the Museum’s aged leaders, who never supported or developed Boye’s evident skills to any great extent. It must also be stressed that some of Boye’s earlier career problems are closely connected to the lack of vision and jealousy of these same leaders. When he departed for Amsterdam Boye had no expectation of a Museum post, but despite this he intelligently kept up his contacts with Copenhagen, particularly with Herbst, knowing full well that Worsaae’s leadership would one day end. This somewhat bold presumption turned out to be correct, and helped his archaeological career.There is no doubt that Boye in his later years tried hard to recover his lost reputation and save his career from the disaster it suffered when he was younger, but the price was high and it also affected his health. We must today recognise that his reputation was restored to the highest level, and we must thank him for the fact that, through him, a uniquely detailed knowledge of the Bronze Age people themselves was preserved for Danish archaeology, as well as of their most prominent contribution to the Danish landscape: the barrows.Anders Otte StensagerInstitut for forhistorisk arkæologiKøbenhavns UniversitetTranslated by Peter Rowley-Conwy

A large two-aisled house at Nørre Holsted in southern Jutland – Analysis of a longhouse from Early Bronze Age period IIn 2011 and 2012, Sønderskov Museum investigated an area of 65,000 m2 at Nørre Holsted, between Esbjerg and Vejen. The investigation revealed a multitude of features and structures dating from several periods, including extensive settlement remains from the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age. Excavations have also been carried out in this area previously, resulting in rich finds assemblages. This paper focuses on the site’s largest and best preserved two-aisled house, K30, which is dated to Early Bronze Age period I (1700-1500 BC). This longhouse therefore represents the final generation of houses of two-aisled construction. It also contained charred plant remains, which provide information on arable agriculture of the time and the internal organisation of the building at a point just prior to three-aisled construction becoming universal. The remains indicate continuity in both agriculture and in internal organisation between the late two-aisled and early three-aisled longhouses. The two-aisled house at Nørre Holsted can therefore make a significant contribution to the long-running debate about this architectural change, which has often focussed on developments in farming: The increased importance of cattle husbandry is said to have been the main reason for breaking with the tradition of two-aisled construction.The Nørre Holsted locality comprises the top of a sandy plateau that forms a ridge running north-south. The slightly sloping plateau lies 38-42 m above sea level and the ridge is surrounded by damp, low-lying terrain that, prior to the agricultural drainage of recent times, was partly aquiferous. The site occupies a central position in the southern part of Holsted Bakkeø, a “hill island” that is primarily characterised by sandy moraine. People preferred to live on well-drained ridges with sandy subsoil throughout large parts of prehistory and this was also true in the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age. On the area uncovered at Nørre Holsted, remains were found of 16 two-aisled houses, of which three had sunken floors. Ten of these houses are dated to the Late Neolithic and three are assigned to the first period of the Bronze Age. During Early Bronze Age periods II and III, a total of 14 three-aisled longhouses stood on the sandy plateau. As can be seen from figure 2, the houses from the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age lie more or less evenly distributed across the area. However, the buildings from the Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age period I form a distinct cluster in the eastern part, while a western distribution is evident for the houses from Early Bronze Age periods II-III. The western part of the site lies highest in the terrain and a movement upwards in the landscape was therefore associated with the introduction of the three-aisled building tradition. Tripartition of the dimensions can be observed in both the two- and the three-aisled houses, with this being most pronounced in the latter category. The three-aisled Bronze Age houses from periods II and III, which represent the typical form with rounded gables and possibly plank-built walls, show great morphological and architectonic uniformity. Conversely, the two-aisled house remains are characterised by wider variation. The small and medium-sized examples, with or without a partly-sunken floor, represent some very common house types in Jutland. Conversely, the largest longhouse, K30, represents a variant that is more familiar from areas further to the east in southern Scandinavia.The largest two-aisled house at Nørre Holsted was located on the eastern part of the sandy plateau, where this slopes down towards a former wetland area (fig. 3). The east-west-oriented longhouse had a fall of 1.5 m along its length, with the eastern end being the lowest part at c. 38 m above sea level. Its orientation towards the wet meadow and bog to the east is striking, and it stood a maximum of 50 m from the potential grazing area. A peat bog lay a further 100 m to the east and in prehistory this was probably a small lake. Sekær Bæk flows 600 m to the north and, prior to realignment, this watercourse was both deeper and wider where it met the former lake area. Access to fresh water was therefore optimal and opportunities for transport and communication by way of local water routes must similarly have been favourable. It should be added that the watercourse Holsted Å flows only 1 km to the south of the locality.House K30 had a length of 32 m and a width of 6.5-7 m, with the western part apparently being the broadest, giving a floor area of more than 200 m2. The eastern gable was slightly rounded, while that to the west was of a straighter and more open character. The wall posts were preserved along most of the two sides of the building and the internal (roof-) supporting posts were positioned just inside the walls. Two transverse partition walls divided the longhouse, with its ten central posts, into three main rooms (fig. 5). These posts were the building’s sturdiest and most deeply-founded examples. Charcoal-rich post-pipes could be observed in section, and these revealed that the posts consisted of cloven timber with a cross-section of c. 25 cm. The central posts were regularly spaced about 3 m apart, except at the eastern and western ends, where the spacing was 4 m (fig. 5). The posts along the inside of the walls were less robust and not set as deeply as the central posts. There were probably internal wall or support posts along the entire length of the walls. These were positioned only 0.5 m inside the walls and must therefore have functioned together with these. Based on the position of these posts, the possibility that they were directly linked to the central posts can be dismissed. It seems much more likely that they were linked together by transverse beams running across the house – a roof-supporting feature that, a few generations later, moved further in towards the central axis to become the permanent roof-bearing construction. The actual wall posts or outer wall constituted the least robust constructional element of the longhouse.Remains of the walls were best preserved in the eastern part, and the wall posts here were spaced 1.5 m apart in the eastern gable and 2 m apart in the side wall (fig. 5). The wall posts had disappeared in several places, particularly in the central part of the building. Entrances could not be identified in the side walls, possibly as a consequence of the fragmentary preservation of the post traces. Two transverse partition walls, each consisting of three posts, were present in the western and eastern parts, with the latter example being integrated into a recessed pair of posts. The western room had an area of 59 m2 and contained two pits, while the eastern part was filled with charred plant material, consisting largely of acorns. The actual living quarters may have been located here, even though the larger central room, with an area of c. 85 m2, could just as well represent the dwelling area with its large, deep cooking pit (fig. 5). The eastern room had an area of 60 m2 and therefore did not differ significantly in area from that to the west.The entire fill from features that could be related to longhouse K30 was sieved. The objective was to retrieve small finds in the form of micro flakes and pottery fragments that are normally overlooked in conventional shovel excavation. The associated aims included ascertaining whether the flint assemblage could reveal the production of particular tools or weapons in the building. Unfortunately, not a single piece of pottery or any other datable artefacts were recovered. Only a few small flint flakes, which simply show that the finds from house K30 conform to the typical picture of a general reduction in the production of flint tools at the transition from Late Neolithic to Early Bronze Age. The 11 flint flakes from the longhouse merely reflect the simple manufacturing of cutting tools. Consequently, no bifacial flint-knapping activities took place within the building, and there is a lack of evidence for specialised craftsmen. The great paucity of finds is typical of houses from the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age which do not have a sunken floor. It is therefore important to look more closely at the charred plant material (plant macro-remains) concealed in the fills of the postholes and pits. In the case of house K30, the soil samples have provided a range of information, providing greater knowledge of what actually took place in a large house in southern Jutland at the beginning of the Bronze Age.The scientific dating of house K30 is based on barley grains from two roof posts and from a wall post in the eastern part. The three AMS radiocarbon dates assign the longhouse to Early Bronze Age period I, with a centre of gravity in period Ib (fig. 6). Plant macro-remains have previously been analysed from monumental three-aisled Bronze Age houses in southern Jutland. It is therefore relevant to take a look inside a large longhouse representing the final generation of the two-aisled building tradition. Do the results of the analyses indicate continuity in the internal organisation of these large houses or did significant changes occur in their functional organisation with the introduction of the three-aisled tradition?During the excavation of longhouse K30, soil samples were taken from all postholes and associated features for flotation and subsequent analysis of the plant macro-remains recovered. An assessment of the samples’ content of plant macro-remains and charcoal revealed that those from two central postholes and a pit contained large quantities of plant material (fig. 7), whereas the other samples contained few or no plant remains. It was therefore obvious to investigate whether there was a pattern in the distribution of the plant macro-remains that could provide an insight into the internal organisation of the house and the occupants’ exploitation of plant resources. The plant macro-remains can be used to investigate the organisation of the house because the house site lay undisturbed. The remains can therefore be presumed to date from the building’s active period of use. The plant remains lay on the floor of the house and they became incorporated into the fill of the postholes possibly as the posts were pulled up when the house was abandoned or when the posts subsequently rotted or were destroyed by fire. The plant macro-remains therefore reflect activities that have taken place in the immediate vicinity of the posthole in question.Only barley, in its naked form, can be said to have been definitely used by the house’s occupants, as this cereal type dominates, making up 80% of the identified grains (fig. 8). It is also likely, however, that emmer and/or spelt were cultivated too as evidence from other localities shows that a range of cereal crops was usually grown in the Early Bronze Age. This strategy was probably adopted to mitigate against the negative consequences of a possible failed harvest and also in an attempt to secure a surplus. Virtually no seeds of arable weeds were found in the grain-rich samples from the postholes where the central posts had stood; just a few seeds of persicaria and a single grass caryopsis were identified. This indicates that the crops, in the form of naked barley, and possibly also emmer/spelt, must have been thoroughly cleaned and processed. In contrast, the sample from pit A2500, in the western part of the house, contains virtually no cereal grains but does have a large number of charred acorn fragments (fig. 9). The question is, how should this pit be interpreted? If it was a storage pit, then the many acorns should not be charred, unless the pit and the remnants of its contents were subsequently burnt, perhaps as part of a cleansing or sterilisation process. It could also be a refuse pit, used to dispose of acorns that had become burnt by accident. In which case this must have been a temporary function as permanent refuse pits are unlikely to have been an internal feature of the house’s living quarters. Finally, it is possible that this could have been a so-called function-related pit that was used in connection with drying the acorns, during which some of the them became charred.From the plant macro-remain data it is clear that the occupants of longhouse K30 practised agriculture while, at the same time, gathering and exploiting natural plant resources. It should be added that they probably also kept livestock etc., but these resources have not left any traces in the site’s archaeological record – probably due to poor conditions for the preservation of bones. A closer examination of the distribution of plant macro-remains in house K30 reveals a very clear pattern (fig. 9), thereby providing an insight into the internal organisation of the building. All traces of cereals are found in the eastern half of the house and, in particular, the two easternmost roof postholes contain relatively large quantities, while the other postholes in this part of the building have few or no charred grains. This could suggest that there was a grain store (i.e. granary) in the vicinity of the penultimate roof-bearing post to the east, while the other cereal grains in the area could result from activities associated with spillage from this store, which contained processed and cleaned naked barley. No plant macro-remains were observed in the posthole samples from the opposite end of the building. The plant remains in this part of the house all originate from the aforementioned pit A2500, which contained a large quantity of acorns, together with a few arable weed seeds. The pit should possibly be interpreted as an acorn store or a functional pit associated with roasting activities or refuse disposal.The distribution of the plant macro-remains provides no secure indication of the location of the hearth or, in turn, of the living quarters. However, if the distribution of the charcoal in the house is examined (fig. 10), it is clear that there was charcoal everywhere inside house K30. This indicates that the longhouse was either burned down while still occupied or, perhaps more likely, in connection with its abandonment. A more detailed evaluation of the charcoal found in the various postholes and other features reveals the highest concentrations in the central room, suggesting that the hearth was located here, and with it the living quarters. This is consistent with the presence of a large cooking pit, found in the eastern part of this room. Perhaps this explains the presence of open pit A2500 in the western part of the house, which constitutes direct evidence against the presence of living quarters here. Another explanation for the highest charcoal concentrations being in the central room could also have been the entrance area, where there would be a tendency for such material to accumulate.Plant macro-remains have previously been analysed from large Bronze Age houses in the region, namely at the sites of Brødrene Gram and Kongehøj II, and plant remains from a somewhat smaller Late Neolithic house at Brødrene Gram were also examined. In many ways, K30 corresponds to the houses at Brødrene Gram (houses IV and V) and Kongehøj II (house K1). There is continuity with respect to the cereals represented in the Late Neolithic house at Brødrene Gram and the three-aisled Early Bronze Age houses at Brødrene Gram and Kongehøj II; naked barley and emmer/spelt are the dominant cereal types. There is, however, some variation in the cereal types present in the three-aisled Bronze Age houses, as hulled barley also occurs as a probable cultivated cereal here. It therefore seems that, with time, an even broader range of crops came to be cultivated when houses began to have a three-aisled construction. Another marked difference evident in the composition of the plant macro-remains is that the grain stores in the two-aisled houses contain only very few weed seeds, while those in the later houses are contaminated to a much greater extent with these remains. This could be due to several factors. One possible explanation is that the grain was cleaned more thoroughly before it was stored at the time of the two-aisled houses. Another explanation could be that there were, quite simply, fewer weeds growing in the arable fields in earlier periods, possibly because these fields were exploited for a shorter time and less intensively. This would mean that the field weeds were not able to become established to the same degree as later and fewer weeds were harvested with the cereal crop. As a consequence, the stored grain would contain fewer weed seeds relative to later periods. If the latter situation is true, the increase in field weeds could mark a change in the use of the arable fields, whereby each individual field was exploited for a somewhat longer period than previously.A common feature seen in all the houses is that they had grain stores in the eastern part of the building and storage was therefore one of the functions of this part. No secure evidence was however found of any of the houses having been fitted out as a byre. The three-aisled house IV at Brødrene Gram apparently also had a grain store at its western end – where K30 had its acorn-rich pit. However, while the western end of the Brødrene Gram house, and that of the other houses, is interpreted as a dwelling area, this room apparently had another function in K30, where the living quarters appear to have been located in the central room, as indicated by the cooking pit and the marked concentration of charcoal.Longhouse K30 differs from the later houses at Brødrene Gram and Kongehøj II in that these two three-aisled houses contain large quantities of chaff (spikelet forks) of wheat, possibly employed as floor covering, while no such material was observed in K30. However, it is unclear whether this is due to differences in the internal organisation of the buildings or to preservation conditions. Conversely, the use of possible function-related pits, like the one containing acorn remains in house K30, appears to have continued throughout the subsequent periods, as the Bronze Age house at Brødrene Gram also contains similar pits, the more precise function of which remains, however, unresolved. A high degree of continuity can thereby be traced, both in the crops grown and the internal organisation of the two- and three-aisled longhouses in southern Jutland. There was, however, some development towards the cultivation of a wider range of crops.In turn, this suggests that, in terms of arable agriculture and internal building organisation, there was no marked difference between the late two-aisled and early three-aisled houses – or, more correctly, between the large houses of Bronze Age periods I and II in southern Jutland. More secure conclusions with respect to continuity and change in the internal organisation of the buildings would, however, require a significantly larger number of similar analyses, encompassing several house types of different dimensions from a longer period of time and across a larger geographic area. Nevertheless, let us address the problem by including house sites in other regions, because this should enable us to gain an impression of the degree to which the picture outlined above for southern Jutland is representative of larger parts of southern Scandinavia.In several cases, both in the large two-aisled longhouses from Late Neolithic period II to Early Bronze Age period I and the large three-aisled longhouses from Early Bronze Age periods II-III, we see an internal division of the building into three main rooms. This tripartite division does, however, become clearer and more standardised with the advent of the three-aisled building tradition, which is a special characteristic of the longhouses of southern Jutland. Food stores were apparently often kept in the eastern parts of these houses. This is shown by the concentrations of charred grain found in these areas, and in some cases the larders must have been positioned immediately inside the eastern gable. Over time, traces of grain stores have been recorded from sunken areas in a number of house sites in Jutland. As a rule, these sunken floors constituted the eastern part of two-aisled houses of Myrhøj type, which were particularly common, especially in Jutland, during the Late Neolithic and the first period of the Bronze Age. One reason for lowering the house floor in this way was possibly a requirement for more space to store grain. It has been pointed out that a sunken floor gives greater head clearance in a room which, in turn, optimises the possibility of keeping the grain dry. In some cases, these sunken floors were almost totally covered by charred barley and wheat grains; surely the result of stored grain having fallen from an open loft during a house fire.In the Late Neolithic, arable agriculture apparently increased in importance as it became more intensive and diverse, with a wider range of crops now being cultivated. Agriculture in the Early Bronze Age was simply a continuation of the agricultural intensification evident in Late Neolithic arable agriculture. There was a possible difference in that fields were probably more commonly manured in the Early Bronze Age, though the first secure evidence for manuring dates from the Late Bronze Age. The plant macro-remains from the Early Bronze Age include significantly greater numbers of weeds, suggesting that individual arable fields had a longer period of use. Moreover, nutrient-demanding hulled barley came on to the scene as a cultivated crop. This has been demonstrated for example in the aforementioned longhouses at Brødrene Gram and Kongehøj II, both of which date from the Early Bronze Age period II. However, a large component of hulled barley has actually been demonstrated in remains from a Late Neolithic sunken house site at Hestehaven, near Skanderborg.Most Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age farms in what is now Denmark were located on nutrient-poor sandy soils, and this was also the case at Nørre Holsted. In itself, location on these soils suggests that soil-improvement measures were employed. Indirectly, it can also tell us something of the significance of livestock, if it is assumed that cattle supplied a major proportion of the material used to manure the arable fields. Domestic livestock is, however, virtually invisible in the Late Neolithic settlement record, compared with that from the three-aisled contexts of the Bronze Age. There are records from Jutland of about 15 longhouses with clearly evident stall dividers, but this total seems very modest relative to a total number of Bronze Age house sites of around 1000. It has long been maintained in settlement archaeology that the three-aisled building tradition was better suited to the installation of a byre. On the face of it, this seems plausible for animals tethered in stalls. But the byre situation is, however, unlikely to have been a direct cause of the change in roof-bearing construction, as highlighted by recently expressed doubts in this respect. Neither are there grounds to dismiss the possibility that byres were installed in two-aisled longhouses. There is an example from Hesel in Ostfriesland, northwest Germany, where a large two-aisled house, measuring 35 x 5-6 m, contained stall dividers in its eastern half. An example from Zealand can also be mentioned in this respect: At Stuvehøj Mark near Ballerup there was a two-aisled longhouse, measuring 47 x 6 m, with possible post-built stall dividers in its eastern half. It stood on a headland surrounded by wetland areas and, like longhouse K30 at Nørre Holsted, it had a marked fall from the west to east gable.Preserved stall dividers in Bronze Age houses are, therefore, still a rare phenomenon and phosphate analysis of soil has yet to produce convincing results in this respect. There must be another explanation for the change in building architecture. It is possible that the massive monumentalisation process of Early Bronze Age period II played a crucial role in this respect. As described in the introduction, the first three-aisled houses were built higher up in the terrain. A position on the highest points of the landscape is a recurring feature at many other localities with longhouses from Early Bronze Age periods II-III. This visualisation process involved consistent use of the timber-demanding plank-built walls and took place primarily in southern, central and western Jutland. Here, forests had to yield to the huge resource consumption involved in constructing three-aisled houses because it was here that the tradition of plank-built walls was strongest. This situation must be seen in conjunction with barrow building, where there was a corresponding and coeval culmination in the construction of large turf-built burial mounds. Was the three-aisled tradition introduced quite simply because it became possible to build both wider and higher? Period II has the largest longhouses found in Scandinavia to date and these could reach dimensions of 50 x 10 m. The buildings became much wider and the earth-set posts for the plank walls were in some cases founded just as deep as the roof-bearing post pairs, which could extend 50-70 cm down into the subsoil. This could, in turn, suggest that some longhouses had more than one storey. It should also be pointed out that the large-scale construction of longhouses and barrows came to a halt at the same time – in the course of period III, i.e. shortly before 1200 BC. It therefore seems likely that the three-aisled building tradition was introduced as an important step in the actual monumentalisation process rather than as a result of a need to adjust to new requirements for internal organisation. At the end of the Early Bronze Age and throughout the Late Bronze Age, the dimensions of three-aisled houses were reduced and the houses adopted a much less robust character. There was no longer a need for monumental construction. The significance and symbolism by the large buildings constructed in the Early Bronze Age period II and the first part of period III is though a longer and more complex story and it should not be studied in isolation from the barrow-building phenomenon of the time.Lars GrundvadMuseet på SønderskovMartin Egelund PoulsenMuseet på SønderskovMarianne Høyem Andreasen Moesgaard Museum

In Ireland today, we eat more pigmeat per capita, approximately 32.4 kilograms, than any other meat, yet you very seldom if ever see a pig (C.S.O.). Fat and flavour are two words that are synonymous with pig meat, yet scientists have spent the last thirty years cross breeding to produce leaner, low-fat pigs. Today’s pig professionals prefer to use the term “pig finishing” as opposed to the more traditional “pig fattening” (Tuite). The pig evokes many themes in relation to cuisine. Charles Lamb (1775-1834), in his essay Dissertation upon Roast Pig, cites Confucius in attributing the accidental discovery of the art of roasting to the humble pig. The pig has been singled out by many cultures as a food to be avoided or even abhorred, and Harris (1997) illustrates the environmental effect this avoidance can have by contrasting the landscape of Christian Albania with that of Muslim Albania.This paper will focus on the pig in Irish cuisine and culture from ancient times to the present day. The inspiration for this paper comes from a folklore tale about how Saint Martin created the pig from a piece of fat. The story is one of a number recorded by Seán Ó Conaill, the famous Kerry storyteller and goes as follows:From St Martin’s fat they were made. He was travelling around, and one night he came to a house and yard. At that time there were only cattle; there were no pigs or piglets. He asked the man of the house if there was anything to eat the chaff and the grain. The man replied there were only the cattle. St Martin said it was a great pity to have that much chaff going to waste. At night when they were going to bed, he handed a piece of fat to the servant-girl and told her to put it under a tub, and not to look at it at all until he would give her the word next day. The girl did so, but she kept a bit of the fat and put it under a keeler to find out what it would be.When St Martin rose next day he asked her to go and lift up the tub. She lifted it up, and there under it were a sow and twelve piglets. It was a great wonder to them, as they had never before seen pig or piglet.The girl then went to the keeler and lifted it, and it was full of mice and rats! As soon as the keeler was lifted, they went running about the house searching for any hole that they could go into. When St Martin saw them, he pulled off one of his mittens and threw it at them and made a cat with that throw. And that is why the cat ever since goes after mice and rats (Ó Conaill).The place of the pig has long been established in Irish literature, and longer still in Irish topography. The word torc, a boar, like the word muc, a pig, is a common element of placenames, from Kanturk (boar’s head) in West Cork to Ros Muc (headland of pigs) in West Galway. The Irish pig had its place in literature well established long before George Orwell’s English pig, Major, headed the dictatorship in Animal Farm. It was a wild boar that killed the hero Diarmaid in the Fenian tale The Pursuit of Diarmaid and Gráinne, on top of Ben Bulben in County Sligo (Mac Con Iomaire). In Ancient and Medieval Ireland, wild boars were hunted with great fervour, and the prime cuts were reserved for the warrior classes, and certain other individuals. At a feast, a leg of pork was traditionally reserved for a king, a haunch for a queen, and a boar’s head for a charioteer. The champion warrior was given the best portion of meat (Curath Mhir or Champions’ Share), and fights often took place to decide who should receive it. Gantz (1981) describes how in the ninth century tale The story of Mac Dathó’s Pig, Cet mac Matach, got supremacy over the men of Ireland: “Moreover he flaunted his valour on high above the valour of the host, and took a knife in his hand and sat down beside the pig. “Let someone be found now among the men of Ireland”, said he, “to endure battle with me, or leave the pig for me to divide!”It did not take long before the wild pigs were domesticated. Whereas cattle might be kept for milk and sheep for wool, the only reason for pig rearing was as a source of food. Until the late medieval period, the “domesticated” pigs were fattened on woodland mast, the fruit of the beech, oak, chestnut and whitethorn, giving their flesh a delicious flavour. So important was this resource that it is acknowledged by an entry in the Annals of Clonmacnoise for the year 1038: “There was such an abundance of ackornes this yeare that it fattened the pigges [runts] of pigges” (Sexton 45). In another mythological tale, two pig keepers, one called ‘friuch’ after the boars bristle (pig keeper to the king of Munster) and the other called ‘rucht’ after its grunt (pig keeper to the king of Connacht), were such good friends that the one from the north would bring his pigs south when there was a mast of oak and beech nuts in Munster. If the mast fell in Connacht, the pig-keeper from the south would travel northward. Competitive jealousy sparked by troublemakers led to the pig keepers casting spells on each other’s herds to the effect that no matter what mast they ate they would not grow fat. Both pig keepers were practised in the pagan arts and could form themselves into any shape, and having been dismissed by their kings for the leanness of their pig herds due to the spells, they eventually formed themselves into the two famous bulls that feature in the Irish Epic The Táin (Kinsella).In the witty and satirical twelfth century text, The Vision of Mac Conglinne (Aisling Mhic Conglinne), many references are made to the various types of pig meat. Bacon, hams, sausages and puddings are often mentioned, and the gate to the fortress in the visionary land of plenty is described thus: “there was a gate of tallow to it, whereon was a bolt of sausage” (Jackson).Although pigs were always popular in Ireland, the emergence of the potato resulted in an increase in both human and pig populations. The Irish were the first Europeans to seriously consider the potato as a staple food. By 1663 it was widely accepted in Ireland as an important food plant and by 1770 it was known as the Irish Potato (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher). The potato transformed Ireland from an under populated island of one million in the 1590s to 8.2 million in 1840, making it the most densely populated country in Europe. Two centuries of genetic evolution resulted in potato yields growing from two tons per acre in 1670 to ten tons per acre in 1800. A constant supply of potato, which was not seen as a commercial crop, ensured that even the smallest holding could keep a few pigs on a potato-rich diet. Pat Tuite, an expert on pigs with Teagasc, the Irish Agricultural and Food Development Authority, reminded me that the potatoes were cooked for the pigs and that they also enjoyed whey, the by product of both butter and cheese making (Tuite). The agronomist, Arthur Young, while travelling through Ireland, commented in 1770 that in the town of Mitchelstown in County Cork “there seemed to be more pigs than human beings”. So plentiful were pigs at this time that on the eve of the Great Famine in 1841 the pig population was calculated to be 1,412,813 (Sexton 46). Some of the pigs were kept for home consumption but the rest were a valuable source of income and were shown great respect as the gentleman who paid the rent. Until the early twentieth century most Irish rural households kept some pigs.Pork was popular and was the main meat eaten at all feasts in the main houses; indeed a feast was considered incomplete without a whole roasted pig. In the poorer holdings, fresh pork was highly prized, as it was only available when a pig of their own was killed. Most of the pig was salted, placed in the brine barrel for a period or placed up the chimney for smoking.Certain superstitions were observed concerning the time of killing. Pigs were traditionally killed only in months that contained the letter “r”, since the heat of the summer months caused the meat to turn foul. In some counties it was believed that pigs should be killed under the full moon (Mahon 58). The main breed of pig from the medieval period was the Razor Back or Greyhound Pig, which was very efficient in converting organic waste into meat (Fitzgerald). The killing of the pig was an important ritual and a social occasion in rural Ireland, for it meant full and plenty for all. Neighbours, who came to help, brought a handful of salt for the curing, and when the work was done each would get a share of the puddings and the fresh pork. There were a number of days where it was traditional to kill a pig, the Michaelmas feast (29 September), Saint Martins Day (11 November) and St Patrick’s Day (17 March). Olive Sharkey gives a vivid description of the killing of the barrow pig in rural Ireland during the 1930s. A barrow pig is a male pig castrated before puberty:The local slaughterer (búistéir) a man experienced in the rustic art of pig killing, was approached to do the job, though some farmers killed their own pigs. When the búistéirarrived the whole family gathered round to watch the killing. His first job was to plunge the knife in the pig’s heart via the throat, using a special knife. The screeching during this performance was something awful, but the animal died instantly once the heart had been reached, usually to a round of applause from the onlookers. The animal was then draped across a pig-gib, a sort of bench, and had the fine hairs on its body scraped off. To make this a simple job the animal was immersed in hot water a number of times until the bristles were softened and easy to remove. If a few bristles were accidentally missed the bacon was known as ‘hairy bacon’!During the killing of the pig it was imperative to draw a good flow of blood to ensure good quality meat. This blood was collected in a bucket for the making of puddings. The carcass would then be hung from a hook in the shed with a basin under its head to catch the drip, and a potato was often placed in the pig’s mouth to aid the dripping process. After a few days the carcass would be dissected. Sharkey recalls that her father maintained that each pound weight in the pig’s head corresponded to a stone weight in the body. The body was washed and then each piece that was to be preserved was carefully salted and placed neatly in a barrel and hermetically sealed. It was customary in parts of the midlands to add brown sugar to the barrel at this stage, while in other areas juniper berries were placed in the fire when hanging the hams and flitches (sides of bacon), wrapped in brown paper, in the chimney for smoking (Sharkey 166). While the killing was predominantly men’s work, it was the women who took most responsibility for the curing and smoking. Puddings have always been popular in Irish cuisine. The pig’s intestines were washed well and soaked in a stream, and a mixture of onions, lard, spices, oatmeal and flour were mixed with the blood and the mixture was stuffed into the casing and boiled for about an hour, cooled and the puddings were divided amongst the neighbours.The pig was so palatable that the famous gastronomic writer Grimod de la Reyniere once claimed that the only piece you couldn’t eat was the “oink”. Sharkey remembers her father remarking that had they been able to catch the squeak they would have made tin whistles out of it! No part went to waste; the blood and offal were used, the trotters were known as crubeens (from crúb, hoof), and were boiled and eaten with cabbage. In Galway the knee joint was popular and known as the glúiníns (from glún, knee). The head was roasted whole or often boiled and pressed and prepared as Brawn. The chitterlings (small intestines) were meticulously prepared by continuous washing in cool water and the picking out of undigested food and faeces. Chitterlings were once a popular bar food in Dublin. Pig hair was used for paintbrushes and the bladder was occasionally inflated, using a goose quill, to be used as a football by the children. Meindertsma (2007) provides a pictorial review of the vast array of products derived from a single pig. These range from ammunition and porcelain to chewing gum.From around the mid-eighteenth century, commercial salting of pork and bacon grew rapidly in Ireland. 1820 saw Henry Denny begin operation in Waterford where he both developed and patented several production techniques for bacon. Bacon curing became a very important industry in Munster culminating in the setting up of four large factories. Irish bacon was the brand leader and the Irish companies exported their expertise. Denny set up a plant in Denmark in 1894 and introduced the Irish techniques to the Danish industry, while O’Mara’s set up bacon curing facilities in Russia in 1891 (Cowan and Sexton). Ireland developed an extensive export trade in bacon to England, and hams were delivered to markets in Paris, India, North and South America. The “sandwich method” of curing, or “dry cure”, was used up until 1862 when the method of injecting strong brine into the meat by means of a pickling pump was adopted by Irish bacon-curers. 1887 saw the formation of the Bacon Curers’ Pig Improvement Association and they managed to introduce a new breed, the Large White Ulster into most regions by the turn of the century. This breed was suitable for the production of “Wiltshire” bacon. Cork, Waterford Dublin and Belfast were important centres for bacon but it was Limerick that dominated the industry and a Department of Agriculture document from 1902 suggests that the famous “Limerick cure” may have originated by chance:1880 […] Limerick producers were short of money […] they produced what was considered meat in a half-cured condition. The unintentional cure proved extremely popular and others followed suit. By the turn of the century the mild cure procedure was brought to such perfection that meat could [… be] sent to tropical climates for consumption within a reasonable time (Cowan and Sexton).Failure to modernise led to the decline of bacon production in Limerick in the 1960s and all four factories closed down. The Irish pig market was protected prior to joining the European Union. There were no imports, and exports were subsidised by the Pigs and Bacon Commission. The Department of Agriculture started pig testing in the early 1960s and imported breeds from the United Kingdom and Scandinavia. The two main breeds were Large White and Landrace. Most farms kept pigs before joining the EU but after 1972, farmers were encouraged to rationalise and specialise. Grants were made available for facilities that would keep 3,000 pigs and these grants kick started the development of large units.Pig keeping and production were not only rural occupations; Irish towns and cities also had their fair share. Pigs could easily be kept on swill from hotels, restaurants, not to mention the by-product and leftovers of the brewing and baking industries. Ed Hick, a fourth generation pork butcher from south County Dublin, recalls buying pigs from a local coal man and bus driver and other locals for whom it was a tradition to keep pigs on the side. They would keep some six or eight pigs at a time and feed them on swill collected locally. Legislation concerning the feeding of swill introduced in 1985 (S.I.153) and an amendment in 1987 (S.I.133) required all swill to be heat-treated and resulted in most small operators going out of business. Other EU directives led to the shutting down of thousands of slaughterhouses across Europe. Small producers like Hick who slaughtered at most 25 pigs a week in their family slaughterhouse, states that it was not any one rule but a series of them that forced them to close. It was not uncommon for three inspectors, a veterinarian, a meat inspector and a hygiene inspector, to supervise himself and his brother at work. Ed Hick describes the situation thus; “if we had taken them on in a game of football, we would have lost! We were seen as a huge waste of veterinary time and manpower”.Sausages and rashers have long been popular in Dublin and are the main ingredients in the city’s most famous dish “Dublin Coddle.” Coddle is similar to an Irish stew except that it uses pork rashers and sausage instead of lamb. It was, traditionally, a Saturday night dish when the men came home from the public houses. Terry Fagan has a book on Dublin Folklore called Monto: Murder, Madams and Black Coddle. The black coddle resulted from soot falling down the chimney into the cauldron. James Joyce describes Denny’s sausages with relish in Ulysses, and like many other Irish emigrants, he would welcome visitors from home only if they brought Irish sausages and Irish whiskey with them. Even today, every family has its favourite brand of sausages: Byrne’s, Olhausens, Granby’s, Hafner’s, Denny’s Gold Medal, Kearns and Superquinn are among the most popular. Ironically the same James Joyce, who put Dublin pork kidneys on the world table in Ulysses, was later to call his native Ireland “the old sow that eats her own farrow” (184-5).The last thirty years have seen a concerted effort to breed pigs that have less fat content and leaner meat. There are no pure breeds of Landrace or Large White in production today for they have been crossbred for litter size, fat content and leanness (Tuite). Many experts feel that they have become too lean, to the detriment of flavour and that the meat can tend to split when cooked. Pig production is now a complicated science and tighter margins have led to only large-scale operations being financially viable (Whittemore). The average size of herd has grown from 29 animals in 1973, to 846 animals in 1997, and the highest numbers are found in counties Cork and Cavan (Lafferty et al.). The main players in today’s pig production/processing are the large Irish Agribusiness Multinationals Glanbia, Kerry Foods and Dairygold. Tuite (2002) expressed worries among the industry that there may be no pig production in Ireland in twenty years time, with production moving to Eastern Europe where feed and labour are cheaper. When it comes to traceability, in the light of the Foot and Mouth, BSE and Dioxin scares, many feel that things were much better in the old days, when butchers like Ed Hick slaughtered animals that were reared locally and then sold them back to local consumers. Hick has recently killed pigs for friends who have begun keeping them for home consumption. This slaughtering remains legal as long as the meat is not offered for sale.Although bacon and cabbage, and the full Irish breakfast with rashers, sausages and puddings, are considered to be some of Ireland’s most well known traditional dishes, there has been a growth in modern interpretations of traditional pork and bacon dishes in the repertoires of the seemingly ever growing number of talented Irish chefs. Michael Clifford popularised Clonakilty Black Pudding as a starter in his Cork restaurant Clifford’s in the late 1980s, and its use has become widespread since, as a starter or main course often partnered with either caramelised apples or red onion marmalade. Crubeens (pigs trotters) have been modernised “a la Pierre Kaufman” by a number of Irish chefs, who bone them out and stuff them with sweetbreads. Kevin Thornton, the first Irish chef to be awarded two Michelin stars, has roasted suckling pig as one of his signature dishes. Richard Corrigan is keeping the Irish flag flying in London in his Michelin starred Soho restaurant, Lindsay House, where traditional pork and bacon dishes from his childhood are creatively re-interpreted with simplicity and taste.Pork, ham and bacon are, without doubt, the most traditional of all Irish foods, featuring in the diet since prehistoric times. Although these meats remain the most consumed per capita in post “Celtic Tiger” Ireland, there are a number of threats facing the country’s pig industry. Large-scale indoor production necessitates the use of antibiotics. European legislation and economic factors have contributed in the demise of the traditional art of pork butchery. Scientific advancements have resulted in leaner low-fat pigs, many argue, to the detriment of flavour. Alas, all is not lost. There is a growth in consumer demand for quality local food, and some producers like J. Hick & Sons, and Prue & David Rudd and Family are leading the way. The Rudds process and distribute branded antibiotic-free pig related products with the mission of “re-inventing the tastes of bygone days with the quality of modern day standards”. Few could argue with the late Irish writer John B. Keane (72): “When this kind of bacon is boiling with its old colleague, white cabbage, there is a gurgle from the pot that would tear the heart out of any hungry man”.ReferencesCowan, Cathal and Regina Sexton. Ireland's Traditional Foods: An Exploration of Irish Local & Typical Foods & Drinks. Dublin: Teagasc, 1997.C.S.O. Central Statistics Office. Figures on per capita meat consumption for 2009, 2010. Ireland. http://www.cso.ie.Fitzgerald, Oisin. "The Irish 'Greyhound' Pig: an extinct indigenous breed of Pig." History Ireland13.4 (2005): 20-23.Gantz, Jeffrey Early Irish Myths and Sagas. New York: Penguin, 1981.Harris, Marvin. "The Abominable Pig." Food and Culture: A Reader. Eds. Carole Counihan and Penny Van Esterik. New York: Routledge, 1997. 67-79.Hick, Edward. Personal Communication with master butcher Ed Hick. 15 Apr. 2002.Hick, Edward. Personal Communication concerning pig killing. 5 Sep. 2010.Jackson, K. H. Ed. Aislinge Meic Con Glinne, Dublin: Institute of Advanced Studies, 1990.Joyce, James. The Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, London: Granada, 1977.Keane, John B. Strong Tea. Cork: Mercier Press, 1963.Kinsella, Thomas. The Táin. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1970.Lafferty, S., Commins, P. and Walsh, J. A. Irish Agriculture in Transition: A Census Atlas of Agriculture in the Republic of Ireland. Dublin: Teagasc, 1999.Mac Con Iomaire, Liam. Ireland of the Proverb. Dublin: Town House, 1988.Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín and Pádraic Óg Gallagher. "The Potato in Irish Cuisine and Culture."Journal of Culinary Science and Technology 7.2-3 (2009): 1-16.Mahon, Bríd. Land of Milk and Honey: The Story of Traditional Irish Food and Drink. Cork:Mercier, 1998.Meindertsma, Christien. PIG 05049 2007. 10 Aug. 2010 http://www.christienmeindertsma.com.Ó Conaill, Seán. Seán Ó Conaill's Book. Bailie Átha Cliath: Bhéaloideas Éireann, 1981.Sexton, Regina. A Little History of Irish Food. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1998.Sharkey, Olive. Old Days Old Ways: An Illustrated Folk History of Ireland. Dublin: The O'Brien Press, 1985.S.I. 153, 1985 (Irish Legislation) http://www.irishstatutebook.ie/1985/en/si/0153.htmlS.I. 133, 1987 (Irish Legislation) http://www.irishstatuebook.ie/1987/en/si/0133.htmlTuite, Pat. Personal Communication with Pat Tuite, Chief Pig Advisor, Teagasc. 3 May 2002.Whittemore, Colin T. and Ilias Kyriazakis. Whitmore's Science and Practice of Pig Production 3rdEdition. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2006.